August 1st Reflections on Army Day: Why I No Longer Believe in This Military
攥稿人：赵雪峰 编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：鲁慧文
关键词：建军节，八一，老兵，暴力机器，军营，习近平，极权
8月1日，面对这个被中共标榜为 “建军节” 的日子，我心情沉重、愤怒难平、深感耻辱。作为一名曾经在中共军队服役的老兵，我曾真心相信 “人民军队” 的荣耀，曾为穿上军装感到无比自豪。但今天，我必须站出来说真话：这支军队早已背叛 “人民”的立场，彻底沦为中共的党卫军、独裁政权的打手，成为维护暴政、压迫人民的暴力机器。
我亲身经历过军中的种种腐败与黑暗。在军营里，晋升靠关系、靠金钱，“跑官要官”屡见不鲜；口头上说“听党指挥、能打胜仗”，实际却是拍马屁、搞人脉。一位位将军、上将在台上高喊“忠诚、干净、担当”，转身却在后台大肆敛财，贪腐成风。所谓的“军队整顿”“反腐打虎”，不过是习近平清洗异己、强化个人独裁的权谋操作，而非真正的制度改革。
图为攥稿人：赵雪峰
更令人无法接受的是，这支军队的枪口，早已不再对准外敌，而是一次次对准中国人民。从1989年天安门广场血腥镇压学生，到近年来对新疆维吾尔族的种族清洗与严密监控，从香港“反送中”运动中对港人的武力威胁，到在全国各地日常执行“维稳”任务，这支军队已经彻底异化。所谓的“人民解放军”，实际上是“镇压人民的军队”，是保卫一党专政、维护极权统治的暴力支柱。
在习近平的极权统治下，军队全面“姓党”、“姓习”，已不再是国家的军队、人民的军队，而是一个人、一党私有的工具。军人的忠诚不再是对国家、对宪法，而是对“最高统帅”的个人效忠。在“习核心”体制下，个人崇拜、军队奴化日益严重，整个军队沦为习政权的“家丁武装”。
军队国家化，是现代文明国家的基本原则与底线。然而在中国，中共始终拒绝军队国家化，正是因为它深知，只有牢牢掌握军权，才能维系其政权的安全。因此，“党指挥枪”成为它的核心执政逻辑。但这也注定，这支军队永远无法代表全民利益，而只能代表少数掌权者的私利。
今天，我以一名曾在这支军队服役的退伍军人身份发出呼吁：军队必须回归国家，必须属于人民，而非党派与独裁者。军人的责任是捍卫人民的安全、维护国家的主权，而不是镇压异议、胁迫民众。只有实现军队国家化，中国才有可能走向真正的法治与民主。
八一建军节，本应是向保家卫国军人致敬的日子。然而如今，它不过是一场掩盖暴力与专制的政治秀。我无法再沉默，无法再为这支已经异化的军队献上祝福。
我曾是这支军队的一员，也因此更有责任揭露它的堕落与腐败。我希望更多军人能觉醒，更多人民能看清真相。唯有如此，中国才有希望摆脱军权崇拜结束一党专政，迎来一个自由、公正的未来。
August 1st Reflections on Army Day: Why I No Longer Believe in This Military
By Zhao Xuefeng | Edited by Feng Reng | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen | Translated by: Lu Huiwen
Keywords: Army Day, August 1st, Veterans, Violent Machinery, Military, Xi Jinping, Totalitarianism
August 1st—the day the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) celebrates as “Army Day”—leaves me feeling heavy-hearted, filled with anger, and overwhelmed by a deep sense of shame. As a veteran who once served in the CCP’s military, I once genuinely believed in the honor of the “People’s Army.” I was proud to wear the uniform. But today, I must speak the truth: this military has long since betrayed the people. It has completely degenerated into the CCP’s Party Guard, the enforcer of a dictatorship, and a brutal instrument of violence used to maintain tyranny and suppress the people.
I have personally witnessed the corruption and darkness within the military ranks. Promotions rely on connections and bribes. The practice of “buying ranks” is widespread. Though official slogans boast about “following the Party’s command” and “winning battles,” the reality is dominated by flattery and cronyism. Generals and top commanders shout about “loyalty, integrity, and responsibility” on stage, yet behind the scenes, they engage in rampant embezzlement and corruption. The so-called “military reforms” and “anti-corruption campaigns” under Xi Jinping are nothing more than political purges used to eliminate dissent and consolidate his personal dictatorship—not genuine systemic reforms.
Photo: Author Zhao Xuefeng
Even more intolerable is that this military’s guns are no longer aimed at external enemies, but repeatedly turned against the Chinese people. From the bloody crackdown on students in Tiananmen Square in 1989, to the ethnic cleansing and surveillance of Uyghurs in Xinjiang in recent years, from the military threats used to suppress Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement, to the daily “stability maintenance” operations carried out across the country—this army has been completely perverted. The so-called “People’s Liberation Army” has in fact become an army for suppressing the people, a violent pillar defending one-party rule and totalitarian control.
Under Xi Jinping’s autocratic rule, the military has been entirely reduced to serving the “Party” and “Xi.” It is no longer the army of the state, nor the people, but the private tool of a man and a party. Soldiers are no longer loyal to the nation or its constitution—but to the “Supreme Commander.” Under the “Core Xi” system, personality cult and militarized subjugation have become rampant. The entire military has been transformed into a personal bodyguard force for Xi’s regime.
Nationalization of the military is a fundamental principle and baseline of any modern civilized country. But in China, the CCP has always rejected the idea of a national army, because it knows all too well: only by tightly gripping military power can it ensure the survival of its regime. That’s why “the Party commands the gun” remains its core governing logic. But this also means the military can never represent the interests of the entire population—only the selfish interests of a handful of power holders.
Today, as a retired soldier who once served in this military, I issue a heartfelt call: the military must return to the state. It must belong to the people—not to a political party or a dictator. The soldier’s duty is to safeguard the people’s security and protect the sovereignty of the nation—not to suppress dissent or threaten the public. Only when the military is nationalized can China truly move toward the rule of law and democracy.
Army Day, August 1st, should be a day to honor those who defend the nation. But now, it is merely a political performance that conceals violence and authoritarianism. I can no longer stay silent. I can no longer offer blessings to a military that has lost its way.
I was once part of this army—and that makes me even more responsible for exposing its corruption and moral decay. I hope more soldiers will wake up. I hope more people will see the truth. Only then can China escape its obsession with military power, end one-party dictatorship, and move toward a future of freedom and justice.
