Explaining the Constitution of the Five Principles of the People
Part III: Article One — Foundational Declaration
作者：何清风 2025年7月12日
编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
引言：宪法的民治之魂
《五民宪法》以民治、民主、民权、民生、民族为核心，勾勒出一幅中国民主未来的蓝图。作为其理论提出者，何清风将“民治”确立为宪法的核心理念，在开篇的第一条中明确界定国家与公民的关系，提出如下原则：“先有人类后有国家，是公民建立国家，国家是公民的国家，是公民治理国家，而不是国家统治公民，公民没有爱国的义务；国家政权的建立，其基本原则是保护公民的生命权、自由权、财产权、反抗压迫权和选举与被选举权不受任何非法侵犯。当国家政权无法保证这一基本原则时，公民有权有义务推翻这个政权，建立一个真正保障这些权利的新政权。” 本文围绕这条内容展开解读，探讨其对中国民主未来的深远意义。
一、民治的核心：公民先于国家
“先有人类后有国家”的表述，打破了传统的国家至上观，确立了公民是国家的缔造者而非附属物这一基本立场。这种观点源于五民主义的民治思想，强调国家只是工具，公民才是目的。国家权力并不是天赋的，而是公民出于信任、以服务为前提所授予的。
文中明确提出“国家是公民治理的，而不是国家统治公民”，这句话厘清了权力的归属方向。在这种体制设计中，公民不是被动服从者，而是国家权力的源头。这一点也直接击穿了威权体制的逻辑。
更具突破性的是“公民没有爱国的义务”这一提法。它挑战了民族主义中将国家强行神圣化的逻辑，指出爱国应当是自愿的情感选择，而非被制度强加的责任。如果国家不能保障公民的基本利益，它就无权要求公民忠诚。这种理念不仅赋予公民精神自由，也为反抗不义体制提供了道义基础。
二、国家政权的原则：保障五项基本权利
第一条进一步规定，国家政权的建立以保障五项基本公民权利为根本，这些权利分别是：
生命权：国家必须保障每位公民免于暴力侵害，是最基本的人权；
自由权：包括言论、信仰、迁徙、结社等，是思想与行动自由的体现；
财产权：保障个人合法财产不被随意侵犯，支撑个体尊严与社会激励；
反抗压迫权：使公民在面对暴政时拥有正当反抗的法理依据；
选举与被选举权：确保公民可以通过民主方式参与权力运行，是民治与民主的交汇点。
这些权利涵盖了生存、自由、财产、安全与参与五大领域，是国家存在的正当性基础。如果一个政权无法保障这些权利，它的合法性就自然失效。因此，这一条款不仅仅是设定国家责任，更是对国家权力的限制框架。
三、公民的权利与义务：推翻与重建
第一条最具冲击力之处在于赋予公民推翻政权的权利与义务，它指出：当国家政权无法保障基本权利时，公民不仅有权推翻它，还有义务建立一个新的、以保障上述五项权利为核心的新政权。
这一条款将“革命权”转化为一种合法的宪法内置机制，既回应了历史上暴政频出的现实，也为未来建立具有自我纠错能力的制度提供了基础。这不是在鼓励动乱，而是在制度设计中预设人民对抗压迫的“最后保障”。
这种制度安排使得国家不再是不可置疑的权威，而是一种必须接受公民评价、甚至被取代的服务组织。也正是在这一点上，《五民宪法》与现行集权宪法彻底划清了界限。
四、对中国民主未来的启示
《五民宪法》的第一条，不仅正面对抗了集权思想，也对西方式代议制民主的局限作出回应。西方民主长期依赖代表制度，但这种模式往往导致公民疏离、参与度低。而第一条则强调公民是政治命运的直接参与者，是制度合法性的来源。这为中国提供了一条不同于西方、也突破传统的“第三条道路”。
同时，面对人工智能、算法监控、大数据操控等新形式的政治压迫，这一条通过保障“反抗压迫权”与“选举权”，给出了一种底线防护框架。这种设计让制度在面对未来变局时仍具抵抗力。
尤其是“没有爱国义务”的提法，打破了国家与民族捆绑的僵化思维，使民主制度不再依赖煽情的民族主义动员，而是建立在自由、权利与尊严的基础上，为走向全球文明体系留下开放空间。
结语：民治的星辰大海
《五民宪法》第一条，是对“民治”理念的系统表达。从“先有人类后有国家”的宣言开始，奠定了以人为本的制度逻辑；从五项基本权利的确认，到革命权的赋予，它不仅描绘了一个理想国家的样子，更构建了一套人民自我保护、自我更新的制度机制。
这不仅是一部宪法的起点，也是一条真正通往自由、公正、繁荣中国未来的路标。它是制度的灯塔，也是精神的星辰大海。
——“五民主义”奠基人、《五民宪法》撰写人何清风
Explaining the Constitution of the Five Principles of the People
Part III: Article One — Foundational Declaration
By He Qingfeng | July 12, 2025
Editor: Feng Reng | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translated by Huiwen Lu
Introduction: The Soul of Constitutional Democracy
The Constitution of the Five Principles of the People—centered on popular governance, democracy, civil rights, people’s livelihood, and national identity—lays out a blueprint for the democratic future of China. As the theorist who proposed this framework, He Qingfeng places “popular governance” at the heart of the constitution. In Article One, he explicitly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens, declaring the following principle:
“Humanity precedes the state. It is the citizens who create the state. The state belongs to the citizens and is governed by them; it does not rule over them. Citizens have no obligation to ‘love the country.’
The founding principle of state power is the protection of five basic rights: the right to life, freedom, property, resistance against oppression, and the right to vote and be elected—none of which may be violated.
When the state fails to uphold these principles, citizens have the right and the duty to overthrow it and establish a new regime that guarantees these rights.”
This article offers an in-depth interpretation of this provision and explores its profound implications for China’s democratic future.
I. The Core of Popular Governance: Citizens Before the State
The statement “Humanity precedes the state” fundamentally challenges the traditional notion of state supremacy. It asserts that citizens are the creators of the state—not its appendages. This perspective, rooted in the idea of popular governance within the Five Principles, emphasizes that the state is merely a tool, and that the people are its ultimate end. State power is not divine or inherent; it is a delegation of trust, contingent upon service.
The phrase “the state is governed by the people, not the ruler of the people” clearly identifies the direction of political power. In such a system, citizens are not passive subjects but the source of all authority—striking at the heart of authoritarian logic.
Particularly revolutionary is the claim that “citizens have no obligation to love the country.” This challenges the sacred status of the state in nationalist narratives. Patriotism, the article argues, must be a voluntary expression of emotion—not a mandated duty. A state that cannot protect its citizens’ basic interests forfeits its moral right to demand loyalty. This principle enshrines spiritual freedom and provides a moral foundation for resisting tyranny.
II. The Principles of State Power: Safeguarding Five Fundamental Rights
Article One further states that the legitimacy of state power rests upon the protection of five fundamental civil rights:
• Right to Life: The state must protect every citizen from violence—this is the most basic of human rights.
• Right to Freedom: Including freedom of speech, religion, movement, and association—these embody both intellectual and physical liberty.
• Right to Property: Safeguarding individuals’ lawful possessions from arbitrary infringement ensures dignity and economic incentive.
• Right to Resist Oppression: Grants citizens legal and moral grounds to resist tyranny.
• Right to Vote and to Be Elected: Enables democratic participation and connects popular sovereignty with institutional power.
These rights span survival, liberty, property, safety, and political participation. They form the foundation of any state’s legitimacy. A regime that fails to uphold them inherently loses its validity. Thus, this provision is not only a list of state responsibilities—it is also a framework for limiting state power.
III. Citizens’ Rights and Duties: Overthrow and Rebuild
Perhaps the most striking aspect of Article One is that it grants citizens not only the right—but also the duty—to overthrow any regime that fails to protect these rights.
It further stipulates that citizens must establish a new regime centered on guaranteeing those five fundamental rights.
This clause transforms the “right of revolution” into a legitimate, constitutional safeguard. It responds to China’s historical experiences of authoritarianism, while embedding a self-correcting mechanism within the future system. It does not promote chaos, but instead provides a constitutional “last resort” for confronting oppression.
Such a design strips the state of any claim to unquestionable authority. It becomes a service entity accountable to the people—and, if necessary, replaceable by them. In this way, the Constitution of the Five Principles draws a clear line between itself and any authoritarian charter.
IV. Implications for China’s Democratic Future
Article One not only directly opposes authoritarianism but also addresses the limitations of Western representative democracies. Western systems often rely heavily on electoral representation, which can lead to civic detachment and low engagement. Article One, however, asserts that citizens are active agents in shaping their political destiny and the true source of legitimacy. This vision provides China with a “third path”—distinct from both autocracy and the Western model.
Moreover, in the face of new forms of digital authoritarianism—such as AI surveillance, algorithmic manipulation, and big data control—Article One offers a constitutional baseline: the right to resist oppression and the right to vote. These form a resilient framework for confronting political shifts in the digital age.
The clause denying an “obligation to love the country” is especially powerful. It severs the rigid bond between state and ethnicity, moving beyond emotional nationalism. In doing so, it grounds democracy not in ethnic sentiment, but in liberty, rights, and dignity—leaving the door open to integration within the global democratic family.
Conclusion: The Ocean of Popular Governance
Article One of the Constitution of the Five Principles offers a systematic expression of the principle of “popular governance.” From the declaration that “humanity precedes the state,” it establishes a people-centered logic. From the affirmation of five fundamental rights to the inclusion of revolutionary safeguards, it sketches not only the blueprint of an ideal state, but also a self-protecting, self-renewing constitutional system.
It is not merely the opening of a constitution—it is a compass guiding China toward a future of liberty, justice, and prosperity. It is both a beacon of institutions and a constellation of ideals, shining across the vast ocean of popular governance.
— He Qingfeng, Founder of the Five Principles and Author of the Constitution of the Five Principles of the People
