博客

极权专制“劣币驱逐良币”的制度逻辑

0

作者:华言(大陆)

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

“劣币驱逐良币”源于格雷欣法则,原指在货币流通中,劣质货币因其低成本和高流通性,趋于取代优质货币。在社会政治领域,此法则可引申为:低价值、低成本的行为主体(“劣币”)因制度激励而占据优势,排挤高价值、高成本的行为主体(“良币”)。此处,“良币”指具有独立思考、创新能力或道德原则的个体,“劣币”则指顺从、投机或平庸者。

列宁党极权专制制度以高度集中的权力结构、单一意识形态的强制性控制和对异见的系统性压制为特征。其制度逻辑必然导致“劣币驱逐良币”。

机制1:单一意识形态压制多元思想,排挤独立与创新主体。极权制度以单一意识形态为核心,视任何偏离为威胁。为维护意识形态的绝对权威,制度通过审查、惩罚等手段压制异见,导致独立思考者、创新者即良币面临高成本(如迫害、流放),而顺从者即劣币因迎合官方路线获得低成本收益。因此,制度激励低价值的顺从行为,排斥高价值的批判性思维。

机制2:以忠诚而非能力为选拔标准,平庸者占据权力核心。极权制度的权力集中性决定要建设最小获胜同盟,这就决定了选拔机制优先考虑对领导或体制的忠诚,而非客观能力或贡献。忠诚者因低风险和高回报(政治晋升、资源分配)占据优势,而有能力但持异见者因高成本(被边缘化或清洗)被排除。此机制导致“劣币”(忠诚但平庸者)取代“良币”(有能力但独立者)。

机制3:恐惧文化抑制真实表达与道德行为,助长投机与虚伪。极权制度通过监控、告密与惩罚机制制造普遍恐惧,迫使个体为自保选择低成本行为,如沉默或附和,而非高成本的真实表达或道德坚持。告密与投机者因适应恐惧环境而获利,而正直与勇气者因高风险被边缘化。此文化进一步强化“劣币”的生存优势。

机制4:资源向忠诚者而非贡献者倾斜,阻碍社会效率与创新。极权制度的资源分配由中央控制,优先流向忠诚的个体或机构,通过恩庇制度团结盟友,而非基于效率或贡献。高效、创新的主体因缺乏资源支持而受限,而低效但忠诚的主体得以存续。此扭曲导致资源浪费与社会停滞,强化“劣币”对“良币”的驱逐。

“劣币驱逐良币”的后果具有深远的社会与政治意涵:

一是社会活力丧失。创新与批判性思维被压制,导致经济停滞与技术落后。

二是道德秩序崩塌。恐惧与告密文化破坏社会信任,助长虚伪与投机。

三是制度危机。长期的“劣币”主导导致决策失误与资源浪费,最终威胁政权稳定。

列宁党极权专制制度通过单一意识形态、忠诚优先、恐惧文化与资源错配,系统性地激励“劣币”行为,排挤“良币”主体。其逻辑的严密性与历史的普遍性表明,“劣币驱逐良币”是该制度的必然结果。

The Systemic Logic of “Bad Money Drives Out Good” in Totalitarian Rule

Author: Huayan (Mainland China)
Editor: Zhou Zhigang Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:
This article examines the inevitability of the phenomenon “bad money drives out good” within the Leninist totalitarian system. Drawing on the analogy of Gresham’s Law, it argues that under conditions of highly centralized power, single-ideology control, and loyalty-first selection mechanisms, the compliant and opportunistic often prevail because of their low risk and institutional protection, whereas independent thinkers, innovators, and those upholding moral principles are marginalized due to their higher costs.

The idea that “bad money drives out good” originates from Gresham’s Law, which originally referred to monetary circulation: inferior currency, due to its lower cost and greater ease of circulation, tends to drive superior currency out of use. In the realm of socio-political life, this principle can be extended to mean that low-value, low-cost actors (“bad money”) gain advantage through institutional incentives, thereby displacing high-value, high-cost actors (“good money”). Here, “good money” refers to individuals with independent thought, innovative capacity, or moral integrity, while “bad money” refers to those who are submissive, opportunistic, or mediocre.

The Leninist totalitarian system is characterized by a highly centralized power structure, the coercive imposition of a single ideology, and systematic repression of dissent. Its institutional logic inevitably results in “bad money driving out good.”

Mechanism 1: Single ideology suppresses plural thought, marginalizing the independent and innovative.
A totalitarian system elevates one ideology as its core, treating any deviation as a threat. To maintain the absolute authority of ideology, the regime uses censorship, punishment, and repression against dissent. As a result, independent thinkers and innovators—the “good money”—bear extremely high costs (persecution, exile), while the submissive—the “bad money”—reap low-cost benefits by aligning with the official line. Thus, institutional incentives favor low-value conformity while excluding high-value critical thought.

Mechanism 2: Loyalty, not ability, as the selection criterion—mediocrity occupies the core of power.
The concentration of power in totalitarian systems necessitates building a minimal winning coalition, which leads to loyalty being prioritized over objective ability or contribution in cadre selection. Loyalists enjoy low risks and high rewards (political promotion, resource allocation), while capable individuals who voice dissent face high costs (marginalization or purge). This mechanism ensures that “bad money” (loyal but mediocre actors) replace “good money” (capable yet independent actors).

Mechanism 3: A culture of fear suppresses genuine expression and moral behavior, fostering opportunism and hypocrisy.
Through surveillance, denunciation, and punitive measures, the regime creates pervasive fear. To protect themselves, individuals adopt low-cost behaviors—silence or conformity—rather than the high-cost path of truthfulness or moral steadfastness. Informants and opportunists thrive under such an environment, while integrity and courage are punished. This culture further consolidates the survival advantage of “bad money.”

Mechanism 4: Resources flow to loyalists rather than contributors, obstructing efficiency and innovation.
Resource distribution in totalitarian regimes is centrally controlled, flowing preferentially to loyal individuals or institutions. Through patronage, allies are bound together, regardless of efficiency or actual contribution. Consequently, efficient and innovative actors are starved of support, while inefficient yet loyal actors endure. This distortion leads to resource waste, societal stagnation, and further strengthens the displacement of “good money” by “bad.”

Consequences:
The dominance of “bad money” has profound socio-political implications.

1. Loss of social vitality: Suppression of innovation and critical thinking results in economic stagnation and technological backwardness.

2. Collapse of moral order: Fear and denunciation corrode social trust, fostering hypocrisy and opportunism.

3. Systemic crisis: The long-term dominance of “bad money” produces decision-making errors and resource misallocation, ultimately undermining regime stability.

The Leninist totalitarian system, through its mechanisms of single ideology, loyalty-first selection, fear culture, and distorted resource allocation, systematically incentivizes “bad money” behavior and marginalizes “good money” actors. The rigor of this logic, combined with its historical universality, demonstrates that “bad money drives out good” is the inevitable outcome of such a system.

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

0
缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

——纪念反法西斯战争胜利80周年

作者:关永杰 摄影:薛明珠

编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

2025年8月15日,中国民主教育基金会与中国民主党旧金山党部在旧金山湾区中国文化公园蒋中正塑像前联合举办纪念反法西斯战争胜利80周年集会。活动旨在戳穿中共抗战历史谎言,缅怀先烈,警示世人提防法西斯回潮。

集会伊始,参与民众向蒋公塑像鞠躬致敬。

中国民主教育基金会会长封从德博士发表演讲指出,中共长期歪曲抗战史,宣称国民党“消极抗战”,是中共的统战叙事。事实上,国民政府在力量极度悬殊下用空间换时间,苦撑待变,直到后来美国的参战。蒋公推动下制定的《中华民国宪法》(南京宪法),这是中共倒台后最稳妥的宪政方案,有助于快速稳定全国,防止中共残余势力的死灰复燃,避免地方分裂和战乱,局势稳定后,还可在宪政框架下进行公投,选择独立或高度自治。

中国民主党旧金山党部主席方政强调,中华民族在抗战中付出了巨大牺牲,国军和民众以惨烈的牺牲为代价阻止了世界的法西斯化,而中共既无正面战场,甚至勾结日军,却事后篡改历史。1945年8月15日日本投降是中华民族真正站起来的一天,而1949年中共建政,则意味着中国人民重新跪下的开始。

其他与会者也积极发言,罗艳丽说:八十年前人类以牺牲换来自由,但极权幽灵未远去。今天纪念抗战,是为了延续抵抗暴政的精神,将追求自由的精神传递给后代。中国民主党人胡丕政说:中共就是当代新法西斯,利用虚假叙事和民族主义洗脑国人,将人民当炮灰,威胁世界自由与人权,全世界爱好和平、自由的人们和国家都要警惕。鉴于中共将于9月3日举行抗战胜利大阅兵,中国民主党人刘静涛认为:中共所谓“抗战胜利大阅兵”,是借机为其执政合法性继续编造谎言,我们要揭穿谎言,铭记先烈的牺牲,传承真实的历史记忆。袁强发言:抗战胜利属于中华民族,而非任何政党,中共通过阅兵和民族主义为一党专政涂抹合法性,巩固统治。而关永杰的看法是:中共一贯以谎言治国,并未正面抗战的中共举行大阅兵在国际社会是笑话,但在国内目前经济下行、社会矛盾激化的形势下,借助民族主义与宏大叙事来转移注意力、凝聚人心,对被长期洗脑的民众是依旧有效的。

值此反法西斯战争胜利八十周年之际,我们相聚于此,是要以行动缅怀真正为民族独立与自由献身的先烈。我们要坚守真实的历史记忆,揭穿谎言与篡改,拒绝任何混淆视听的政治操弄。唯有如此,才能让先烈的牺牲真正得到尊重,也才能让民族的未来建立在真相与正义之上。

Remember the martyrs and expose the lies of the Communist Party of China

——Commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Anti-Fascist War

Author: Guan Yongjie Photography: Xue Mingzhu

Editor: Hu Lili Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Ming Cheng

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

On August 15, 2025, the China Foundation for Democratic Education and the San Francisco Party Department of the Democratic Party of China jointly held a rally to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the anti-fascist war in front of the statue of Chiang Kai-shek in the San Francisco Bay Area Chinese Cultural Park. The activity aims to expose the historical lies of the Communist Party of China’s War of Resistance, remember the martyrs, and warn the world to beware of the return of fascism.

At the beginning of the rally, the participants bowed to the statue of Jiang Kai-shek.

Dr. Feng Congde, president of the China Democratic Education Foundation, gave a speech and pointed out that the Communist Party of China has long distorted the history of the War of Resistance and claimed that the Kuomintang’s “negative War of Resistance” is the narrative of the Communist Party of China’s united front. In fact, the National Government exchanged space for time under the extreme power gap and waited for change until the United States later joined the war. The Constitution of the Republic of China (Nanjing Constitution), formulated under the promotion of President Jiang, is the most stable constitutional plan after the fall of the Communist Party of China. It helps to quickly stabilize the country, prevent the resurgence of the remnants of the Communist Party of China, and avoid local division and war. After the situation stabilizes, a referendum can also be held under the constitutional framework to choose independence or highly self-government.

Fang Zheng, chairman of the San Francisco Party Department of the Democratic Party of China, stressed that the Chinese nation made great sacrifices in the War of Resistance. The national army and the people stopped the fascism of the world at the cost of tragic sacrifices, while the Communist Party of China had no front battlefield, and even colluded with the Japanese army, but tampered with history afterwards. The surrender of Japan on August 15, 1945, was the day when the Chinese nation really stood up, and the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party of China in 1949 meant the beginning of the Chinese people’s kneeling again.

Other participants also spoke actively. Luo Yanli said: Eighty years ago, human beings sacrificed for freedom, but the ghost of totalitarianism has not far away. Today’s commemoration of the War of Resistance is to continue the spirit of resisting tyranny and pass on the spirit of pursuing freedom to future generations. Hu Pizheng, a Chinese Democrat, said: The Communist Party of China is a contemporary neo-fascist. It uses false narratives and nationalism to brainwash the Chinese people, treat the people as cannon fodder, and threaten the world’s freedom and human rights. People and countries who love peace and freedom all over the world should be vigilant. In view of the fact that the Communist Party of China will hold a military parade of the victory of the Anti-Japanese War on September 3, Liu Jingtao, a Chinese Democrat, believes that the so-called “anti-Japanese Victory Parade” of the Communist Party of China is to take the opportunity to continue to make up lies for the legitimacy of its rule. We should expose the lies, remember the sacrifices of the martyrs, and inherit the true historical memory. Yuan Qiang said: The victory of the Anti-Japanese War belongs to the Chinese nation, not any political party. The Communist Party of China has emeared legitimacy to the one-party dictatorship and consolidated its rule through military parades and nationalism. Guan Yongjie’s view is that the Communist Party of China has always ruled the country with lies, and the Communist Party of China, which did not fight the war head-on, held a military parade in the international community. However, under the current situation of economic downturn and intensifying social contradictions in China, it is still for the people who have been brainwashed for a long time to divert attention and unite people with the help of nationalism and grand narratives. Effective.

On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the victory of the anti-fascist war, we are gathered here to remember the martyrs who truly sacrificed for national independence and freedom. We should stick to the true historical memory, expose lies and tampering, and reject any confusing political manipulation. Only in this way can the sacrifice of the martyrs be truly respected, and the future of the nation can be built on truth and justice.

抗议中共非法器官移植

0
抗议中共非法器官移植

——中国民主党好莱坞大游行

作者:李聪玲

编辑:何清风  责任编辑:罗志飞

翻译:何兴强

 【洛杉矶报道】2025年8月23日,第752次“茉莉花行动”在美国洛杉矶好莱坞星光大道举行。本次行动以“抗议中共非法器官移植”为主题,由中国民主党全委会广西工委、行动部及支援台湾事务部联合主办。烈日之下,数十名党员和支持者走上街头,向世界揭露中共活摘器官的反人类罪行。

 
抗议中共非法器官移植

 

   2024年,由华裔导演章勇进执导的纪录片《国有器官》(State Organs)在全球首映。这部耗时七年制作的影片,以冷峻的真实影像和第一手证词,揭示了中共运作多年的国家级活摘器官系统。片中披露,被迫充当“供体”的往往是法轮功学员、维吾尔人、良心犯,甚至是健康的中国大学生。纪录片通过医生的证词、内部档案、国际独立调查,揭示了中共军队医院、公检法系统和医疗机构的联合运作,形成了一条庞大的国家器官产业链。正如影片所警示的:“当一个国家以掠夺生命为资源,它已不再是政府,而是合法化的犯罪集团。”这部纪录片在全球引发强烈反响,斩获美国金勋章电影竞赛奖、曼哈顿电影节最佳人权纪录片奖,并入围2025年奥斯卡最佳纪录片。随着媒体的不断曝光,真相已无法被掩埋。

     在这样的背景下,中国民主党人将抗议行动搬上国际舞台。游行队伍在好莱坞中国戏院前集结,举着横幅,齐声呼喊口号:“自由不容践踏!生命不容买卖!END CCP!”

     林养正、程铭、李聪玲发表演说,痛斥中共以“公民捐献”为幌子,掩盖活摘真相。在演讲中更提到纪录片《国有器官》,强调影片所呈现的事实“是中共无法洗刷的铁证”。主持人何兴强和郭斌则以英文发声,呼吁国际社会进一步追查中共器官移植的真实来源,并制裁中国共产党。他们的演讲打破了语言隔阂,让在场外国游客与媒体深刻理解到:这不是中国的内部问题,而是全人类必须共同抵制的罪行。

     活动中,参与者向路人分发印有事实和数据的传单,传单内容不仅引用了纪录片《国有器官》的核心信息,也呈现了胡鑫宇案和多起青少年失踪案的疑点。许多外国游客驻足聆听演讲,更有外国友人拍照片拍视频记录,并表示会将活动照片和信息传递回本国社交媒体平台,让更多人关注中国的人权惨剧。

     活动策划人晏呐与负责人倪世成在现场维持秩序,保证游行顺利进行。摄影摄像团队全程记录,将这段影像传向世界。烈日下,汗水浸透了衣衫,但没有人选择退缩。

     纪录片《国有器官》揭开的黑幕,已经让世界看到中共以国家机器之名实施的骇人罪行。好莱坞的抗议游行则进一步告诉世人:中国人民没有沉默,他们正在用行动揭露真相。“唯有让更多人知晓,唯有让世界正义的力量行动,我们才能阻止这场屠杀继续上演。” 这一句出自纪录片的警示,也正是中国民主党人走上街头的原因。自由不容践踏,生命不容买卖!茉莉花行动——我们在行动,我们不沉默!

 

策划:晏呐 唐海明 韦国彬

负责人:倪世成 杨皓

组织:韦明乾 韦德坤 韦国彬 李聪玲

主持人:郭斌 何兴强

摄影:陀先润 马进树 罗志飞

摄像:苏一峰 陈恩得 张荣鑫

宣传/制作:宋佳航 王灵 韩震

 

 

Protesting the CCP’s Illegal Organ Transplants

——The Chinese Democratic Party’s Hollywood March

Author: Li Congling

Editor: He Qingfeng

Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator:He XingQiang

Summary: On August 23, 2025, the 752nd “Jasmine Action” was held on Hollywood Boulevard in Los Angeles, USA. The theme of this action was “Protesting the CCP’s Illegal Organ Transplants.” Under the blazing sun, dozens of party members and supporters took to the streets to expose the Chinese Communist Party’s crime against humanity of live organ harvesting.

【Los Angeles Report】 On August 23, 2025, the 752nd “Jasmine Action” took place on Hollywood Boulevard in Los Angeles. This action, themed “Protesting the CCP’s Illegal Organ Transplants,” was jointly organized by the Guangxi Committee, the Action Department, and the Taiwan Affairs Support Department of the Chinese Democratic Party National Committee. Under the scorching sun, dozens of party members and supporters marched on the streets, exposing to the world the CCP’s crime against humanity of live organ harvesting.

In 2024, the documentary State Organs, directed by Chinese American filmmaker Zhang Yongjin, premiered globally. The film, which took seven years to produce, uses stark real footage and first-hand testimony to reveal the CCP’s long-running, state-level live organ harvesting system. The film discloses that those forced to serve as “donors” were often Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, prisoners of conscience, and even healthy Chinese university students. Through doctors’ testimonies, internal documents, and international independent investigations, the documentary exposes how the CCP’s military hospitals, the public security and judicial systems, and medical institutions jointly operated, forming a vast state-run organ industry chain. As the film warns: “When a state exploits human lives as a resource, it ceases to be a government, but rather becomes a legalized criminal syndicate.” The documentary sparked global outcry, winning the U.S. Gold Medal Film Competition Award, the Manhattan Film Festival Best Human Rights Documentary Award, and was shortlisted for the 2025 Oscars Best Documentary category. With increasing media exposure, the truth can no longer be buried.

Against this backdrop, members of the Chinese Democratic Party brought their protest to the international stage. The march assembled in front of the TCL Chinese Theatre, holding banners and chanting in unison: “Freedom cannot be trampled! Life is not for sale! END CCP!”

Lin Yangzheng, Cheng Ming, and Li Congling delivered speeches condemning the CCP’s use of “citizen donation” as a cover to conceal the truth of live organ harvesting. They further referenced the documentary State Organs, stressing that the facts presented in the film are “ironclad evidence the CCP can never erase.” Hosts He Xingqiang and Guo Bin spoke in English, calling on the international community to further investigate the true sources of China’s organ transplants and to sanction the Chinese Communist Party. Their speeches broke the language barrier, helping foreign tourists and media on-site understand deeply: this is not just China’s internal issue, but a crime humanity as a whole must resist together.

During the event, participants distributed flyers with facts and data. The flyers not only quoted core revelations from State Organs but also presented suspicious points in the Hu Xinyu case and several cases of missing youth. Many foreign tourists stopped to listen to the speeches; some took photos and videos, saying they would share the images and information on their own countries’ social media platforms to raise awareness of China’s human rights atrocities.

Event planners Yan Na and Ni Shicheng maintained order on-site, ensuring the march proceeded smoothly. The photography and video teams recorded the event in full, spreading the footage worldwide. Under the scorching sun, with sweat soaking their clothes, not a single participant chose to retreat.

The dark secrets exposed by State Organs have already shown the world the terrifying crimes committed by the CCP under the name of the state. The Hollywood protest march further told the world: the Chinese people are not silent — they are acting to reveal the truth. “Only by letting more people know, only by mobilizing the world’s forces of justice, can we stop this slaughter from continuing.” This warning from the documentary is precisely the reason members of the Chinese Democratic Party took to the streets. Freedom cannot be trampled, life is not for sale! Jasmine Action — we are acting, we will not be silent!

Planning: Yan Na, Tang Haiming, Wei Guobin

Responsible persons: Ni Shicheng, Yang Hao

Organizers: Wei Mingqian, Wei Dekun, Wei Guobin, Li Congling

Hosts: Guo Bin, He Xingqiang

Photography: Tuo Xianrun, Ma Jinshu, Luo Zhifei

Videography: Su Yifeng, Chen Ende, Zhang Rongxin

Publicity/Production: Song Jiahang, Wang Ling, Han Zhen

写给春天

0

Written for Spring

你浅笑微蹙
抖落一身枯枝残雪
奔涌不息的青藏高原
徐徐而来溯寒而上
千年的冰川  颤慄
给你最滚烫激烈的拥抱
你嫩芽炸出
就那么一抹
无星无月的冬夜厚黑
朝阳爆燃  残雪染血
你的灵魂溯溪而上
不死鸟鸣翠  万物雀跃
你这精灵啊  我的女神
怎样欢呼你
怎样颂唱你
压抑了千年的嗓子
冲破四野的铁壁
 
如婴儿啼响
昭告世界

为此

守候了千年
积蓄了千年
孕育了千年
背负千年的黑暗
背负千年的死沉

只为
破冰而出
在春天

作者:漠北孤侠
編輯:Gloria Wang
责任编辑:罗志飞
翻译:程铭

Written for Spring


You smile faintly, brows gently arched,
Shaking off the dead branches, the lingering snow.
From the ever-surging Tibetan Plateau,
You arrive slowly, tracing upstream against the cold.

The millennial glacier trembles,
Giving you its fiercest, burning embrace.
Tender buds burst forth—
Just a single touch of green,
Breaking through the heavy, starless winter night.

The rising sun ignites,
Melting snow stained crimson.
Your spirit climbs the streams,
Phoenix-song echoes, life rejoices.
You, the spirit, my goddess—
How shall I hail you?
How shall I sing of you?

A voice, suppressed for a thousand years,
Breaks through the iron walls of the earth.
Like an infant’s first cry,
Proclaiming to the world—

For this,
I have waited a thousand years,
Gathered strength a thousand years,
Conceived a thousand years,
Carried the darkness of a thousand years,
Borne the dead weight of a thousand years—

Only to
Break the ice,
And rise in spring.



Author: Mobei Guxia
Editor: Gloria Wang
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei
Thranslator: Ming Cheng

改革开放四十年:一条从未改变的旧路

0

作者:陀先润

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑:罗志飞

中秋将至, 我想先澄清一个长期存在的误区:习近平并没有“开倒车”。外界流传的所谓“改革开放倒退论”,其实是对中共历史认知的误解。事实是:中国共产党从未真正改变过行进的轨道。从毛泽东到邓小平,从江泽民到胡锦涛,再到习近平,路线始终如一,只不过演绎方式不同。

  很多人以为邓小平开启了改革开放,中国才走上了新的道路。实际上,这不过是一场精心设计的“画皮”。共产党并未放弃极权体制,只是在经济层面做出有限让步,以换取生存空间。所谓“政治改革会随着经济改革推进”的说法,是党内三十多年对内对外的宣传话术。西方上当了,中国知识分子也上当了。

  真正有心推动政治体制改革的领导人,屈指可数。胡耀邦、万里短暂提出过探索,但很快被压制。此后,无论是江泽民的“三个代表”,还是胡温时代的“四万亿”,本质上都是为了强化党的统治,而非制度转型。

  习近平因修宪取消任期限制,被指“开倒车”。但我们回顾历史,毛泽东终身执政,邓小平虽无正式头衔,却垂帘听政十五年。江泽民更是从1994年至2012年实际掌握最高权力。相比之下,习近平只是撕下了虚伪的遮羞布,把前任们的伪装公开化而已。

  许多人怀念江泽民的“开放”、胡锦涛的“温和”,甚至称朱镕基是“改革派”。但事实并不如此。朱镕基主导的高校扩招、医疗市场化、土地财政和三峡工程,造就了今天的教育贬值、看病难、房地产畸形发展等沉疴。胡锦涛、温家宝时代提出的“国进民退”,以及2008年4万亿刺激,直接让国企坐大,挤压民营经济。江泽民表面引入企业家入党,实则是把民营经济纳入统战体系,加强党对经济的全面掌控。他们的所谓“改革”,不是走向民主,而是维护权力的另一种手段。

  习近平与前任的不同,不在于方向,而在于速度。他没有像江胡那样演戏,而是直截了当加速了体制的本质。过去那辆在旧轨道上行驶的大巴,本来还要二三十年才驶向悬崖;习近平拉开窗帘,踩下油门,让所有人更快看清车外的虚假风景与体制的真实面目。因此,说习近平“开倒车”并不准确。他并没有掉头,而是让中国共产党更快走向既定的结局。

四十多年来,中国并没有走过一条新路。所谓的“改革开放”,只是在旧轨道上伪装前行。政治清洗、思想高压、经济控制,从未停歇,只是形式不同。习近平的“独裁”,不过是前任们的延续与加速。他让人们看清了一个现实:中共从未开向过民主与自由的方向。



Forty Years of Reform and Opening Up: An Old Road That Never Changed

Author: Tuo Xianrun

Editor: Zhou Zhigang | Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei

Abstract: Xi Jinping has not been “reversing course.” The Chinese Communist Party’s political system has never changed. By using the deception that “political reform will follow economic reform,” China fooled the world into believing it was on a path toward democracy. The CCP even seeks to export communism globally by leveraging the economic influence it gained from this deception.

As the Mid-Autumn Festival approaches, I want to clarify a long-standing misconception: Xi Jinping has not “turned back the clock.” The popular notion of a “reversal of reform and opening up” is a misunderstanding of CCP history. The truth is this: the Chinese Communist Party has never truly deviated from its original trajectory. From Mao Zedong to Deng Xiaoping, from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao, and now to Xi Jinping, the path has always been the same—the difference lies only in performance style.

Many people believe Deng Xiaoping initiated reform and opening up, leading China onto a new road. In reality, this was nothing more than a carefully crafted façade. The CCP never abandoned its totalitarian system; it merely made limited concessions in the economic sphere in exchange for survival. The claim that “political reform will follow economic reform” was propaganda repeated for over three decades, both at home and abroad. The West fell for it, and so did many Chinese intellectuals.

The number of leaders who genuinely sought political reform can be counted on one hand. Hu Yaobang and Wan Li briefly explored it but were quickly suppressed. After that, whether it was Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” or Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao’s “Four Trillion Yuan Stimulus,” the essence was always to strengthen Party rule, not to initiate systemic transformation.

Xi Jinping’s constitutional amendment abolishing term limits has been called “backtracking.” But if we look at history: Mao Zedong ruled for life; Deng Xiaoping, though without formal titles, controlled power for fifteen years behind the scenes; Jiang Zemin effectively held supreme authority from 1994 to 2012. By comparison, Xi merely tore away the pretense, making public what his predecessors had disguised.

Many nostalgically recall Jiang Zemin’s “openness” or Hu Jintao’s “moderation,” and some even call Zhu Rongji a “reformer.” But in fact, Zhu’s policies of massive university enrollment expansion, medical marketization, land finance, and the Three Gorges Dam created today’s chronic problems: devalued education, unaffordable healthcare, and a distorted real estate sector. Hu and Wen’s policy of “the state advances as the private sector retreats,” coupled with the 2008 four-trillion stimulus, directly empowered state-owned enterprises while squeezing the private economy. Jiang Zemin’s move to allow entrepreneurs to join the Party was merely co-opting the private sector into the United Front system, tightening the CCP’s grip on the economy. Their so-called “reforms” never pointed toward democracy but were just alternative methods to maintain power.

The difference with Xi is not in direction, but in speed. Unlike Jiang or Hu, he did not bother with theatrics—he accelerated the system’s essence openly and directly. The bus traveling on the old track would have taken another twenty or thirty years to reach the cliff; Xi pulled open the curtain, slammed the accelerator, and made everyone see more clearly the false scenery outside and the system’s true nature. Therefore, saying Xi is “reversing course” is inaccurate. He has not turned around—he has simply hastened the CCP’s predetermined destination.

Over the past forty years, China has not taken a new road. What was called “reform and opening up” was merely a disguise while continuing down the old track. Political purges, ideological repression, and economic control never ceased; only their forms differed.

疫病未祛 体制之殇

0
疫病未祛  体制之殇

作者:熊辩

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

三年前,一场突如其来的新冠肺炎疫情骤袭武汉,那些灰色影像仍历历在目:封城、口罩、“大白”穿梭忙碌的身影,随处可见的花圈、火葬场的滚滚浓烟、不绝于耳的哀乐和恸哭?的确,彼时的武汉像被死神张开的黑翼笼罩着,熟悉的街巷空荡如荒原,医院成了最拥挤、最令人绝望的地方:走廊里堆满病床与氧气瓶,呻吟声与呼吸机的嘶哑混合交织。有人晕倒在挂号窗前,有人在病房门口痛哭,求一张床位,却换来“已满”的冰冷回应。更令人心碎的是,120急救电话一直未能接通,“市长热线”始终占线,许多病人等不到确诊,等不到救治,在家中孤独倒下,人命成了数字,真相成了禁忌。恐惧之外,还有愤怒与压抑:一位疫情的“吹哨人”试图说出真相,却被训诫警告;一群穿着防护服的“白大褂”满大街抓捕突破疫情封控外出的市民;一本反映武汉真实疫情的“方方日记”被中共封杀;组组唱好不唱衰的新闻报道试图粉饰太平,蒙蔽一双双探求真相的眼睛。封城、封路、封楼、“封”嘴,人们被隔绝的不只是空间,还有人与人之间的信任与温情。

最令我刻骨铭心的,是疫情期间因医院刻板遵守防疫要求,加之医生并未给予孕妇这一特殊群体特别照顾及便利,妻子未得到及时治疗而不幸流产。这份失去,不仅是家庭的悲剧,更是制度冷酷的缩影。我原天真地以为这样的苦难能唤醒中共的反思,然而,最近在广东发生的基孔肯雅热疫情,却让我再次看到历史正在重演,顿生透骨的悲凉……

在湛江赤坎,当地街头涌现出大批穿着防护服的人群,那画面像极了当年武汉的恐慌与混乱。可怕的不仅是病毒,而是那熟悉的权力逻辑:第一反应不是信息公开,不是科学治理,而是用惊吓和管控制造秩序和“维稳”。

在珠海,有社区以“防控疫情”为由,强行把两位阿姨的生活家具装上卡车运走。面对撕心裂肺的阻拦,冷漠的执行者无动于衷。这与当年武汉疫情期间,许多家庭被强行拉走亲人的场景何其相似——一次又一次,人们的家园与尊严被粗暴践踏。

在佛山,政府更是演绎了一出荒唐闹剧。社区不去清理臭水沟和绿化带,却偏偏盯上居民家的花盆、鱼缸,甚至养狗的家庭。以“一刀切”的方式清理楼顶绿植和露台花草,逼迫居民搬走宠物。这种熟悉的“配方”,让人想起新冠疫情时,官方以防疫为由直接闯入民宅,把宠物强行带走处死的黑色记忆。如今,佛山的做法几乎是在拷贝当年的荒唐:该管的不管,不该管的乱管。

更令人震惊的是,广东部分地区甚至掀起了所谓的“强制抽血”活动,借疫情防控之名,肆意侵犯公民的身体权利。这样的“防控”,已完全偏离了公共卫生的科学原则,变成了赤裸裸的权力操练。

从武汉到广东,从新冠到基孔肯雅热,旧的伤口还未愈合,新的伤口又在开启。病毒在变,但体制的冷酷与荒谬却从未改变,对生命的漠视,远比病毒更加致命!

武汉疫情期间,我失去过孩子,也目睹过同胞在疫情中死于非命,让我更清楚地看到:在中共体制下,每一个家庭、每一条生命都随时可能被牺牲。今天的广东,再次证明,中国社会面临的最大“瘟疫”,并不是某一种病毒,而是专制和谎言。

公共卫生危机,本应是科学与人道的领域,但在极权体制下,却成了“维稳”机器的附庸,成为权力加码的借口。武汉的封控导致无数生命的消逝;而今天广东的病患,则可能在同样冷漠中经历痛苦的折磨!

悲剧在重演,历史在轮回!我愿将这些亲历和思考告诉每一位关心中国的人,一个国家若不允许真相公开,那么无论是新冠还是基孔肯雅热,又或是下次一场什么疫病,都会变成一次次对民众的摧残!人民的眼泪和鲜血一次次被抹去,但痛苦不会消失,它会积累、会传递,最终会告诉世界:这并非单纯的疾病悲剧,而是一个体制的殇!

疫病未祛  体制之殇

2025年8月18日

The Unhealed Plague, the Wound of the System—A Historical Reenactment from Wuhan to Guangdong

Author: Xiong Bian Editor: Zhou Zhigang Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:The lockdowns and deaths in Wuhan, the censorship and reprimands, already cost countless lives, yet Guangdong is still repeating the same farce: turning “prevention and control” into “stability maintenance,” trampling on human rights and dignity. The so-called “one-size-fits-all” approach, forced enforcement, and even compulsory blood draws that violate bodily rights are not only absurd but also cruel. What truly threatens Chinese society is not the virus itself but systemic indifference and the arrogance of power. Under such a regime, lives are sacrificed at will, tragedies endlessly recur, and public health crises are reduced to tools of authoritarian machinery. Without truth and freedom, the Chinese people will forever live in the pain and humiliation brought on by wave after wave of “epidemics.”

Three years ago, a sudden outbreak of COVID-19 struck Wuhan. Those gray images remain vivid: the lockdown, the masks, the figures of “big whites” rushing about in hazmat suits, wreaths at every corner, the rolling smoke of crematoria, the endless dirges and wails. At that time, Wuhan seemed shrouded beneath the black wings of death. Familiar streets lay deserted like a wasteland. Hospitals became the most crowded and despairing of places: corridors piled with beds and oxygen tanks, groans mingling with the rasp of ventilators. People collapsed at registration windows, others wept at ward doors begging for a bed, only to be met with the cold reply: “full.” Even more heartbreaking, the 120 emergency line went unanswered, the “mayor’s hotline” was always busy. Many patients never got a diagnosis, never received treatment, and died alone at home. Human lives turned into numbers; truth became taboo.

Beyond fear was anger and suffocation: one “whistleblower” who tried to tell the truth was silenced by a police reprimand; groups of “white coats” in protective gear roamed the streets, arresting citizens who dared to breach lockdowns; Fang Fang’s diary, documenting the real Wuhan epidemic, was censored; state media churned out propaganda that sang only praises while deceiving eyes searching for the truth. Roads, buildings, and mouths were all sealed. What people lost was not only mobility but also trust and human warmth.

What I can never forget is that during the epidemic my wife miscarried. Hospitals rigidly enforced epidemic protocols, and doctors failed to grant special care or convenience to pregnant women. This personal loss was not only a family tragedy but also a stark reflection of systemic cruelty. Naively, I thought such suffering might awaken reflection within the regime. Yet, the recent chikungunya outbreak in Guangdong showed me history was repeating, filling me with bitter sorrow.

In Zhanjiang’s Chikan district, crowds in protective suits filled the streets, a scene eerily reminiscent of Wuhan’s chaos and fear. What was frightening was not only the virus, but the familiar logic of power: the first response was not transparency, not scientific governance, but shock tactics and control to manufacture “stability.”

In Zhuhai, under the excuse of “epidemic prevention,” community workers forcibly loaded two elderly women’s household furniture onto trucks. Their heart-rending cries of protest met only cold indifference. It was a mirror of Wuhan, where families had relatives forcibly taken away. Again and again, homes and dignity were trampled.

In Foshan, the authorities staged yet another farce. Instead of cleaning foul drains and weedy lots, they targeted flowerpots, fish tanks, and even households with dogs. They imposed a “one-size-fits-all” cleanup of rooftop greenery and balcony plants, forcing residents to remove pets. This recalled the black memory of COVID-19, when officials stormed homes and dragged away pets to be killed. Foshan’s actions are nearly a copy of that absurdity: neglecting what should be managed, abusing what should not.

Even more shocking, some parts of Guangdong launched so-called “compulsory blood draws,” carried out in the name of epidemic control, but wantonly violating citizens’ bodily rights. Such “prevention” is a complete departure from scientific principles of public health, becoming naked exercises of power.

From Wuhan to Guangdong, from COVID-19 to chikungunya, old wounds have not healed before new ones are inflicted. The virus changes, but the cruelty and absurdity of the system never do. The contempt for life is far deadlier than any virus!

During the Wuhan outbreak, I lost my child, and I watched fellow citizens perish. It made me realize more clearly: under the CCP system, any family, any life, may be sacrificed at any moment. Today’s Guangdong once again proves that the greatest “plague” China faces is not any particular virus, but dictatorship and lies.

Public health crises should belong to the realm of science and humanity. Yet under authoritarianism, they become appendages of the “stability maintenance” machine, excuses for power grabs. Wuhan’s lockdown claimed countless lives; Guangdong’s patients today may suffer in the same cold indifference.

Tragedy repeats; history circles back! I wish to share these experiences and reflections with everyone who cares about China: when a nation forbids truth, then whether it is COVID-19, chikungunya, or the next outbreak, each will become yet another assault upon the people. Tears and blood are wiped away time and again, but suffering does not vanish—it accumulates, it is transmitted, and it will ultimately tell the world: this is not merely the tragedy of disease, but the wound of a system!

疫病未祛  体制之殇

August 18, 2025