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7月16日，民主党全委会洛杉矶党部，流亡的力量：西藏与中国民主的对话
中国民主党全委会洛杉矶地委及自由雕塑公园行动：7月16日，民主党全委会洛杉矶党部，流亡的力量：西藏与中国民主的对话
Action by the China Democracy Party Los Angeles Committee and the Liberty Sculpture Park：July 16 – CDP Los Angeles Chapter
The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement
流亡不是沉默，流亡是一种力量。
从达兰萨拉到洛杉矶，传递自由的火种
【维明有话说】
《流亡的力量：西藏与中国民主的对话》
分享会背景：
在长达数十年的流亡岁月中，西藏人民用信仰、坚韧和组织力在世界各地重建了他们的文化、社会和政治网络。而中国的民主运动，也正处在风雨飘摇的十字路口。
本次分享会邀请著名雕塑家陈维明先生讲述他与第十四世达赖喇嘛会晤的亲身经历，并结合西藏流亡政府的发展经验，探讨：
在流亡中如何保持政治愿景？
如何建立海外民运与国际社会的持续对话？
藏人社群的组织能力、文化传承对民运的启示是什么？
中共打压之下，我们还有哪些突围可能？
活动信息
时间：2025年7月16日（星期三）19:00-21:00
地点：中国民主党全委会党部
主讲人：陈维明
主持人：袁崛
组织策划：周云龙、杨雪、王乃一
特邀互动：华人流亡者、年轻行动者
Action by the China Democracy Party Los Angeles Committee and the Liberty Sculpture Park：July 16 – CDP Los Angeles Chapter
The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement
Exile is not silence. Exile is a form of strength.
From Dharamshala to Los Angeles, the torch of freedom continues to burn.
[Weiming Speaks]
“The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement”
Event Background:
For decades, the Tibetan people have, through exile, rebuilt their cultural, social, and political networks around the globe with unwavering faith, resilience, and organization. Meanwhile, China’s democracy movement finds itself at a turbulent crossroads.
This forum invites renowned sculptor Chen Weiming to share his personal encounter with the 14th Dalai Lama, and to reflect on the Tibetan government-in-exile’s development as a case study. The discussion will explore:
• How do exiled communities sustain long-term political vision?
• How can the Chinese pro-democracy movement establish lasting dialogue with international society?
• What can we learn from Tibetan organizational strength and cultural preservation?
• Under harsh CCP suppression, what breakthroughs are still possible?
Event Details
🕖 Time: Wednesday, July 16, 2025 | 7:00 PM – 9:00 PM
📍 Location: Headquarters of the China Democracy Party (CDP), Los Angeles
🎤 Speaker: Chen Weiming
🎙 Moderator: Yuan Jue
🛠 Organizers: Zhou Yunlong, Yang Xue, Wang Naiyi
✨ Special Guests: Chinese exiles, young activists
法轮功行动：7月17日，华盛顿，720反迫害26周年集会游行
法轮功行动：7月17日，华盛顿，720反迫害26周年集会游行
July 17, Washington D.C.
Falun Gong ：720 Rally and Parade – 26th Anniversary of Opposing the Persecution
当天的反迫害活动主要三部分（美东时间）：
1、 公众集会（网络直播）：邀请美国政要和非政府组织人士发表演讲，声援法轮功，呼吁制止迫害。时间：12:00pm – 1:00pm
2、 大游行（网络和电视同时直播）时间：1:30pm – 3:00pm路线：从集会现场出发（4街）至宾夕法尼亚大道，再到自由广场（Freedom Plaza）结束。
3、国会山论坛：结束对法轮功的迫害并支持中国大陆退党运动时间： 4:00pm – 6:00pm地点：美国国会游客中心国会礼堂（Congressional Auditorium）
4、烛光夜悼：悼念被中共迫害致死的法轮功学员。7:00pm～8:30pm 集体炼功8:30pm～9:40pm 烛光夜悼
July 17, Washington D.C.
Falun Gong ：720 Rally and Parade – 26th Anniversary of Opposing the Persecution
The day’s anti-persecution events will consist of four main parts (Eastern Time):
1. Public Rally (Live Streamed)
📍 Time: 12:00 PM – 1:00 PM
Speeches by U.S. elected officials and representatives from non-governmental organizations will be delivered to show support for Falun Gong and call for an end to the persecution.
2. Grand Parade (Live Streamed Online and on TV)
📍 Time: 1:30 PM – 3:00 PM
📍 Route: From the rally site (4th Street), marching along Pennsylvania Avenue, ending at Freedom Plaza.
3. Capitol Hill Forum:
Ending the Persecution of Falun Gong and Supporting the Tuidang Movement (Quitting the CCP)
📍 Time: 4:00 PM – 6:00 PM
📍 Location: Congressional Auditorium, U.S. Capitol Visitor Center
4. Candlelight Vigil
To commemorate Falun Gong practitioners who lost their lives due to the persecution by the Chinese Communist Party.
📍 7:00 PM – 8:30 PM: Group Falun Gong meditation/exercise
📍 8:30 PM – 9:40 PM: Candlelight vigil
纪念刘晓波逝世八周年｜尔湾华人举行座谈会
呼吁反思集权、坚守自由
Commemorating the 8th Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Death｜Chinese Community in Irvine Holds Forum
Calls for Reflection on Authoritarianism and Commitment to Freedom
作者：赵雪峰、袁峰 2025年7月13日
编辑：何清风 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
2025年7月13日，适逢诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波逝世八周年，由中国民主党、中国民主教育基金会、洛杉矶中国民主平台联合主办的主题座谈会——《在独裁阴影下，我们如何继续自由之路》，在南加州尔湾隆重举行。此次活动通过线上和线下同步方式进行，吸引了众多关注中国民主进程的华人参与。
本次座谈会由召集人赵雪峰主持，他在开场中简要回顾了刘晓波生前的奋斗历程与为中国民主事业所作出的巨大牺牲，强调“刘晓波不仅是一位学者、作家，更是以身践行良知的行动者，以生命诠释民主自由的先行者”。
随后，李金杉现场诵读《零八宪章》精选段落，向这份象征中国宪政愿景的重要文献致敬。全体与会者起立默哀一分钟，缅怀这位用生命捍卫言论自由与人权尊严的良知者。
座谈会现场气氛庄严而感人。三位“八九六四”亲历者——方政、王应国、林岳明亲临座谈会并发言，回顾了当年血与火的历史片段，并分享了与刘晓波交往中的点滴记忆，令在场人士动容。他们一致表示，正是那段历史与刘晓波的身影，点燃了他们至今未息的民主理想。
发言摘录：
袁平：“《零八宪章》是一份和平理性追求宪政民主的中国宣言，它让我们明白，自由从不是权力的施舍，而是人民与生俱来的权利。”
林嘉杰：“刘晓波以非暴力抗争、独立思想启发了一代人。他在高墙铁网中仍不改其志，体现出道义与信念的崇高力量。”
袁峰：“在言论管控日益严厉、海外渗透日趋激进的现实中，刘晓波早年的警示正逐一应验。政权可以囚禁身体，却无法囚禁思想。”
鲜文君：“纪念不仅是缅怀，更是传承。悼念良知者，是在燃起新的火种。发声，就是为了不让历史沉默。”
会议历时两个半小时，与会者围绕“如何在当下极权压力下，坚持个人良知与公共发声”展开深入探讨。李贤兵、李茂屹、李建勋、李宁、吴弘斌、张俊杰、黄丽等人也分别发表感言，表达对中国自由前景的思考。会议最后，主办方呼吁全球华人继续坚守自由、人权、法治等普世价值，在极权阴影之下不屈不挠，传承刘晓波精神，照亮民族前行之路。
Commemorating the 8th Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Death｜Chinese Community in Irvine Holds Forum
Calls for Reflection on Authoritarianism and Commitment to Freedom
By: Zhao Xuefeng, Yuan Feng Date: July 13, 2025
Editor: He Qingfeng Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen
On July 13, 2025, marking the eighth anniversary of the death of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, a thematic forum titled “Under the Shadow of Dictatorship: How Do We Continue the Road to Freedom?” was held in Irvine, Southern California. The event was co-organized by the China Democracy Party, the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation, and the Los Angeles China Democracy Platform. Conducted both online and in person, the forum attracted many Chinese attendees concerned about the future of democracy in China.
The forum was hosted by convenor Zhao Xuefeng, who opened the event by briefly reviewing Liu Xiaobo’s lifelong struggle and the immense sacrifice he made for the cause of Chinese democracy. He emphasized, “Liu Xiaobo was not only a scholar and writer, but a practitioner of conscience — a pioneer who embodied the spirit of freedom and democracy with his life.”
Li Jinshan then read selected passages from Charter 08, paying tribute to this significant document that envisions constitutional democracy for China. All attendees stood for a one-minute moment of silence in remembrance of Liu Xiaobo, who defended freedom of speech and human dignity with his life.
The atmosphere at the forum was solemn and moving. Three eyewitnesses of the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre — Fang Zheng, Wang Yingguo, and Lin Yueming — attended in person and gave speeches. They recalled the harrowing scenes of that historic moment and shared personal memories of their interactions with Liu Xiaobo, moving many in the audience. They unanimously stated that it was that history — and Liu Xiaobo’s figure within it — that ignited their enduring democratic aspirations.
Excerpts from Speeches:
• Yuan Ping: “Charter 08 is a peaceful and rational declaration in pursuit of constitutional democracy in China. It teaches us that freedom is never a gift from power — it is the people’s inherent right.”
• Lin Jiajie: “Liu Xiaobo’s nonviolent resistance and independent thought inspired a generation. Even behind bars, his resolve never wavered, demonstrating the noble force of moral conviction.”
• Yuan Feng: “In today’s reality — where speech is tightly controlled and overseas infiltration grows more aggressive — Liu Xiaobo’s early warnings are coming true one by one. The regime can imprison bodies, but it cannot imprison thought.”
• Xian Wenjun: “Commemoration is not only about mourning, but about inheritance. To honor a man of conscience is to rekindle the flame. Speaking out is how we keep history from going silent.”
The meeting lasted two and a half hours. Attendees engaged in deep discussion around the theme: “How to uphold personal conscience and public expression under the current authoritarian pressure.”
Li Xianbing, Li Maoyi, Li Jianxun, Li Ning, Wu Hongbin, Zhang Junjie, Huang Li, and others also delivered remarks, sharing their reflections on the prospects for freedom in China.
In conclusion, the organizers called on Chinese people worldwide to continue upholding universal values such as freedom, human rights, and the rule of law. Under the shadow of authoritarianism, they urged unwavering resistance, the inheritance of Liu Xiaobo’s spirit, and using that light to guide the future of the Chinese nation.
怎样才能成为一个优秀的中国民主党人？
How to Become an Outstanding Member of the China Democracy Party
作者：王治水（国内中国民主党早期创党领袖） 2025年7月12目
编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
凡认同自由、法治、人权与宪政的人，都是我们队伍的一员；凡愿意为建立民主中国而努力者，皆可成为中国民主党人。加入一个优秀的政党, 就有了依靠, 也有了希望。
那么, 什么是优秀的民主党人呢？我们知道：要成就一项伟大的事业,首先必须拥有一支精干有力的核心队伍, 他们必须具备以下素质才能团结和带领广大民众共同前行。
一、人品好,人品好才能聚人。这首先体现在廉洁自律上。一个在生活上不干净的人，在政治上也往往经不起诱惑，容易为私利所驱动。能在财色面前守住底线，是起码的政治品格。其次，要胸怀宽广。管仲辅佐齐桓公，深知“大厦之成，非一木之材也”，善于任用各类人才，不嫉贤，不拘私怨。更高层次的人品，是对权力的克制。华盛顿连任两届总统后主动退位，以行动表明：权力是责任，不是私产。人品，是立党之本，聚众之基。
二、要有坚定的民主理念。一个没有坚定信念的人，是无法抵御威胁、利诱与孤立的。民主不是一句口号，而是一种责任、一种牺牲精神。民主理念意味着相信人权高于权力，法治优于人治，人民有权决定国家的命运。在高压面前不改初衷，在诱惑面前不动摇，是对一个民主党人的基本要求。没有坚定信念的队伍，终将在关键时刻分崩离析。
三、要有组织和宣传才能。再伟大的理想，也需要有效传播；再优秀的纲领，也要靠组织落地。一个优秀的民主党人，应善于发动群众、组织活动、传播思想。既能下到基层、走进民众当中，用朴实的语言讲明白复杂的政治主张；也能协调各方资源，组织有序高效的行动。组织能力是民主事业走进千家万户的桥梁。
四、要代表大多数公民的利益与诉求。他不是某个小圈子的代言人，而是全社会多数人的希望所在。只有紧紧代表并捍卫广大公民的权益，民主党才有生命力，才不会沦为政治装饰品。
五、有足够的体力与耐力。政治斗争是一场持久战。身体健康不仅关系到个人的工作效率和心理状态，也体现了纪律与自律的品质。面对高压、监控、审讯甚至牢狱威胁，没有健康的体魄与坚强的意志，是无法承受长期抗争的。健康，是革命者的基本装备。
六、一定要讲信用, “信,国之宝也,民之所凭也。” 信用是政党的根基，一个失信于人的政党，注定难以持久。信用，是政治道德的基石，更是团结与胜利的关键。
七、要有勇敢精神。中国的知识分子常有理想，少有行动，缺的往往是勇气。在专制高压下坚持真理，必须敢于承担代价，敢于站出来。勇敢不是鲁莽，而是在恐惧中不退缩，在危险中不沉默。
有了以上素质，尤其是核心层的坚强保障，我们的政党才能由小到大、由弱到强。我们要以坚定的信仰唤起人心。共产党早已无药可救，民心尽失，注定在腐败与失责中自我瓦解。 “亡共者，共也”——这是历史的必然。我们不能再抱幻想与幼稚，唯有准备、行动与力量，才能捍卫民主理想。建立真正的民主中国，是我们中国民主党人义不容辞的使命。
How to Become an Outstanding Member of the China Democracy Party
By: Wang Zhishui (Early Founding Leader of the China Democracy Party, Inside China)
Date: July 12, 2025
Editor: Hu Lili Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen
Anyone who believes in freedom, the rule of law, human rights, and constitutional government is one of us; anyone who is willing to work toward building a democratic China can become a member of the China Democracy Party. To join a capable political party is to gain support — and to find hope.
So, what makes an outstanding member of the Democracy Party?
We know that to accomplish a great cause, we must first build a strong and capable core team — one that can unite and lead the broader masses forward. Members of such a team must embody the following qualities:
1. Good character.
Good character attracts people. This first manifests in integrity and self-discipline. A person who is not clean in private life is often easily tempted in political life, vulnerable to being driven by self-interest. The ability to resist temptation in the face of money and sex is the basic political bottom line.
Secondly, one must possess magnanimity. Guan Zhong, adviser to Duke Huan of Qi, understood that “a great building is not made of a single beam” and was good at employing people of all kinds, harboring no jealousy or petty grudges.
At an even higher level, good character means restraint in the face of power. George Washington voluntarily stepped down after two presidential terms, showing by his actions that power is a responsibility — not a personal asset.
Character is the foundation of a political party, the cornerstone of unity.
2. Firm belief in democracy.
A person without firm conviction cannot withstand threats, enticements, or isolation.
Democracy is not a slogan — it is a responsibility, a spirit of sacrifice.
To believe in democracy is to believe that human rights are superior to power, that the rule of law is better than rule by man, and that the people have the right to decide the fate of their country.
Remaining true under repression and unmoved by temptation is a basic requirement for a Democracy Party member.
A team without firm conviction will inevitably collapse at critical moments.
3. Organizational and communication skills.
Even the greatest ideals need to be effectively spread; even the best platforms need to be implemented through organization.
An outstanding Democracy Party member must know how to mobilize the public, organize activities, and disseminate ideas.
They should be able to go to the grassroots, speak with the people, and explain complex political principles in simple, plain language.
They must also be able to coordinate resources and carry out organized, efficient action.
Organizational ability is the bridge that brings the democratic cause into every household.
4. Representing the interests and demands of the majority.
A true Democracy Party member is not the mouthpiece of a small clique, but the bearer of hope for the majority of society.
Only by firmly representing and defending the rights and interests of the people can the Democracy Party gain vitality — and avoid becoming mere political decoration.
5. Physical stamina and endurance.
Political struggle is a long war of attrition.
Good health affects not only a person’s work efficiency and mental state, but also reflects their discipline and self-control.
In the face of surveillance, pressure, interrogation, or even prison, no one can withstand long-term resistance without a healthy body and strong will.
Health is a revolutionary’s basic equipment.
6. Trustworthiness.
“Trust is the treasure of a nation, the reliance of its people.”
Integrity is the foundation of a political party. A party that breaks faith with the people is doomed to fail.
Trustworthiness is the bedrock of political ethics — and the key to unity and victory.
7. Courage.
Chinese intellectuals often have ideals but lack action, and what they lack most is courage.
To uphold the truth under authoritarian pressure, one must dare to pay the price and step forward.
Courage is not recklessness — it is refusing to retreat in fear and remaining silent in danger.
With these qualities — especially a resilient and committed core — our party can grow from small to great, from weak to strong.
We must awaken people’s hearts through unwavering faith. The Communist Party is already beyond redemption, has lost the people’s trust, and is destined to collapse under the weight of its own corruption and failures.
“The one to destroy the Party will be the Party itself.” — this is the verdict of history.
We must shed our illusions and naivety. Only preparation, action, and strength can uphold the democratic ideal.
To build a truly democratic China is the unshrinkable mission of every member of the China Democracy Party.
铭记英魂，继续前行
Remember the Heroic Soul, Continue the Journey
— San Francisco Democracy Party Holds Sea Memorial for Liu Xiaobo
作者： 胡丽莉 时间： 2025年7月13日 地点： 加州圣荷西 Alviso 湾岸
编辑：罗志飞 责任编辑：鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
2025年7月13日，是诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波在中共囚禁中病逝八周年的纪念日。当天，中国民主党旧金山支部在Alviso湾岸举行海祭悼念活动。
一幅巨大“缅怀晓波”白布展于岸边，参与者纷纷在布上签下自己的名字，有人写下：“为自由而战”，有人写：“不做沉默的中国人”，也有人默默写下“晓波走了，我们来了”。这不仅是一场悼念，更是一场誓言的集体见证。
令人震撼的是，当天海水呈现出不寻常的深红色，仿佛天地同悲——大海也在为那片长期被中共暴政践踏的土地上滔天的血债发出哀鸣。
“刘晓波永垂不朽”、“共产党遗臭万年”的白色条幅随风抖动，如同前辈的灵魂未曾安息。人群中，有人轻声念出刘晓波遗言：“我没有敌人，也没有仇恨。”而更多人则在心中补上一句：“但我们有敌人，我们必须推翻它！”
现场，主持人宣读悼词，回顾刘晓波从“六四”到《零八宪章》的不屈历程，参与者们踊跃发言，追忆先驱，揭露中共对民主的残酷打压。刘晓波“我没有敌人”的信念早已穿透铁牢，照亮无数奋起者的道路。
2017年，刘晓波的骨灰被当局强行火化，并撒入中国东北的海中。他没有坟墓，只留下一片茫茫海水，不许纪念，不许哀悼。但中共错了，海不属于他们，记忆不属于他们。活动中，参与者们纷纷献上鲜花，向这位为自由献身的烈士致敬。我们在另一片海岸，将自由之花敬献给他——因为世界还记得他，我们还在为他呼喊。
本文部分图片由Yongjie Guan提供
Remember the Heroic Soul, Continue the Journey
— San Francisco Democracy Party Holds Sea Memorial for Liu Xiaobo
By: Hu Lili Date: July 13, 2025
Location: Alviso Shoreline, San Jose, California
Editor: Luo Zhifei Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen
July 13, 2025, marked the eighth anniversary of the death of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo, who passed away while imprisoned by the Chinese Communist Party. On this day, the San Francisco branch of the China Democracy Party held a sea memorial ceremony at the Alviso shoreline.
A large white banner reading “In Memory of Xiaobo” was unfurled along the shore. Participants came forward one after another to sign their names on it. Some wrote, “Fight for freedom.” Others wrote, “Refuse to be a silent Chinese.” And someone quietly wrote, “Xiaobo is gone, we are here.” This was not only a memorial, but also a collective oath and witness.
What struck everyone was that the seawater appeared an unusual deep red that day, as if heaven and earth were mourning together — the ocean itself seemed to cry out for the blood debts amassed on the land long trampled by the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party.
White banners bearing the words “Liu Xiaobo Lives Forever” and “The Communist Party Will Be Condemned for Eternity” fluttered in the wind, as if the souls of the martyrs had never found rest. Amid the crowd, someone softly recited Liu Xiaobo’s final words: “I have no enemies, no hatred.” Yet many silently added in their hearts: “But we do have enemies — and we must overthrow them!”
At the site, the host read aloud the eulogy, recalling Liu Xiaobo’s unyielding journey from Tiananmen in 1989 to Charter 08. Attendees spoke one after another, honoring the pioneer, exposing the CCP’s brutal suppression of democracy. Liu Xiaobo’s conviction — “I have no enemies” — had long since pierced the prison walls and lit the path for countless who rose up.
In 2017, Liu Xiaobo’s ashes were forcibly cremated by the authorities and scattered in the sea off northeastern China. He was denied a grave, denied a memorial, denied mourning. But the CCP was wrong — the sea does not belong to them, and neither does memory. During the event, participants laid flowers in tribute to this martyr who gave his life for freedom. On this other shore, we offer him the blossoms of liberty — because the world remembers him, and we are still calling his name.
Some images in this article were provided by Yongjie Guan.
《自由之椅》纪念 刘晓波（1955-2017）
“The Chair of Freedom” – In Memory of Liu Xiaobo (1955–2017)
— Pursuing Freedom, Upholding Conscience
报道：李聪玲
时间：2025年7月13日（星期日） 地点：美国加州洛杉矶Santa Monica海滩
编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
在刘晓波先生逝世八周年之际，由中国民主党全委会举办了一场题为《自由之椅：给未完成的中国自由留下一把椅子》的庄严纪念活动，来自各地的民主党员、民主人士、人权活动者和普通公民，于7月13日下午齐聚洛杉矶Santa Monica海滩。
本次活动旨在缅怀刘晓波先生不屈不挠的精神，呼唤仍在中国继续为言论自由、民主宪政奋斗的人们，并提醒世界——自由尚未实现，斗争仍在继续。
活动现场布置了一张象征“自由之椅”的巨椅，寓意刘晓波在2010年诺贝尔和平奖颁奖礼上那把因其入狱而无法亲临现场的椅子，也象征中国自由运动中那始终空缺的位置。这把椅子是由中国民主党全委会党员宋佳航耗时数天精心制作。
纪念活动开始前，志愿者们在圣莫妮卡海滩人流密集处向游客介绍刘晓波与《零八宪章》，现场反响热烈，获得了积极反馈。
开场致辞中，主持人赵杰向在场观众回顾了刘晓波先生从八九六四天安门学生运动“广场四君子”到《零八宪章》起草人，再到因言获罪、身陷囹圄，直至病逝狱中的生命轨迹。他强调“刘晓波”不仅是一个名字，更是一种精神——他用一生诠释了什么是为了自由而甘愿承受苦难的意志。
多位中国民主运动前辈与人权活动家亲临现场发言
中国民主党创党元老朱虞夫先生讲述在2024年的今天，国内七位民主人士昝爱宗、邹巍等因在钱塘江边悼念刘晓波，而被中共以“寻衅滋事”批捕羁押。朱虞夫先生表示相信刘晓波先生的理念在我们每个人的心里植根，让我们记住他，了解他，接受他的观念，让我们在新的中国社会里面去发挥自己的作用。
八九学运领袖、六四纪念馆馆长王丹先生，分享与刘晓波先生的往事。八九年刘晓波先生作为知识分子代表，参加了王丹先生与王军涛先生的联席会议。王丹先生和刘晓波先生一起被中共关押在秦城监狱。1991年中共大审判，王丹先生被提到北京市中级法院开庭。在开庭前与刘晓波先生相遇，两人不顾身后多名警察，紧紧拥抱，这是莫大的支持与温暖。刘晓波先生给我们留下的精神遗产：我们要有勇气去坚持，也要坚持我们的勇气。
多位民主人士深情发言：王中伟主委缅怀刘晓波与故友张卉蕾，称他们用生命诠释了信仰与良知；作家汐颜回忆曾因悼念刘晓波被捕，如今在自由中看见越来越多的人站到了一起；康慧女士表达对刘晓波及湖南良心犯支持者欧阳先生的哀思，并讲述自己投身爱心募捐的初心；民主斗士田永德则追述与刘晓波的交往，反思曾对温和抗争的误解，并强调今天的纪念是为了不忘、是为了继续抵抗专制暴政。
中国民主党洛杉矶地区委员会前任主委耿冠军先生回顾了多年筹办纪念的心路历程，对参与者表达感动与鼓励；本次活动总策划郑伟先生强调“纪念就是抵抗”，呼吁铭记自由未竟的道路，并以“空椅子”象征跨越海峡的良知与守望，表达对仍被囚禁者的关切与希望。
他们或回忆往事、或呼唤现实、或直面中共政权的打压与谎言，言辞动人、情感真挚。
活动进入高潮时，组织者邀请所有与会者向自由之椅献花，并集体默哀三分钟，缅怀刘晓波及所有因言获罪者。背景音乐《送别》低回婉转，许多参与者眼含热泪，将鲜花轻放在椅前，表达敬意与哀思。
随后，民主活动家杨晓女士朗诵了北岛1976年创作的名诗《回答》。这首诗以“我不相信”的铿锵语调，表达了对“文革”黑暗现实的质疑与抗争，成为一代青年觉醒的强音。杨晓以坚定决绝的朗诵，宣告对暴政与虚伪的拒绝，使这首诗成为当日最有力量的宣言之一。
接下来的自由发言环节中，来自各地的民主人士依次发言。他们共同表达了一项信念：刘晓波的牺牲不会被遗忘，中国自由的梦想不会终止。
蔡晓丽高呼拒绝恐惧、坚持发声！苏一峰呼吁揭露中共恶行、捍卫自由。倪世成称刘晓波为自省而坚韧的抗争者。张伟讲述了刘晓波去世后当局强行海葬、拒绝立碑的真相。今天大海成为他精神的象征，成为人们寄托追思与坚持自由的所在。陈恩得与李光芒重申刘晓波“我没有敌人”的信念，并深刻指出，这份温和背后，是对极权最无声却最坚决的抗争。林小龙、张荣鑫、马群与杨皓则从不同角度诉说：虽无墓碑可凭吊，但自由之梦仍在延续，我们因记得而不孤单，因坚持而不沉默。
活动尾声，全体与会者手持蜡烛，集体朗诵诗作《宣告》，以诗的语言表达承诺：“我只能选择天空，决不跪在地上，以显出刽子手们的高大。”星光、海风与烛光交织成一场庄严的自由仪式。
主持人郑敏在结语中说：“这场纪念，不只是悼念过去，更是为了照亮未来。自由之椅不会永远空着——只要我们还在，只要我们还记得。”
这是一场纪念，也是一场动员；这是一次哀悼，也是一种抵抗。在今日自由仍遭压制、暴政仍在蔓延的时代，刘晓波留下的不只是回忆，更是一份未竟的使命。正如活动所展现的——我们都可以成为接棒者。
“The Chair of Freedom” – In Memory of Liu Xiaobo (1955–2017)
— Pursuing Freedom, Upholding Conscience
Reported by: Li Congling Date: Sunday, July 13, 2025
Location: Santa Monica Beach, Los Angeles, California, USA
Editors: Hu Lili, Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen
On the eighth anniversary of Mr. Liu Xiaobo’s death, the China Democracy Party Central Committee held a solemn memorial event titled “The Chair of Freedom: Leaving a Chair for China’s Unfinished Freedom.” On the afternoon of July 13, democratic party members, pro-democracy activists, human rights defenders, and ordinary citizens gathered at Santa Monica Beach in Los Angeles.
This event aimed to commemorate Mr. Liu Xiaobo’s unyielding spirit, to call upon those still fighting for freedom of expression and constitutional democracy in China, and to remind the world — freedom has yet to be realized, and the struggle continues.
At the event site, a giant chair symbolizing the “Chair of Freedom” was set up. It referenced the empty chair at the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, which Liu Xiaobo could not attend due to imprisonment. It also symbolized the ever-empty place within China’s freedom movement. The chair was meticulously crafted over several days by CDP Central Committee member Song Jiahang.
Before the memorial began, volunteers introduced Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 to tourists in the crowded areas of Santa Monica Beach. The public response was enthusiastic, with many expressing positive feedback.
In the opening address, host Zhao Jie recounted Liu Xiaobo’s life path to the audience: from being one of the “Four Gentlemen of Tiananmen” during the 1989 student movement, to co-authoring Charter 08, to being imprisoned for his words, and eventually dying in prison. He emphasized that “Liu Xiaobo” is not just a name, but a spirit — he spent his life embodying the will to endure suffering for the sake of freedom.
Several pioneers of China’s democratic movement and human rights activists gave speeches in person.
Mr. Zhu Yufu, founding elder of the China Democracy Party, spoke about how in 2024, seven democracy activists including Zan Aizong and Zou Wei were arrested and detained by the CCP on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” after mourning Liu Xiaobo by the Qiantang River. Mr. Zhu expressed his belief that Liu Xiaobo’s ideals have taken root in each of us — let us remember him, understand him, accept his views, and fulfill our roles in a new Chinese society.
1989 student movement leader and June Fourth Museum director Mr. Wang Dan shared his memories of Liu Xiaobo. In 1989, Liu Xiaobo, as a representative of intellectuals, participated in a joint meeting with Wang Dan and Wang Juntao. He and Wang Dan were imprisoned together by the CCP in Qincheng Prison. During the mass political trials in 1991, Wang Dan was brought to the Beijing Intermediate People’s Court. Before the trial, he encountered Liu Xiaobo. Despite the many police officers behind them, the two embraced tightly — it was an immense show of support and warmth. The spiritual legacy Liu left us is this: we must have the courage to persist, and persist in our courage.
Many democracy activists gave heartfelt speeches:
• Chairman Wang Zhongwei commemorated Liu Xiaobo and his late friend Zhang Huilei, saying they embodied faith and conscience with their lives.
• Writer Xiyan recalled being arrested for mourning Liu, and now in freedom, sees more and more people standing together.
• Ms. Kang Hui expressed her grief for Liu Xiaobo and Mr. Ouyang, a supporter of conscience prisoners in Hunan, and shared her original motivation for engaging in charity work.
• Democracy fighter Tian Yongde recounted his interactions with Liu, reflected on his past misunderstanding of peaceful resistance, and stressed that today’s memorial is about not forgetting — and about continuing to resist authoritarian tyranny.
Former CDP Los Angeles Committee Chair Geng Guanjun reflected on his years of emotional effort organizing these memorials and offered his gratitude and encouragement to all participants. Chief planner Zheng Wei emphasized, “To commemorate is to resist,” urging everyone to remember the unfinished road to freedom. He pointed to the empty chair as a symbol of conscience and vigilance spanning the strait, expressing concern and hope for those still imprisoned.
Whether recalling the past, calling out the present, or directly confronting the CCP’s repression and lies, their words were moving and sincere.
As the event reached its climax, organizers invited all attendees to present flowers to the Chair of Freedom and observe a three-minute moment of silence to commemorate Liu Xiaobo and all those convicted for their speech. The background music “Farewell” played softly and wistfully. Many participants, with tears in their eyes, gently placed flowers in front of the chair, expressing their respect and grief.
Next, democracy activist Ms. Yang Xiao recited Bei Dao’s iconic 1976 poem “The Answer.” With its powerful opening line “I do not believe,” the poem expresses defiance and resistance against the dark realities of the Cultural Revolution. It became a rallying cry for an awakening generation. Yang Xiao delivered a firm, resolute performance, declaring a rejection of tyranny and hypocrisy — making the poem one of the most powerful declarations of the day.
During the following open mic session, democracy activists from all over took turns speaking. They expressed a shared belief: Liu Xiaobo’s sacrifice will not be forgotten, and the dream of freedom for China will not end.
• Cai Xiaoli shouted a call to reject fear and to keep speaking out!
• Su Yifeng urged the exposure of CCP atrocities and the defense of freedom.
• Ni Shicheng described Liu Xiaobo as a self-reflective and resilient fighter.
• Zhang Wei recounted the truth about how, after Liu’s death, the authorities forcibly cremated and buried him at sea, refusing to allow a tombstone. Today, the ocean has become a symbol of his spirit — a place where people entrust their mourning and ongoing commitment to freedom.
• Chen Ende and Li Guangmang reaffirmed Liu Xiaobo’s belief of “I have no enemies” and profoundly pointed out that behind such gentleness lies the most silent yet determined resistance to totalitarianism.
• Lin Xiaolong, Zhang Rongxin, Ma Qun, and Yang Hao spoke from different angles: though there is no grave to mourn at, the dream of freedom continues. We are not alone because we remember; we are not silent because we persist.
At the conclusion of the event, all participants held candles and together recited the poem “Declaration,” using the language of poetry to express their commitment:
“I can only choose the sky, never kneel to the ground, to make executioners look tall.”
Starlight, sea breeze, and candlelight wove together a solemn ceremony for freedom.
In her closing remarks, host Zheng Min said:
“This memorial is not just to mourn the past, but to illuminate the future. The Chair of Freedom will not remain empty — as long as we are here, as long as we remember.”
This was a memorial, but also a mobilization; a mourning, and also a form of resistance. In today’s world, where freedom is still suppressed and tyranny continues to spread, Liu Xiaobo leaves us not only with memories, but with an unfinished mission. As this event demonstrated — each of us can be the one to carry the torch.
中共最畏惧的，是国内民众的觉醒与抗争
What the CCP Fears Most Is the Awakening and Resistance of Its Own People
作者：刘洋洋 2025年7月11日
编辑:赵杰 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文
从中国到海外，我亲眼见证并参与了国际社会与海外民运对中共的施压，但收效甚微。我深信，中共最恐惧的，是国内民众的觉醒与抗争——这也是终结其独裁统治最有力的手段。
疫情期间的白纸运动便是明证。在那场漫长而严苛的封控中，无人知晓何时是尽头。然而，一个偶然的契机点燃了民众积压已久的愤怒，他们走上街头，抗议封控，呼吁解封。仅仅几天后，全国封控骤然解除。从随后的医院挤兑、药品短缺表明，中共当时毫无解封准备，但还是迫于政权稳定还是解封了。
真正推动变革的，是民众的抗争之力。
因此，身处海外、期盼中国自由民主的我们，应致力于启发国内民众。传递中共的历史真相，唤醒公民权利意识，激发对自由民主的追求。我们需尝试有效的信息传递方式——或隐晦的、或绕过审查的，或借助技术手段的。
被启蒙后的国内民众就会觉醒，这股力量暗流涌动，一旦历史契机到来，中共的独裁统治或将轰然崩塌。
What the CCP Fears Most Is the Awakening and Resistance of Its Own People
By Liu Yangyang July 11, 2025
Editor: Zhao Jie Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
From China to overseas, I have personally witnessed and participated in efforts by the international community and overseas pro-democracy movements to pressure the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet, the results have been minimal. I firmly believe that what the CCP fears most is not international condemnation, but the awakening and resistance of its own people—this is the most powerful force capable of ending its authoritarian rule.
The White Paper Movement during the COVID-19 lockdowns serves as clear evidence. During those long and harsh lockdowns, no one knew when it would end. Yet a single incident ignited the long-suppressed anger of the people. They took to the streets to protest the lockdowns and demand reopening. Just a few days later, the nationwide lockdowns were abruptly lifted. The ensuing overcrowded hospitals and medicine shortages revealed that the CCP had made no preparations for reopening—it acted not out of public health planning, but out of fear for its own political stability.
It was the people’s resistance that forced change.
Therefore, those of us overseas who long for freedom and democracy in China must focus our efforts on awakening the people inside the country. We must spread the truth about the CCP’s history, raise awareness of civil rights, and inspire the desire for freedom and democracy. We should explore effective means of information dissemination—whether indirect, evasive of censorship, or aided by technology.
Once the people are enlightened, they will awaken. That awakening is an undercurrent of immense power. When the right historical moment arrives, it may well bring about the sudden collapse of the CCP’s authoritarian regime.
我是李家亮，中国民主党党员，一名长期投身中国民主运动的行动者。
我是李家亮，中国民主党党员，一名长期投身中国民主运动的行动者。今天是刘晓波先生逝世八周年，我来到加州圣莫尼卡海边参加纪念活动，向他献上鲜花，缅怀他不屈的精神。
多年来，我参加过无数次民运抗争活动，为各个民主事业积极捐款，在64雕塑公园前，在街头、在领馆前、在流亡的土地上，为自由发声、为被囚禁者提供支持和呼喊。刘晓波的信念一直鼓舞着我：即使身陷囹圄，也要坚持良知；即使身处黑暗，也要点亮一束光。
作者：李家亮 2025年7月13日
编辑：罗志飞 责任编辑：鲁慧文
I am Li Jialiang, a member of the China Democracy Party and a long-time participant in the Chinese pro-democracy movement.
Today marks the 8th anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s passing, and I have come to the shores of Santa Monica, California, to lay flowers in his memory and honor his unyielding spirit.
Over the years, I have taken part in countless protests and actions in support of democracy. I have donated to democratic causes, stood in front of the Tiananmen Memorial Park, marched in the streets, demonstrated outside consulates, and spoken out on the soil of exile. I have done all this to advocate for freedom, and to lend support and a voice to those unjustly imprisoned.
Liu Xiaobo’s belief has always inspired me:
Even when trapped in a prison cell, one must hold fast to conscience.
Even in the darkest of times, one must strive to light a single flame.
By Li Jialiang, July 3th, 2025
Editor: Luo Zhifei Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
习近平，新时代的纳粹党魁希特勒
Xi Jinping: The Nazi Führer of the New Era
作者：王小光 2025年7月10日
编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文
中国国家主席习近平正在构建一个“科技极权国家”，其手段、运作逻辑和意识形态与纳粹主义之间呈现出高度相似之处。
当年，希特勒通过《授权法案》瓦解魏玛共和国的宪政制度，实现了集权统治。而习近平则在2018年通过修改宪法，取消国家主席任期限制，为其长期执政铺平道路。他借“反腐”之名清除政敌，掌控军队、公安与国家安全系统，建立起党政军一体化的高压统治模式。
习近平所构建的，是一个既无制度性反对派、也无法对其合法性提出挑战的权力结构。这种个人凌驾于制度之上的模式，与希特勒所推行的“元首体制”如出一辙。
当年纳粹宣传部长戈培尔将希特勒神化为“民族的救世主”，习近平也被中共宣传系统打造为“核心中的核心”“人民领袖”。其思想被写入党章、宪法，进入教材、课堂、考试，渗透至社会生活的各个角落。
在纳粹德国，出版、言论与教育全部服从宣传口径；而在今天的中国，微博、微信、抖音等平台受到严密审查，“翻墙”成了犯罪行为。批评习近平者不仅面临封号，更可能遭遇跨境追捕，例如李孟居、李明哲的案例。
这种对信息空间的全面控制，是一种数字时代的纳粹式思想垄断。
纳粹通过鼓吹“德意志民族复兴”，挑起德国受害情绪，煽动排外主义和种族优越感，制造敌人。习近平也构建出“中华民族伟大复兴”的话语体系，强调“百年屈辱”，宣扬“西方亡我之心不死”，将台湾独立派、香港民主派、新疆穆斯林、异见知识分子、甚至外国评论者统统标签化为“敌对势力”、“分裂分子”、“恐怖主义”。
这种借制造敌人来强化内部团结的政治手法，正是纳粹主义的重要机制。
纳粹德国曾对犹太人、吉普赛人、同性恋群体实施系统性种族灭绝。而习近平政权则以“去极端化”之名对新疆维吾尔人、藏人、法轮功群体进行大规模压制。数十万甚至上百万人被无审判关押，强制接受“思想教育”和语言改造，遭遇强迫绝育、家庭拆离以及劳动迫害，成为现代奴工制度下的牺牲品。
这是一种高科技包装下的法西斯主义。它没有集中营的焚尸炉，但有AI人工智能审查；没有党卫军，但有国家安全机关与大数据监控系统。它用现代工具重现了纳粹模式。
希特勒打着“民族统一”、“争取生存空间”的旗号发动侵略战争，吞并奥地利、捷克。习近平则对台进行文攻武吓：频繁举行军演、军机绕台、在国际上对台湾进行外交打压，并将台湾的民主制度视为体制威胁。同时，他推动南海军事化，修建人工岛、部署导弹，公然违背国际裁决，更通过“一带一路”、孔子学院、国际宣传等方式，向全球输出“红色纳粹”治理模式。
新时代的法西斯主义，换了外衣却未换本质。纳粹曾以激进民族主义、信息控制与系统迫害拖垮德国，而习近平正将中国转化为一个以高科技为基础的极权帝国，以“复兴”之名，压制国内、扩张海外。
他不是穿军服的元首，而是身穿西装、谈论改革、使用人工智能的“新纳粹”领袖。曾经的纳粹以坦克驶来，如今的纳粹则打着“稳定”、“团结”、“治理现代化”的旗号，正悄然渗透进我们的时代与世界。
Xi Jinping: The Nazi Führer of the New Era
By Wang Xiaoguang – July 10, 2025
Edited by Feng Reng · Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Chinese President Xi Jinping is constructing a “technological totalitarian state,” one that bears striking similarities to Nazi ideology in both method and structure.
Back in the 1930s, Adolf Hitler dismantled the Weimar Republic’s constitutional framework through the Enabling Act, consolidating absolute power. In 2018, Xi Jinping followed a similar path—amending China’s Constitution to abolish presidential term limits, paving the way for his indefinite rule. Under the banner of “anti-corruption,” he purged political rivals and seized control of the military, police, and national security apparatus, establishing a system of oppressive governance where Party, state, and military are fused under his command.
What Xi has built is a power structure without institutional opposition and immune to challenges to its legitimacy—a model in which the individual stands above the system, eerily echoing Hitler’s “Führer principle.”
Just as Nazi propaganda chief Joseph Goebbels deified Hitler as Germany’s savior, Xi Jinping has been elevated by China’s propaganda machine to the “core of the core,” the “people’s leader.” His so-called “thought” has been written into the Party constitution, the national constitution, and is now embedded in textbooks, classrooms, and exams—saturating all aspects of public life.
In Nazi Germany, publishing, speech, and education were strictly subordinated to state propaganda. Today in China, platforms like Weibo, WeChat, and Douyin are subject to intense censorship, while “circumventing the firewall” is criminalized. Those who criticize Xi face not only account bans but cross-border persecution—cases like Li Mengzhu and Lee Ming-cheh serve as chilling examples.
This total control of the information space is a digital-age incarnation of Nazi-style ideological monopoly.
Nazi Germany incited ethnic nationalism and external hatred under the guise of a “German national revival.” Similarly, Xi promotes the narrative of the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation,” invoking a “century of humiliation,” insisting the West seeks China’s demise. He brands Taiwan independence advocates, Hong Kong democrats, Uyghur Muslims, dissenting intellectuals, and even foreign commentators as “hostile forces,” “separatists,” or “terrorists.”
The tactic of inventing enemies to unite the masses is a core mechanism of fascist rule.
The Nazis carried out genocide against Jews, Roma, and LGBTQ communities. Today, Xi’s regime, under the guise of “counter-extremism,” has unleashed large-scale repression of Uyghurs, Tibetans, and Falun Gong practitioners. Hundreds of thousands—possibly over a million—have been detained without trial, forced into “thought education,” linguistic reprogramming, sterilization, family separation, and labor exploitation. They are the victims of a modern slave labor system, disguised as governance.
This is fascism repackaged with high-tech polish.
There are no crematoriums, but there is AI censorship.
No SS troopers, but a sprawling national security network and omnipresent data surveillance.
It is a modern toolkit deployed to recreate the Nazi model.
Hitler launched wars of aggression under slogans like “national unification” and “living space,” annexing Austria and Czechoslovakia. Xi uses “gray zone” warfare against Taiwan—military drills, airspace intrusions, and diplomatic coercion. He views Taiwan’s democratic system as a threat to his regime. In the South China Sea, he militarizes artificial islands and violates international rulings. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, Confucius Institutes, and global propaganda campaigns, he exports the CCP’s “Red Nazi” model of governance.
Fascism in the new era has changed its clothing, but not its core. Just as Nazi Germany was driven into collapse by extreme nationalism, media control, and systematic persecution, Xi Jinping is transforming China into a technological empire of tyranny, using the language of “national rejuvenation” to suppress dissent and expand overseas influence.
He is not a military-clad dictator, but a suited technocrat wielding algorithms and speaking the language of “reform.” The new fascism does not arrive in tanks—but cloaked in slogans of “stability,” “unity,” and “modern governance,” infiltrating our age and threatening the world.