Supplementary Account on the Founding of the Hunan Branch of the China Democracy Party
謝長發 Feb.27.2025于长沙
编辑：袁崛 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
在1998年7月，我们便正式成立了中国民主党湖南省党部。8月份，我们又去了省民政厅，递交了成立“中国民主党湖南省筹备委员会”的申请，这是依照《宪法》第35条“……结社自由”之精神，这在法律上永远是站得住脚的。
后来，杭州编写出《中国民主党章程》。北京徐文立见杭州抢了先，就自行设立了 “中国民主党京津党部”，北京的查建国同意了，天津的吕洪来没表态，不承担责任。由于徐文立宣布京津党部成立，其名单有吕洪来，法院以此判处他10年徒刑。后见全国响应的不多，就拟出一个全国主席轮值三个月的主意。
徐文立知道佟适冬是北京人，又是湖南大学讲师，便联系上佟，佟没让我知道，就接应了湖南党部这个标的。其实，湖南党部是我为首一手创建起来的。后国安局知道了，就将佟抓捕，判刑10年。据邹佩夫说，美国国会拨了243万元(美元还是人民币不清楚)支持，这还需从侧面佐证。邹还说，查建国于1998年到过长沙，我问查，他说记不得了。
1999年左右，我所在的工厂倒闭，我以我在中南大学所学轧钢专业，到全国各地推销自己组装的轧钢合金产品。这就给自己制造了串联访友的机会。
除了上次所说我去过的地方，所见之人外，我还见过河南安阳的刘二安，福建的林信舒，还有一个现在记不起了，此人曾热情地带我去了翻译《天演论》的作者严复后人的家里，女主人热情的招待了我们。我在她家的留言簿上写下了“湘人谢长发”。
我见过贵州的黄燕明和孙光全；陕西的傅升、马育忠以及其他的人；上海的韩立法，几次出差上海，都在他家搭地铺，为的是防止住旅店要登记身份证被暴露；上海普陀区五兄弟中的一位，他曾开车送我去李国涛家；山东济南的车宏年，他陪我去青岛见了几位朋友，他们各带酒菜合伙招待了我俩，一对四川在彼做书生意的夫妇也热情地接待了我们；
有一年，我请四川成都的黄晓敏到长沙玩，他不知道保密的重要性，在网上发布消息。国安知道后，立即控制了我，我没能见上他和另一位朋友(陈忠和委派来的)。同时，我们长沙另外的朋友接待了杭州来的朋友刘征林(音译)等；我曾与许万平多次相见；也多次与北京的李海相见；还见过在河北生活的湖南一位大学生李文明，他在深圳看了我于1996年写的《评台海危机》一文，我和一位胡姓老师曾去过他家，他送我一套法国人写的《美国的民主》；还有安徽的王庭全，我们曾相见；直到后来，我邀约甘肃天水的王凤山和岳天祥(刚坐牢10年出来不久)来长沙，他们于2008年6月8日到长沙玩了几天，还见了另外一些人，他们的来去路费都是我出的。不料，王、岳二人几天后去杭州，被国安盯上被捕，就将我和他们谈话的一些重要内容泄露给国安，特别是如何分几次组织，再在国内召开“中国民主党一大”的事情。这次泄露事件，王凤山是最大的嫌疑。
自己反思，从事民主活动数十年从未失手过。值得检讨的就是，最重要的机密，在未经严格考验之前，谈话人数不得超过两人以上。当然，话说回来，耶稣十二门徒还有一个背叛的呢。由于王、岳二人泄密，导致我于2008年6月26日被捕，获刑13年。
我们从事民主活动，自觉勇敢的行动，必能唤醒我们的同胞。我们读书的目的是为了明白天下之道理，所争者为天下之公理。我奔波26省市花费不菲，今家无余财，也从未向人炫耀和诉苦过，总觉得这是应该的，中国需要几百、几千、几万真正的“傻子”，方能从根本上改变中国人之命运。
Supplementary Account on the Founding of the Hunan Branch of the China Democracy Party
By Xie Changfa February 27, 2025, in Changsha
Edited by: Yuan Jue Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen
In July 1998, we officially established the Hunan Provincial Branch of the China Democracy Party (CDP). In August, we submitted an application to the Hunan Provincial Civil Affairs Department to establish the “Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party Hunan Branch,” invoking Article 35 of the Constitution—“freedom of association.” Legally, this position remains justified and valid.
Later, the Hangzhou group drafted the Charter of the China Democracy Party. Upon seeing that Hangzhou had taken the initiative, Xu Wenli in Beijing unilaterally established the “Beijing-Tianjin Branch of the China Democracy Party.” Beijing’s Cha Jianguo agreed to this, but Lü Honglai in Tianjin did not respond, refusing to take responsibility. Despite that, Lü’s name was listed on the founding roster announced by Xu Wenli, which later led to Lü being sentenced to 10 years in prison.
When there was insufficient national response, Xu Wenli proposed a rotating national chairmanship every three months. Knowing that Tong Shidong was from Beijing and a lecturer at Hunan University, Xu contacted Tong, who supported the establishment of the Hunan branch without informing me. In fact, I was the one who had founded the Hunan branch from the beginning. Once the National Security Bureau discovered this, Tong was arrested and sentenced to 10 years.
According to Zou Peifu, the U.S. Congress allocated 2.43 million (currency unclear—dollars or RMB) in support. This claim still requires independent verification. Zou also said that Cha Jianguo visited Changsha in 1998. When I asked Cha, he said he could not recall.
Around 1999, the factory where I worked closed down. Leveraging my steel rolling expertise from Central South University, I traveled around the country marketing self-assembled alloy steel products. This gave me opportunities to visit and connect with fellow activists.
Besides the places and people I previously mentioned, I also met Liu Er’an in Anyang, Henan; Lin Xinshu in Fujian; and another person whose name I can’t recall, but who enthusiastically took me to visit the home of a descendant of Yan Fu, the translator of Evolution and Ethics. The hostess received us warmly, and I signed her guestbook with “Xiangren (Hunan native) Xie Changfa.”
I met Huang Yanming and Sun Guangquan in Guizhou; Fu Sheng, Ma Yuzhong, and others in Shaanxi; and Han Lifa in Shanghai. Whenever I traveled to Shanghai, I stayed on the floor of Han’s home instead of checking into hotels, to avoid ID registration that could expose me. I also met one of the “Five Brothers of Putuo District” in Shanghai, who once drove me to Li Guotao’s home.
In Jinan, Shandong, Che Hongnian accompanied me to Qingdao, where several friends welcomed us with food and drinks. A couple from Sichuan doing book sales there also received us warmly.
One year, I invited Huang Xiaomin from Chengdu, Sichuan to visit Changsha. Unaware of the importance of discretion, he posted the news online. The Ministry of State Security quickly intervened and placed me under surveillance, so I couldn’t meet him or another friend (sent by Chen Zhonghe). Meanwhile, friends in Changsha hosted Liu Zhenglin (phonetic), who had come from Hangzhou.
I met Xu Wanping several times, as well as Li Hai from Beijing. I also visited a Hunan college student named Li Wenming living in Hebei. He had read my 1996 article “Reflections on the Taiwan Strait Crisis” while in Shenzhen. A teacher surnamed Hu and I visited his home, and he gifted me a set of books titled Democracy in America written by a French author.
I also met Wang Tingquan in Anhui. Later, I invited Wang Fengshan and Yue Tianxiang from Tianshui, Gansu to Changsha. They had just recently been released after serving 10 years in prison. They visited on June 8, 2008, stayed several days, and met with others. I paid for all their travel expenses. Unexpectedly, Wang and Yue were later arrested in Hangzhou. During interrogation, they revealed details from our conversations—particularly our plans to hold a “First National Congress of the China Democracy Party” in phases across the country. This leak made Wang Fengshan the primary suspect in compromising the plan.
In retrospect, I had worked in the democracy movement for decades without a major failure. This was a painful lesson. The key takeaway is that before thoroughly vetting someone, confidential discussions should never involve more than two people. Then again, even among Jesus’ twelve disciples, there was a betrayer.
Because of the leak by Wang and Yue, I was arrested on June 26, 2008 and sentenced to 13 years in prison.
We engage in democratic activism with a sense of duty and courage, hoping to awaken our fellow citizens. The purpose of learning is to understand the principles that govern the world, and what we strive for is justice for all.
I traveled through 26 provinces and cities, spending a great deal without regret. Though I now have no wealth, I never boasted or complained—I always felt it was the right thing to do. China needs hundreds, thousands, even tens of thousands of true “fools” to fundamentally change the fate of the Chinese people.
