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洛杉矶 3月7日 六四纪念馆公开演讲 从六四学运领袖到美国国民爸爸

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洛杉矶 3月7日 六四纪念馆公开演讲 从六四学运领袖到美国国民爸爸
洛杉矶 3月7日 六四纪念馆公开演讲 从六四学运领袖到美国国民爸爸

转 王丹@wangdan1989 发布“六四”纪念会活动预告:

奥运冠军,“六四”二代Alysa已经成为新的美国偶像,她的父亲,我们的老战友刘俊律师培养女儿成才,拒绝中共金钱诱惑的故事,也成了海外华人圈的热门话题。相信很多朋友都希望有机会当面听这位“国民老爸”讲述培养女儿成为体育明星的故事。

刘俊律师已经接受了一些采访,但迄今还没有进行过公开演讲。我很高兴他接受邀请,将在“六四”纪念馆首次公开演讲。我想,这个决定本身,就代表了刘俊律师的价值选择。也谢谢他对“六四”纪念馆的支持。

演讲时间:3月7日(本周六)下午2点

地点:“六四”紀念館(3024 Peck Ave. EI Monte,CA 91732)

活动免费开放。欢迎南加州的朋友和家长们前来参加。

洛杉矶 3月1日 《全球觉醒》第六十一期

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洛杉矶 3月1日 《全球觉醒》第六十一期
洛杉矶 3月1日 《全球觉醒》第六十一期

《全球覺醒》第六十一期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題:誰在害怕人民的聲音 從兩會維穩看獨裁政權的脆弱

每當三月「兩會」臨近,身後的中共政權便陷入病態的癲狂。監控網籠罩全國,警察傾巢出動進行地毯式清理。這場標榜「民主」的政治秀,底色卻是極致的恐懼。從行政攔截到集體禁言,每一道枷鎖都在控訴:這個政權害怕每一名公民的聲音。

中共對「兩會」的恐懼,本質上是對真相與問責的恐懼。所謂的「人民代表」從未經過選民授權,所謂的「民主提案」不過是權力的註腳。兩會只是場浪費民脂民膏、欺騙民眾的作秀。為了營造萬眾一心的假象,他們實施大規模「預防性鎮壓」:律師被噤聲,活動人士被「旅遊」,社交評論被過濾。他們用納稅人的血汗錢,打造囚禁納稅人的牢籠。這些極端手段是獨裁者隔離痛苦的過濾器,他們害怕百姓揭穿「盛世」謊言,害怕底層的哀鳴驚擾了權貴的政治幻夢。

這種控制機制反映了政權合法性的脆弱。一個自稱代表人民的政府,卻在開會時將人民視為最大威脅,簡直是荒誕的反諷。中共深知統治建立在謊言之上,只要有裂縫,自由火種便會燎原。鐵腕維穩換不來長治久安,封鎖消息擋不住民怨沸騰。你們越恐懼發聲,越證明統治已入末路。我們將持續揭露這種恐懼治理,直到中國人擁有真正的自由!

我們的口號:

兩會開會,百姓受罪!

假民主真獨裁,中共醜行傳海外!

害怕民意搞維穩,獨裁政權沒底氣!

時間:2026年3月1日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人: 廖軍/劉廣賢

活動規劃: 孙晔/粱振華

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

胡月明4806536918 /劉炳良6268612558

陳勝6266154649 /穆偉6265418458

劉紹陽8186998561 /劉錦亮6264933382

活動義工:于海龍 /王彪/ 陈健/黄思博 /李錦華/孔德翠/張星

攝影:Ji Luo /王永 /劉樂園

主辦單位:

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

旧金山 2月28日 声援乌克兰抗击俄罗斯入侵四周年

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旧金山 2月28日 声援乌克兰抗击俄罗斯入侵四周年
旧金山 2月28日 声援乌克兰抗击俄罗斯入侵四周年

活動公告:

聲援烏克蘭抗擊俄羅斯入侵四周年:正義終將勝利,榮耀歸烏克蘭!

Event Announcement:

Stand with Ukraine on the 4th anniversary of resisting Russia’s invasion: Justice will prevail, glory to Ukraine!

支持烏克蘭保衛家園、捍衛自由民主與正義!

Support Ukraine in defending its homeland and upholding freedom, democracy, and justice!

反對邪惡軸心聯盟製造殺戮、摧毀人類文明!

Oppose the Axis of Evil alliance for spreading bloodshed and destroying human civilization!

反對中共暗中援俄戰爭機器!

Oppose the CCP’s covert support for Russia’s war machine!

主辦單位:中國民主黨(舊金山黨部)

活動召集:方政/Zheng Fang 何穎/Ying He

策劃發起:陳森鋒/Senfeng Chen 關永傑/Yongjie Guan

活動組織:王霛/Ling Wang 李栩/Xu Li 高俊影/Junying Gao 胡丕政/Pizheng Hu 周雲龍/Yunlong Zhou

現場義工:韓震/Zhen Han 周忠玉/Zhongyu Zhou 張善城/Shancheng Zhang

拍攝宣傳:繆青/Qing Miao 蔣書清/Shuqing Jiang 高應芬/Yingfen Gao

後勤保障:李樹青/Shuqing Li 盧占強/Zhanqiang Lu 莊帆/Fan Zhuang

活動時間:2026年2月28日(週六)下午 2:00pm——4:00pm

活動地點:舊金山中國領事館前

Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco

逃港潮与自由之地的陨落

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逃港潮与自由之地的陨落

作者:钟然
编辑:钟然 校对:王滨 翻译:戈冰

逃港潮与自由之地的陨落

自由雕塑公园大逃港纪念碑 THE GREAT ESCAPE TO HONG KONG

“中国逃港潮”主要指发生在20世纪50至80年代,这并非零星个体的越境行为,而是在中共残酷统治下,由生存危机、制度压迫与社会封闭共同催生的集体选择,反映了当时民众通过“用脚投票”来对抗命运的悲壮历史。

1960年3月,苏就带领其全家共48人,从广东省惠阳乘渔船逃往香港

穿越边境地逃港者 摄于1962

趁深圳河枯水期涉水前往香港地逃港者 摄于1962年

自1951年深港边界被封锁以来,至1985年的三十余年间,约有250万内地居民冒险南下。他们或在大鹏湾中与风浪搏命,甚至有人葬身鲨口;或冲过深圳河武警的严密防守;或长时间泅渡深圳湾,在体力与意志的极限中挣扎求生,只为抵达香港,寻求一线生机与新的生活。

自中共建政起,直至1997年香港主权移交之前,逃港潮始终未曾间断,其间更出现过四次规模尤为突出的高峰期。

一、1957年由于反右运动及农业合作化运动导致大规模逃港潮

1957年开始的反右运动,使全中国317万右派知识份子遭受迫害

农业合作化运动将农民私有的土地等主要生产资料变为合作社集体共有,实质上取消了土地私有权

二、1962年大跃进运动导致的大饥荒引发规模最大、最为惨烈的逃港潮

三、文革造成社会经济失序,“上山下乡”使大批知青困于农村、前途黯淡,在失望与无望中,催生了1972年前后的知青逃港潮

2014年 幸存的知青逃港者在吉澳岛东南角立了一块“知青难友纪念碑”

香港纪念逃港死难者的活动阻碍重重 2022年旅居美国的逃港幸存者在美国建碑 延续每年的拜祭

四、中国内地经济低迷,与“亚洲四小龙”之一的香港形成巨大反差,月薪差距动辄百倍。在这种鲜明落差下,1979年深圳建市前,再度掀起一波逃港潮。

1979年香港铜锣湾街景

逃港潮中抵达香港的大陆人,并非只是“过客”,而是逐渐融入并托举起这座城市,成为香港社会不可替代的地基石。正是这群从专制与饥荒中逃生的人,塑造了狮子山精神的内核;也正因为他们记得苦难的来处,在大陆同胞遭受压迫与不幸时,始终选择站出来支持与声援。

然而,香港今非昔比,这座曾经庇护无数逃难者的城市,如今在中共的高压控制下,自由与自主空间正被蚕食殆尽。曾经承载希望与逃生的庇护所被拆解,那些曾在狮子山下奋斗、塑造城市精神的人们,那些试图捍卫自由的人,不被中共容忍,甚至被投入监牢,昔日的荣光与理想正遭全面摧毁。

上世纪六十年代逃港的黎智英,为追求自由与尊严奋斗一生,却在2026年因国安罪被判二十年监禁,成为香港从“庇护之地”沦为“惩罚异议之地”的最残酷见证。

The Exodus to Hong Kong and the Fall of the Land of Freedom

Author: Zhong Ran
Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: From the 1950s to the 1980s, approximately 2.5 million mainland Chinese fled to Hong Kong due to famine, oppression, and economic disparities. They shaped the spirit of Hong Kong. Today, freedom is being eroded, defenders imprisoned, and the once-safe haven transformed into a place where dissent is punished.

逃港潮与自由之地的陨落

Freedom Sculpture Park Monument to the Great Escape to Hong Kong

The “Great Escape to Hong Kong” primarily refers to the mass exodus occurring between the 1950s and 1980s. This was not sporadic individual border crossings, but a collective choice driven by survival crises, systemic oppression, and social isolation under the brutal rule of the Chinese Communist Party. It reflects the tragic history of people “voting with their feet” to resist their fate.

In March 1960, Su led his entire family of 48 members from Huiyang, Guangdong Province, to flee to Hong Kong aboard a fishing boat.

Border-crossing escapees to Hong Kong. Photographed in 1962.

Crossing the Shenzhen River during low water to reach Hong Kong. Photographed in 1962.

From the sealing of the Shenzhen-Hong Kong border in 1951 until 1985, over three decades saw approximately 2.5 million mainland residents risk their lives to flee southward. Some battled fierce winds and waves in Dapeng Bay, with some even falling prey to sharks; others charged through the tight security of armed police along the Shenzhen River; still others endured lengthy swims across Shenzhen Bay, struggling at the limits of their physical and mental endurance, all to reach Hong Kong in search of a glimmer of hope and a new life.

From the founding of the People’s Republic of China until Hong Kong’s handover in 1997, the exodus to Hong Kong never ceased, with four particularly prominent peaks occurring during this period.

I. 1957: Mass exodus triggered by the Anti-Rightist Campaign and the Agricultural Cooperativization Movement

The Anti-Rightist Campaign launched in 1957 subjected 3.17 million “rightist” intellectuals across China to persecution.

The Agricultural Cooperativization Movement transformed privately owned land and other primary means of production into collective ownership by cooperatives, effectively abolishing private land ownership.

II. The Great Leap Forward in 1962 triggered the largest and most devastating wave of escape to Hong Kong

III. The Cultural Revolution caused socioeconomic chaos. The “Down to the Countryside” campaign trapped large numbers of educated youth in rural areas with bleak futures. Their despair and hopelessness fueled the educated youth exodus to Hong Kong around 1972.

In 2014, surviving educated youth who had fled to Hong Kong erected a “Monument to Fellow Educated Youth in Distress” at the southeastern tip of Kat O Island.

Efforts to commemorate those who perished during the escape to Hong Kong faced significant obstacles. In 2022, survivors residing in the United States erected a monument there, continuing the annual memorial ceremonies.

IV. China’s economic stagnation starkly contrasted with Hong Kong, one of the “Four Asian Tigers,” where monthly salaries differed by a hundredfold. This stark disparity triggered another wave of escape attempts before Shenzhen’s establishment in 1979.

1979 Street Scene in Hong Kong’s Causeway Bay

Mainlanders arriving in Hong Kong during this exodus were not mere “transients.” They gradually integrated into and became the indispensable foundation of the city, shaping the core of the Lion Rock Spirit. It is precisely because they remember the origins of their suffering that they consistently stand in solidarity with their compatriots on the mainland when they face oppression and misfortune.

Yet Hong Kong is no longer what it once was. This city that once sheltered countless refugees now sees its freedoms and autonomy eroded under the CCP’s high-pressure control. The sanctuary that once embodied hope and escape is being dismantled. Those who toiled beneath Lion Rock to forge the city’s spirit, those who sought to defend freedom, are now intolerable to the CCP—even imprisoned. The former glory and ideals are being utterly destroyed.

Jimmy Lai, who fled to Hong Kong in the 1960s, spent his life fighting for freedom and dignity. Yet in 2026, he was sentenced to twenty years in prison for national security offenses. His case stands as the cruelest testament to Hong Kong’s descent from a “place of refuge” to a “place of punishment for dissent.”

多行不义必自毙:谢国忠警示中国经济与民生

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编辑:钟然 翻译:戈冰

谢国忠,1960年生,经济学博士,曾任摩根士丹利亚洲区首席经济学家。长期研究房地产、资产泡沫与宏观政策风险,因多次提前预警市场下行趋势而备受关注,也因此被称为“民间空军司令”。

十五年前,谢国忠在楼市一片飘红的时候,唱空楼市,他说:“这不是繁荣,这是透支。年轻人按揭买楼,是用自己的“未来”买“现在”,以后,他们得月月交房贷,拿什么消费?必然造成消费不足,拖垮整个经济。也不敢生育娃娃,因为钱都交房贷,拿什么养娃娃?”“一旦房地产泡沫破裂,当年掏大价钱购买的房子,变成垃圾,卖不出去,按揭如何兑现?”“政府糊涂,不应该超发钞票,拉高楼市。楼市饱和以后,你超发的钞票往哪里转移?中国经济要出大问题的。”如今房价大幅回落、成交腰斩,房企接连爆雷,曾为房企老大的恒大集团已轰然倒下;“停贷潮”与断供风波席卷而来。现实,正冷冷地回应他当年的警告。

谢国忠还说:“既然国有企业是全民所有企业,那么,每一个财政年度就要给全民分发利润。因为全体国民是股东。国有企业不给全国人民分发利润,把盈利干了什么?企业不能说我交给政府了,政府不是企业所有者,是人民雇佣的服务员,你把盈利给政府,等于把主人的钱给仆人,世界上哪有这个道理?政府若长期将国企利润直接纳入财政,而不向全民分配,本质上是对全民资产收益的占有。正确的做法是,国有企业把利润分发人民,人民用来消费,政府收税,用作公益。政府无权拿国有企业的盈利。政府直接拿去国有企业利润,是违法的,至少是越权。”他进一步批评土地财政模式,认为政府依靠土地出让金维持运转,本质上是将全民土地资源财政化。土地属于人民,而土地出让收入却由政府集中支配,并未直接回馈全民。中国政府依靠土地出让金维持运转,这是完全错误的,也是违法的。政府所花的钱,只有一个来源:“财政拨款”,也就是税收。政府靠出卖土地而得利,这种做法荒谬、荒诞、荒唐!

回望明朝末年,朝廷挥霍无度,财政枯竭。外敌入侵时,皇帝两手空空如也,无资金可用!怎么办?耍无赖,不断向社会转嫁成本。如果用略带文学性的笔触去概括明末的财政困境,大致会是这样:士兵为朝廷作战,不仅冒着生命危险,还需自筹武器、马匹和干粮。政府官吏无法按时领取薪俸,崇祯帝先将朝廷世代珍藏的宝鼎(青铜器)融化铸钱,仅能暂时缓解困境。仍不够,他便“号召”富人捐款,当时的做法被称为“拣肥杀猪”,不少富人或托辞贫困,或转移财产,规避摊派。无计可施之下,崇祯帝甚至对官吏说:“你们自己想办法解决薪水。”此举无疑鼓励了官员向百姓转嫁负担。民间流传称,思想家李贽任县令时,把县印挂在县衙,由办事人自行盖印,他自己骑驴讨饭去了。当公共资源被不断抽取,而社会却得不到相应回馈,秩序便会逐步瓦解。

对照现实,中国当下的某些迹象与明末何其相似:公共资源被高度集中并持续消耗,而许多普通百姓却未必真正意识到已处于危如累卵的境地。甚至仍在为权力唱赞歌,对发出风险警示的人加以嘲讽。

谢国忠长期唱空楼市、股市、国有企业和中国经济,他的观点触及中国经济制度和政策敏感线,被中共认为扰乱民心、影响政权稳定,因此在大陆主流媒体和社交平台上的公开发声长期受限。近期,他在海外媒体和社交平台重新活跃,继续直言中国经济问题。但无论谢国忠能否发声,历史的车轮终将碾过,多行不义的政权必自毙,经济和制度的风险已经埋下,暴雷时就是中共拉着14亿人一起毁灭的时候!

Evil brings its own ruin: Andy Xie Warns of Risks to China’s Economy and People’s Livelihoods

Editor: Zhong Ran Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: Stephen Cheah, economist and former chief economist at Morgan Stanley, has long warned about China’s property bubble, stock market risks, and state-owned enterprise issues. His work has faced prolonged restrictions in mainland media and social platforms. His warnings align with reality, highlighting systemic economic and institutional risks, and cautioning that both citizens and the regime will bear the consequences.

Born in 1960, Andy Xie holds a Ph.D. in Economics and previously served as Chief Economist for Asia at Morgan Stanley. His long-term research focuses on real estate, asset bubbles, and macroeconomic policy risks. He gained prominence for repeatedly predicting market downturns in advance, earning him the nickname “Commander of the Private Bear Camp.”

Fifteen years ago, when the property market was booming, Xie warned against it, stating: “This isn’t prosperity; it’s living beyond one’s means. Young people buying homes with mortgages are trading their ‘future’ for ‘present.’ Later, they’ll have to pay monthly mortgage installments—what will they have left for consumption? This inevitably leads to insufficient spending, dragging down the entire economy. They also won’t dare to have children, because all their money goes to mortgage payments—how could they afford to raise a child?” Once the real estate bubble bursts, the homes bought at premium prices will become worthless trash, unsellable. How will people repay their mortgages?“ ”The government is misguided. It shouldn’t have overprinted money to inflate the property market. Once the market saturates, where will all that excess money flow? China’s economy is headed for major trouble.” “Now, with housing prices plummeting, transactions halved, and property developers defaulting one after another, Evergrande Group—once the industry leader—has collapsed. A wave of loan suspensions and mortgage defaults is sweeping through. Reality is coldly validating his warnings from years ago.

Andy Xie also stated: “Since state-owned enterprises belong to the entire people, profits should be distributed to all citizens every fiscal year. Because the entire nation is the shareholder. If state-owned enterprises don’t distribute profits to the people, what are they doing with the earnings? Companies can’t claim they’re handing profits over to the government. The government isn’t the owner of these enterprises; it’s a servant hired by the people. Giving profits to the government is like handing the master’s money to the servant—where in the world is that justified? If the government consistently incorporates SOE profits directly into the fiscal budget without distributing them to the public, it essentially constitutes the appropriation of the people’s asset returns. The correct approach is for state-owned enterprises to distribute profits to the people, who then consume them. The government collects taxes from this consumption to fund public welfare. The government has no right to seize state-owned enterprise profits. Direct appropriation of such profits is illegal, or at the very least, an abuse of authority.” He further criticized the land-finance model, arguing that governments relying on land transfer fees to sustain operations essentially monetizes the nation’s land resources. Land belongs to the people, yet the revenue from land transfers is centrally controlled by the government without direct benefit to the populace. The Chinese government’s reliance on land transfer fees to sustain operations is entirely erroneous and unlawful. Government expenditures should have only one source: “fiscal appropriations,” meaning taxes. For the government to profit from selling land is absurd, preposterous, and ridiculous!

Looking back at the late Ming Dynasty, the imperial court squandered resources recklessly, depleting the treasury. When foreign enemies invaded, the emperor found himself empty-handed, with no funds to spare! What could be done? He resorted to underhanded tactics, constantly shifting the burden onto society. If we were to summarize the fiscal crisis of the late Ming with a touch of literary flair, it might go something like this: Soldiers fought for the court, not only risking their lives but also having to procure their own weapons, horses, and provisions. Government officials couldn’t receive their salaries on time. Emperor Chongzhen first melted down the treasured bronze vessels passed down through generations to cast coins, which only provided temporary relief. Still insufficient, he then “called upon” the wealthy to donate. This practice was known as “picking fat to slaughter pigs.” Many wealthy individuals either claimed poverty or transferred assets to evade the levies. At a loss, Emperor Chongzhen even told officials, “Find your own solutions for salaries.” This move undoubtedly encouraged officials to shift burdens onto the people. Folk tales recount how the thinker Li Zhi, while serving as a county magistrate, hung the county seal in the government office for clerks to stamp documents themselves, then rode off on a donkey to beg for food. When public resources are relentlessly drained without corresponding societal returns, order gradually disintegrates.

Contrasting with reality, certain signs in contemporary China bear striking resemblance to the late Ming era: public resources are highly centralized and continuously depleted, yet many ordinary citizens remain largely unaware of their precarious situation. Some even continue to sing praises of power while mocking those sounding risk warnings.

Andy Xie has long been bearish on China’s real estate market, stock market, state-owned enterprises, and economy. His views touch on sensitive lines within China’s economic system and policies. The Chinese Communist Party considers him disruptive to public sentiment and a threat to regime stability, hence his public voice has long been restricted on mainland mainstream media and social platforms. Recently, he has become active again on overseas media and social platforms, continuing to speak candidly about China’s economic issues. But regardless of whether Andy Xie can speak out, the wheels of history will inevitably roll on. A regime that commits too many injustices will inevitably destroy itself. The risks in the economy and the system have already been sown. When the bombshells explode, it will be the moment the CCP drags 1.4 billion people down with it!

洛杉矶 2月22日 丁胖子广场两场活动

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洛杉矶 2月22日 丁胖子广场两场活动
洛杉矶 2月22日 丁胖子广场两场活动

一、中国民主党举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”

为揭露历史真相、唤醒公众良知,中国民主党将举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”。本次展览继续以“揭露暴行、了解真相、追求自由”为主题,系统呈现中共百年来对人权、自由与基本价值的持续性、制度性迫害,呼吁社会各界以和平方式推动中共政权转型,实现中国的民主宪政与民选政治。

活动详情

时间:2月22日(周日)14::00—15:00

地点:洛杉矶蒙特利公园市 丁胖子广场

主办单位:中国民主党 蒙市支部

二、茉莉花第778次行动行动

——反对、抗议中共武力威胁台湾

2026年2月22日(周日) 3:00PM

地点: 洛杉矶蒙特利公园 丁胖子广场

台湾人和大陆人同根同种,然中共一再提出武统台湾论,经常针对台湾发动军事演习、军事行动。

若台海发生战争死的都是中华民族儿女。我们每一个人必须要站出来反对中共对台的武力威胁和武统行动。

这不仅是对全世界和平的维护,也是为了让所有中华儿女免受战争的恐惧。

揭露真相 从我做起

中国民主党举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”

为揭露历史真相、唤醒公众良知,中国民主党将举办第63期“中共百年暴行展”。本次展览继续以“揭露暴行、了解真相、追求自由”为主题,系统呈现中共百年来对人权、自由与基本价值的持续性、制度性迫害,呼吁社会各界以和平方式推动中共政权转型,实现中国的民主宪政与民选政治。

活动详情

主持人:程筱筱 毛一炜

摄影摄像:陀先润

负责人:倪世成 卓皓然

地点:洛杉矶蒙特利公园市 丁胖子广场

主办:中国民主党全委会

协办:中国民主党 蒙市支部

洛杉矶 2月22日 《全球觉醒》第六十期

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洛杉矶 2月22日 《全球觉醒》第六十期
洛杉矶 2月22日 《全球觉醒》第六十期

《全球覺醒》第六十期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題:支持美國政府判刑中共代理人

就在近期,美國聯邦法院的一紙判決書,撕開了這個外交機構陰暗的底牌。孫耀寧,這名長期活躍在南加州的所謂「政治活動家」,因充當中共秘密代理人被判處四年監禁。他繞過法律,直接聽命於這棟樓裡的中共官員,成為獨裁政權伸向自由土地的毒爪。

荒誕的諷刺是,中共在國內連一張真實的選票都不敢給民眾,卻在國際上厚顏無恥地利用民主制度的開放性,進行滲透。孫耀寧接受指令,卑劣地干預市議員選舉,試圖操控地方政治;他還利用「華人春晚」等活動大搞統戰宣傳,在公共討論中散布謊言,淹沒真相。他不僅是傳聲筒,更是告密者。他秘密監視、追踪那些被中共視為「威脅」的團體和個人。那些為了躲避暴政而來到美國的受害者,竟然在自由的陽光下,依然感受著背後來自領事館暗處的窺視。

中共利用孫耀寧這類人,試圖在海外建立「恐懼治理」體系。他們害怕真相,更害怕民主的力量。我們要正告這棟樓裡的操盤手:在法治國家,任何影子代理人最終都難逃正義審判。你們收買得了靈魂,卻買不到民心。拆穿滲透陰謀,洛杉磯不歡迎特務!我們將持續揭露代理人,直到正義回歸,直到控制鏈條徹底斷裂。

✊ 我們的口號:

✊守護美國自由,反擊中共滲透!

✊監視民眾是流氓,獨裁政權必滅亡!

✊滲透民主是死路,判刑入獄是歸途!

時間:2026年2月22日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:廖軍/劉廣賢

活動規劃:周蘭英 /孙晔

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

胡月明4806536918 /范强 6268616043

張星8728672257 /李錦華9092207666

黄思博 6262345396 /周曉龍6265977574

活動義工:于海龍 /王彪/劉樂園/ 鐘文/ 陈健/何宇

攝影:Ji Luo /王永

主辦單位:

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

宗教大法官的传说(一)

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作者:韩立华
编辑:张宇 校对:程筱筱 翻译:彭小梅

《宗教大法官的传说》是陀思妥耶夫斯基《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》中的一章内容,在第五卷第五章。

关于陀思妥耶夫斯基的这最后一部也是最伟大的一部长篇小说,可以说的实在太多。不论是它的篇幅的宏大、内容的丰富,情节和人物关系的复杂,思想的深刻,都可称为陀思妥耶夫斯基一生的集大成之作。

大概二十年前,友人宋承发寄来的第一封信中讲到,每次他和一个朋友相识,会先提一些问题,好像问卷一样。其中一个问题是“你最喜欢的作家和作品是什么?”。我在回信中说,我最喜欢的一部长篇小说就是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》。

其实,那时候所说的喜欢更多的是惊异于陀思妥耶夫斯基对人的灵魂风景的呈现,对人的表面光洁之下灵魂的污秽,以及那污秽之下对真理和纯洁的渴望的深入挖掘。从陀思妥耶夫斯基我认识到,每个人都是复杂的,一个流浪汉,一个妓女,一个孩子,在陀思妥耶夫斯基那里,都有他(她)的灵魂,都有他(她)的尊严,在生命的某个瞬间都会绽放出他(她)最初被造时的光芒。

陀思妥耶夫斯基和托尔斯泰一样,他们的小说所传递的不仅仅是人物、情节和写作技巧。对他们来说,更重要的是传达自己的思想。无论《战争与和平》还是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》都能看出这一点。这在一定程度上也是他们成为世界文学两座高峰的原因之一。

陀思妥耶夫斯基的思想也对后来的俄罗斯许多哲学家、思想家,产生了重要影响,包括索洛维约夫,梅列日科夫斯基,布尔加科夫,舍斯托夫,罗扎诺夫,别尔嘉耶夫。

别尔嘉耶夫说:“深读陀思妥耶夫斯基永远是生活中的重大事件,总能引起冲动,因而灵魂得到新的火的洗礼。进入陀思妥耶夫斯基世界的人,就会成为新人,他面前展现出新的存在尺度。”

陀思妥耶夫斯基的后期小说,特别是《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》就呈现出这样的冲击力和存在尺度。

而据陀思妥耶夫斯基在他的笔记中所写,这本书整个是对宗教大法官的传说的回应。

那么《宗教大法官的传说》究竟是在讲什么?为什么它对《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》,对陀思妥耶夫斯基本人如此重要?

《宗教大法官的传说》是小说中伊凡所写的一首长诗。故事的背景发生在一个嘈杂的、乌烟瘴气的小酒馆里。

请注意“小酒馆”这个地方。正如伊凡和阿廖沙对话中所说的:“俄国的年轻小伙子,我指的是他们中间的一部分人,直到如今还在干些什么呢?举例说吧,这里是个肮脏的小酒馆,他们从四面八方聚到这里,躲在一个角落里。……你看他们在议论什么呢?他们不谈别的话题,谈的都是些世界范围的问题:有没有上帝?有没有灵魂不朽?那些不信上帝的,就谈社会主义和无政府主义,谈用新的方式改造全人类,实际上这是一回事,是同一个问题的两个方面。”(下面我们涉及到小说原文所使用的是浙江文艺出版社 徐振亚、冯增义的译本 1996年版)

是的,“有没有上帝,有没有灵魂不朽”,这对当时真正的俄国人来说,是至关重要的问题。

陀思妥耶夫斯基也说过:“上帝折磨了我一生。”

伊凡在小说中作为一个有知识的无神论者,却时时被信仰的问题纠缠。

在和弟弟阿廖沙讨论“有没有上帝”的问题时,伊凡说:“亲爱的,十八世纪有一位有罪的老人曾经说过,假如没有上帝,那就应该把他造出来。而人真的造出了一个上帝。假如上帝确实存在,那倒没什么奇怪,没什么稀奇,稀奇的是这种想法——非有上帝不可的想法——居然能钻进像人这样野蛮而凶恶的动物的脑袋里,而这种想法又是多么神圣,多么动人,多么聪明,给人带来多大的荣誉。”

这里所说的“有罪的老人”指的是法国启蒙思想家伏尔泰。

伊凡在这里没有直接回答到底有没有上帝,而是问:人为什么需要上帝?

他有一个着名的观点:如果上帝不存在,人的一切行为都是允许的。但正如加缪在《西西弗的神话》中所说,当伊凡大声呼喊“一切都是允许的”时候,“并不是要求得到拯救和快乐的喊声,而是一种略带苦味的发现。相信一个赋予生活以意义的上帝,这种信仰的诱惑力大大超过了作恶而不受惩罚的权力。”

至于上帝是否存在,伊凡说,这是他的这个欧几里德式的世俗的头脑所无法解答的。虽然他愿意接受上帝,但是他不愿意接受上帝创造的这个世界。

为什么伊凡不愿接受上帝创造的这个世界?在小说第五卷第四章《叛逆》中伊凡作出了详细的解释。这一章的冲击力之强,甚至使得作为反击的第六卷佐西马长老的回应都看起来力不从心。

下面我们来看伊凡的讲述。

《叛逆》这一章是伊凡对上帝的严厉控诉。其实这也是神学中一个古老的难题:如果上帝存在,那么上帝为什么允许世界上有苦难存在?公义的上帝为什么让无辜的人受难?

伊凡的控诉集中在孩子的痛苦上面,他的理由是:“可以爱近处的孩子,哪怕他们蓬头垢面,外貌丑陋(不过我觉得孩子的面貌从来不会丑陋)。第二,我所以不愿谈成年人,除了他们令人讨厌,不值得爱以外,还因为他们遭到了报应:他们偷吃了禁果,像上帝一样能知道善恶。现在他们还在偷吃禁果。但孩子们什么也没吃过。”

这种聚焦的效果就像斯皮尔伯格导演的《辛德勒的名单》里那个全片黑白背景下的红衣小女孩一样,充满了冲击力。

伊凡详细描述了一桩桩针对孩子的暴行录。

①俄土战争中土耳其人将婴儿逗笑之后当着怀抱他的母亲的面,举起手枪把孩子的脑袋打得粉碎。

②瑞士的一个从小被父母遗弃的私生子,度过了贫苦悲惨的童年,长大后在日内瓦抢劫杀害了一个老人,被判死刑。在监狱里被感化信了主,受了洗。然而这并没有减轻和延缓他的刑罚,他按照原来的审判被砍下了脑袋。

③俄国的一个七岁的小女孩,被她有知识有教养的亲生爸爸用树条抽打,并且越抽越带劲,越抽越兴奋,最后在法庭上父亲被无罪释放。

④俄国的一个五岁小女孩,也有两位有教养的父母。他们不但对小女孩拳打脚踢鞭子抽,还在一个天寒地冻的大冷天,在厕所里把她关了一夜,怪她夜里不叫大小便,把她拉的屎涂到她脸上,还硬逼着她吃屎(这是她母亲做的)。

⑤也是在俄国,农奴制最黑暗的年代,在一个告老还乡的将军家里,他的一个农奴的孩子,八岁的小男孩,不小心打伤了将军一条狗的腿,于是将军就放出他全部的猎狗,将被剥得精光的小男孩撕成了碎片。

我想起在疫情封城期间,我所住小区的一只流浪的小黄狗,平时我经常喂他,它也特别乖巧。后来小狗不见了,是被小区里的人杀掉煮着吃了。

伊凡说:“有时候形容一个人残酷得像‘野兽’,其实这是极不公正的,委屈了野兽。野兽绝不可能像人那么残忍,残忍得那么巧妙,那么精致。”

伊凡认为,人们在感情上无法忍受、在理智上也无法理解的正是世界上存在着这种痛苦和苦难。是的,大人也会遭受痛苦,但他们已经吃过禁果,已经知道善恶,他们所受的苦难是他们犯罪之后的代价。但伊凡不能理解的是,孩子为什么要受这样的苦?他们是无辜的。

伊凡想要报复,并且不是在某个无限遥远的地方和时间,而是在这地上,他能亲眼目睹恶人遭报。就算有未来永恒的和谐,伊凡也不同意用受苦的孩子当作为他人培育未来和谐的肥料。

是的,世上所有的宗教都建立在未来永恒和谐的愿望当中,基督教也是这样。在那个新天新地里,“豺狼必与羊羔同食,狮子必吃草与牛一样;尘土必作蛇的食物。在我圣山的遍处,这一切都不伤人,不害物。这是耶和华说的。”(以赛亚书65:25)

“看哪,神的帐幕在人间。他要与人同住,他们要作他的子民;神要亲自与他们同在,作他们的神。神要擦去他们一切的眼泪,不再有死亡,也不再有悲哀、哭号、疼痛,因为以前的事都过去了。”(启示录21:3-4)

伊凡并非没有读过圣经,他也知道在未来的和谐中一切都将得到解释,那时他会看见那个母亲和那个驱赶猎狗撕碎她儿子的凶手互相拥抱,两人流着泪高呼“主啊,你真英明”。但是现在,伊凡说:“趁着还有时间,我要赶紧独善其身,所以我坚决拒绝最高和谐。这种和谐还抵不上那个受尽折磨、用拳头捶打自己胸脯、在臭气熏天的厕所里向‘上帝爷爷’祈祷的那个女孩的一滴眼泪,抵不上的原因在于她的眼泪是无法抵偿的。……我不要和谐,出于对人类的爱我不希望和谐。我情愿保留未经报复的痛苦,最好还是保留我那未经报复的痛苦和我那未经平抑的愤怒,哪怕我错了也心甘情愿。再说大家对和谐的价值估计得也太高了,我们完全支付不起这张过于昂贵的入场券。所以我要赶紧退还这张入场券,只要我是个诚实的人,那就应该尽快退还。我现在做的就是这件事。我不是不接受上帝,阿廖沙,我只是恭恭敬敬地把入场券还给他。”

伊凡认为孩子的眼泪是无法抵偿的,谁也没有权利去宽恕虐待孩子的凶手,包括孩子的母亲也没有权利。他质问阿廖沙:“假如为了造福人类,为了给他们和平和安宁,你自己正在建造一座人类命运的大厦,但是为了这个目的,不可避免地要残害一个小生命,就是那个用拳头捶打自己胸脯的小女孩,用她未经报复的眼泪作为这座大厦的基石,根据这些条件,你能答应担任这座大厦的建筑师吗?”

阿廖沙跟伊凡一样,不会接受孩子无辜受难的基础上的人类幸福生活。

这里,我们可以看到伊凡的思想中有一些极其宝贵的东西,就是不愿为了一个宏大的理想或目标而牺牲世上哪怕一个弱小的个体。联想中国的强拆和城管对路边摊贩的驱逐,就可以看到他们正是因为无视这一点而心安理得地为所欲为。

到现在为止,这一章几乎是伊凡的独白,这正是陀思妥耶夫斯基的道德勇气。他要让伊凡充分发表自己的观点,也不试图削弱伊凡言论的力量。因为信仰若是真理,它就必须能够经受住情感的冲击和理性的质疑。

其实,上面伊凡所说的,一定程度上也是陀思妥耶夫斯基所要表达的。包括这一系列的虐待儿童的记录,都在他的《作家日记》中提到。还有我们刚才读到的“建造人类命运的大厦”的话,1880年在普希金纪念活动上陀思妥耶夫斯基的演讲中,有几乎一模一样的论述。

演讲的背景是关于普希金的长诗《叶夫根尼·奥涅金》,来自外省的女主人公塔吉扬娜爱上奥涅金,但奥涅金由于骄傲,看不上这个纯朴天真的姑娘。后来,塔吉扬娜嫁给一位年迈的将军,她在彼得堡重逢奥涅金。这一次,奥涅金发现了她的魅力,开始追求她,却被她断然拒绝。用一句网络流行语说就是“当初你对我爱搭不理,现在我让你高攀不起”。当然,塔吉扬娜没有这么世俗,在陀思妥耶夫斯基看来,她的这一拒绝体现了俄罗斯女人的神圣和高尚的品格。因为她知道,抛弃丈夫将会使她的丈夫“蒙受耻辱,这将意味着他的死亡。一个人能够从另一个人的不幸中找到幸福吗?”在这里,陀思妥耶夫斯基用伊凡的口气说:“幸福,在于精神的最高和谐。……请问,如果您自己建立人类命运的大厦,目的是在最后使人幸福,最终给他们以和平和安定。你再想一下,为此必须和不可避免地要残害仅仅是一个人…您会同意在这个条件下成为这座大厦的建筑师吗?”(陀思妥耶夫斯基的这次演讲和他创作《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》是同一时期)

所以,《叛逆》这一章伊凡的控诉,我们也可以理解成陀思妥耶夫斯基的控诉,不同之处是陀思妥耶夫斯基相信上帝创造的这个世界的意义,他也同时准备对伊凡的观点进行反击。

陀思妥耶夫斯基在给编辑的信中,把伊凡的这些观点形容为“当代俄国无政府主义思想的大杂烩。它们不是否定上帝,而是否定上帝创造的世界的意义。社会主义全都肇始于否定历史的现实意义,然后终结于某种毁灭世界的无政府主义纲领”。

陀思妥耶夫斯基说他准备通过小说中佐西马长老的临终遗言来反驳伊凡的观点。那么,长老的遗言是怎样反驳伊凡的观点的呢?

我们知道,伊凡是基于对无辜受难的孩子的爱而要求报复,否则他宁愿毁了自己,宁愿保留那未经报复的痛苦和那未经平抑的愤怒,哪怕错了也心甘情愿。

其实伊凡对孩子的爱,从根本上说也是基督教的“爱他人”思想的体现。正如伊凡在跟阿廖沙谈孩子之前讲到的,人很难爱亲近的人,身边的人,具体的人,只能爱远处的人,抽象的人。那么照伊凡的观点,他对孩子的爱是具体的还是抽象的?抽象的爱不是真正的爱,若是具体的爱,这又是人的本性难以做到的,唯有基督或是通过基督才能做到。所以我们可以得出这样的结论:伊凡因着理性拒绝了上帝所造的这个世界,但在理性之上他仍然践行着基督之爱。就像他说的:“爱生活本身超过爱它的意义。”

佐西马长老劝诫的核心也是爱的普遍性。“因为世界就像一片海洋,一切都是流动的,相通的。你在这儿触动一下,世界的另一端就会作出反应。”

所以他要我们爱上帝创造的一切,既包括整体也包括每一粒沙子。“爱每一片树叶,每一道上帝之光,爱动物,爱植物,爱一切事物。”他再一次提到要爱孩子,“特别要爱孩子,因为他们也没有罪孽,像天使一般,他们的存在就是为了感动我们,净化我们的心灵,给我们以启示,欺负婴孩的人是可悲的。”这一点长老和伊凡和阿廖沙的观点是一致的。

那么怎样对待那些伤害孩子的恶人呢?比如那个放狗撕咬孩子的将军,长老不赞成伊凡和阿廖沙的意见,“枪毙他们”,而是说:“你应该永远作出这样的决定:‘要用温柔的爱去感化他,如果你永远下定了这样的决心,那你就能征服整个世界。’”

长老认为,“我们的天性中有许多最强烈的感情和冲动是我们在人间暂时还不可能真正理解的。……我们的思想和感情的根源不在这里,而在另外一个世界。……上帝从另外的世界取来种子播撒到这个世界上,培育了自己的花园,长出了一切可以生长的东西,但他培育出来的东西全靠与另一个神秘世界具有密切联系的感觉而得以存在,获得生命。如果你内心的这种感情淡薄了或者被扼杀了,那么在你心中成长的一切也将随之消亡。那时候你就会对生活感到冷漠,甚至仇视。”

伊凡主动割裂了自己思想和感情同上帝的联系,以上帝所赐的爱来反对上帝,所以他找不到出路,后来发疯了。

关于无辜的人为何遭受苦难,这在神学上叫“神义论”。基督教并未回避这一问题。在圣经中,有一卷书叫《约伯记》,就是在讲述这一古老的困惑:当人无辜受难时,上帝在哪里?上帝为何让他所爱的人遭受苦难?

佐西马长老在他的讲述中就以感人的语气回忆他八岁时第一次在教堂聆听《约伯记》的场景,其实这是陀思妥耶夫斯基自己童年的经历。

《约伯记》讲述了上帝为了考验自己最忠实的仆人约伯,任由撒但使约伯遭受各种残酷的折磨。

长老说,约伯的故事“伟大之处正在于这里有一个秘密,那就是来去匆匆的凡人形象与永恒真理结合在一起了”。

在长老看来,这个故事的奥秘在于,尽管受尽世间的苦难,约伯仍然宣称他相信上帝。

长老还说,约伯最终将会像爱他失去的孩子一样爱他那些新的孩子。他说这是可能的,可能的,“旧的创伤可以通过人生的沧桑巨变逐渐转化为宁静而感人的欢乐,年轻人沸腾的热血将被老年人的谦和和睿智所取代。”(这里是陀思妥耶夫斯基引用的圣徒吉洪的话)

那么基督教怎样看人无辜受难的问题呢?

就以约伯为例,神若真的存在,他的属性是公义的,赏善罚恶。但约伯并没有犯罪,就像伊凡所讲的那些小孩子一样。圣经说他“完全正直,敬畏上帝,远离恶事”。

约伯并不明白自己为什么会遭受苦难,我们读过《约伯记》也会看到约伯受难不是因为他犯罪了,而是来自上帝与撒但的赌约。至于上帝为什么要这么做,除了考验、证明约伯的信心,也是一个奥秘。但是约伯和前来安慰他的朋友们并不知道天上的赌约,所以整卷书几乎都是约伯和他们的辩论。朋友们认为约伯受苦肯定是因为他犯了罪,而约伯宁死也不认为自己有罪。

最后当上帝向他们开口的时候,上帝并没有解释约伯受苦的原因,也没有为自己的公义辩护,而是申明了自己的大能和主权。于是约伯不再争辩,他认识到神掌管万有并且常常眷顾自己,不会撇下自己不管,于是完全顺服在上帝的面前。他说:“我知道你万事都能作,你的旨意不能拦阻。谁用无知的言语使你的旨意隐藏呢?我所说的是我不明白的;这些事太奇妙是我不知道的。求你听我,我要说话;我问你,求你指示我。我从前风闻有你,现在亲眼看见你。”(约伯记42:2-5)

是的,就像长老所说,“我们思想和感情的根源不在这个世界,而在另一个世界,在于和另一个世界的联系。”我们的良知来自于上帝的良善,我们的理性来自于上帝建立的秩序,我们对他人的爱来自上帝对我们的爱。伊凡虽有良知、理性,虽有对他人特别是对孩子的爱,但他的眼睛只盯在地上,所以他愤怒,他不明白,他拒绝了上帝,拒绝了天堂的永恒和谐,这是一种可贵然而也可怕的态度。这种思想转化到恶的一面就是私生子斯梅尔佳科夫,就是他杀了老卡拉马佐夫。后来的社会主义者包括我们接下来要讨论的宗教大法官,也都跟这种思想有关。用伊凡的一句话总结:如果上帝不存在,人的一切行为都是允许的。

伊凡身上还有对生活的热爱,他在和阿廖沙的谈话中认为“爱生活要超过爱它的意义”,所以他的理论未来某一天还有经过生活洗礼发生改变的可能。此刻,他对于上帝是否存在也并没有一个最终的答案。

所以长老说他“有一颗高尚的心,能‘思考并探索天上的事,因为我们的住所在天上’”。

不得不说,伊凡基于人道的立场对上帝的控诉是有震撼人心的力量的,在我们这个世俗的时代似乎更有了让人无法反驳的力量。阿廖沙赞成伊凡对孩子的爱,但反对伊凡对上帝的指控。所以直到这一章的最后,阿廖沙才开始求助于耶稣基督——“那唯一无罪的人。”“你刚才问:全世界有没有一个能够宽恕而且有权宽恕的人?这样的人是有的,他可以宽恕一切,宽恕所有的人和所有的事,因为他自己为了所有的人和所有的事献出了自己清白无辜的鲜血。你忘记了这个人,大厦正是建筑在他身上的,人们正在向他呼喊:‘主啊,你真英明,因为你指引的道路畅通了!’”

The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor (I)— Why Do the Innocent Suffer?

Author: Han LihuaEditor: Zhang Yu Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Peng Xiaomei

Abstract:Drawing on Ivan’s accusation of innocent suffering in Rebellion, the author affirms Ivan’s moral courage in refusing to sacrifice the individual for the sake of harmony. At the same time, he notes that through Zosima and Christ’s love, Dostoevsky proposes forgiveness and faith as responses to suffering, warning against self-destruction born of rage.

“The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor” is a chapter in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov, found in Book V, Chapter 5.

About this final—and greatest—novel of Dostoevsky, there is almost too much to say. Its vast scale, richness of content, complexity of plot and relationships, and depth of thought together make it the culmination of his life’s work.

About twenty years ago, a friend named Song Chengfa mentioned in his first letter to me that whenever he met someone new, he would ask a set of questions, like a questionnaire. One of them was: “Who is your favorite writer and what is your favorite work?” In my reply, I said that my favorite novel was The Brothers Karamazov.

At the time, what I called “love” was more a sense of astonishment at Dostoevsky’s portrayal of the landscape of the human soul—his excavation of the filth beneath the polished surface, and beneath that filth, the longing for truth and purity. From Dostoevsky I learned that every person is complex. A vagabond, a prostitute, a child—all possess a soul and dignity. At some moment in life, each may radiate the light they bore at creation.

Like Tolstoy, Dostoevsky was not concerned merely with character, plot, or technique. What mattered most to him was the communication of thought. This is evident in both War and Peace and The Brothers Karamazov, and it is one reason they stand as twin peaks of world literature.

Dostoevsky’s ideas profoundly influenced later Russian philosophers and thinkers, including Solovyov, Merezhkovsky, Bulgakov, Shestov, Rozanov, and Berdyaev.

Berdyaev wrote:

“To read Dostoevsky deeply is always a major event in life. It provokes a shock; the soul receives a new baptism by fire. Whoever enters Dostoevsky’s world becomes a new person; before him unfolds a new dimension of existence.”

Dostoevsky’s later novels, especially The Brothers Karamazov, indeed possess such force and scale.

According to Dostoevsky’s notes, the entire book is, in a sense, a response to “The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor.”

So what exactly does this legend say? Why is it so central—to the novel and to Dostoevsky himself?

The Tavern and the Question of God

“The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor” is a long poem written by Ivan within the novel. The story unfolds in a noisy, smoke-filled tavern.

Note this setting: a tavern. As Ivan says in conversation with Alyosha:

“Russian young men, at least some of them, gather in such filthy taverns. They crowd into corners… And what do they discuss? Not trivialities. They discuss questions of world importance: Is there a God? Is the soul immortal? Those who do not believe in God talk about socialism and anarchism, about remaking all humanity in a new way. In essence, it is the same question from two sides.”

“Is there a God? Is the soul immortal?”—for serious Russians of that era, these were urgent questions.

Dostoevsky himself once said, “God has tormented me all my life.”

Ivan, an educated atheist in the novel, is perpetually haunted by the problem of faith. He once remarked:

“If God did not exist, it would be necessary to invent Him.”

But Ivan’s concern is deeper. He famously declares:

“If God does not exist, everything is permitted.”

Yet as Albert Camus later observed, Ivan’s cry that “everything is permitted” is not a joyful proclamation but a bitter discovery. The temptation of believing in a God who gives meaning to life outweighs the power to commit evil without punishment.

Ivan does not deny the possible existence of God outright. Rather, he questions why humans need God. He claims his “Euclidean” mind cannot solve the question of God’s existence. Even if he accepts God, he refuses to accept the world God created.

Rebellion: The Accusation

In Book V, Chapter 4—“Rebellion”—Ivan explains why. This chapter is so powerful that even Zosima’s later response seems insufficient by comparison.

Ivan launches a fierce indictment:

If God exists, why does He allow suffering? Why do the innocent suffer?

Ivan focuses on the suffering of children. Adults, he argues, may have eaten the forbidden fruit and thus bear responsibility. But children are innocent.

He recounts horrifying cases:

During the Russo-Turkish war, Turkish soldiers amuse a baby before shooting it before its mother.

A Swiss man, abandoned as a child, grows up in misery, commits murder, repents in prison, is baptized—and still executed.

A Russian father savagely beats his seven-year-old daughter; he is later acquitted.

Parents imprison and abuse a five-year-old girl in freezing conditions.

A general unleashes hounds to tear apart an eight-year-old serf boy.

Ivan insists: no future harmony can justify a single child’s tears.

He declares:

“I don’t want harmony. Out of love for mankind, I refuse it. I prefer to remain with my unavenged suffering and my unappeased indignation—even if I am wrong.”

He returns his “ticket” to God. He does not reject God outright; he respectfully returns the ticket to a world built upon innocent suffering.

This moral refusal—to sacrifice even one innocent life for a grand ideal—is profoundly noble. It echoes in modern contexts wherever individuals are sacrificed in the name of progress or order.

Dostoevsky allows Ivan’s voice full strength. Faith, if true, must endure emotional shock and rational scrutiny.

Zosima’s Response: Love and Connection

Through Elder Zosima, Dostoevsky offers a response.

Zosima teaches universal love:

“The world is like an ocean; touch it in one place, and the other end responds.”

Love everything God created—every leaf, every ray of light, every child.

When confronted with evil, Zosima does not advocate vengeance. He counsels gentle love capable of transforming the world.

He insists that the roots of our thoughts and feelings lie not here but in another world. When we sever that connection, we become cold, even hostile to life.

Ivan, in cutting off his faith, loses balance. His rebellion becomes self-destructive.

The Problem of Theodicy

The theological question of innocent suffering—“theodicy”—is ancient. The Book of Job wrestles with it directly.

Job suffers despite being righteous. God does not explain why. Instead, He reveals His sovereignty.

Job responds:

“I had heard of You by the hearing of the ear, but now my eye sees You.” (Job 42:5)

For Dostoevsky, meaning lies in trust beyond human understanding.

Ivan’s rebellion is noble yet dangerous. His love for children reflects Christ’s love, yet he rejects the source of that love.

At the end of the chapter, Alyosha appeals to Christ:

“Is there in the whole world a being who could forgive? There is. He who gave His innocent blood for all.”

The building of harmony rests not on the suffering of children, but on Christ’s self-sacrifice.

Ivan’s protest remains powerful in our secular age. But Dostoevsky’s answer is that love and forgiveness—not rage—are the path beyond suffering.

The struggle between rebellion and faith remains unresolved in Ivan. Yet perhaps that unresolved tension is precisely why this legend continues to speak to us today.

台湾的未来只属于台湾人民

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台湾的未来只属于台湾人民

作者:马群 编辑:程伟 翻译:彭小梅

近年来,台海局势持续紧张。军事演训不断升级,“武力统一”的言论时常出现,战争不再只是政治讨论中的抽象概念,而逐渐成为现实社会中的焦虑来源。在这样的背景下,一个最根本的问题越来越清晰:台湾的未来,究竟应该由谁决定?我的答案很简单——应该由台湾人民自己决定。

这不仅是政治立场的问题,更是一个关于现代文明基本原则的问题。人民自决,是当今国际社会普遍认可的价值。一个社会的制度、前途与政治安排,应当建立在当地民众的意愿之上,而不是通过军事威胁或强制手段加以改变。事实上,台湾已经形成了完整而稳定的社会体系。它拥有成熟的民主制度、独立的选举机制、活跃的公民社会与开放的公共空间。2300万台湾民众,通过自己的选择,塑造了今天的台湾。这一现实,无论政治立场如何,都不应被忽视。更重要的是,现实经验已经反复证明:军事压力不会拉近两岸距离,反而会加深彼此的疏离。军机绕台、导弹威胁与战争言论,并没有削弱台湾社会的本土认同,反而强化了其安全焦虑与身份意识。换句话说,武力威胁的结果,并不是“统一更近”,而是心理距离更远。

从现实角度看,战争本身也是一个极其危险且不可控的选择。现代战争不仅意味着军事对抗,更意味着经济制裁、供应链中断、社会震荡与地区安全格局的剧烈变化。在全球高度互联的今天,一场台海冲突的代价,将远远超出任何政治目标所能承受的范围。而在军事体系仍处于持续整顿与调整的背景下,任何高强度冲突的风险都将被进一步放大。战争从来不是政治姿态,而是国家治理能力、社会承受能力与战略判断的极限考验。

台湾的未来只属于台湾人民

然而,比地缘政治与战略分析更让我触动的,是一次非常普通的个人经历。前不久,在教会里,我与一位来自台湾的阿姨谈起台海局势。她关心的,并不是政治立场,也不是谁对谁错,而是远在台湾的家人是否安全。她反复的说:“如果真的发生战争,我的兄弟姐妹怎么办?普通老百姓怎么办?”

那一刻我意识到,“武统”这两个字,在现实生活中意味着什么——意味着一个个家庭的恐惧与不安。聊到后来,她对我说了一句话,让我久久难以忘记:“中国已经那么大了,为什么还一定要我们台湾?我们的台湾,远没有你们福建大。”这句话里没有愤怒,只有不解与无奈。她并不想对抗谁,她只是希望家人能够平安生活,希望自己的家园不要成为战争的前线,不要成为政治博弈的筹码。

在谈话中,我内心产生了一种深深的负罪感。作为一个来自中国的人,当面对她的担忧时,我感到一种难以言说的愧疚。感觉自己就是强盗,去窃取人家的一切。那一刻,我心里只有一个简单的想法,对不起这些无辜的台湾家庭,对不起那些只是想过平静生活的普通人民。

政治可以有分歧,历史可以有争议,但普通人的安全与尊严,不应该成为任何宏大叙事中的代价。任何政治目标,如果是以让普通民众长期生活在战争阴影之下为代价,在道义上都是难以成立的。

台海真正的稳定,不是来自威胁与对抗,而只能来自尊重与克制。真正持久的关系,不可能建立在强制之上,而必须建立在自愿与信任之上。支持台湾的自主与安全,并不是为了制造对立,而是基于一个最基本的现实判断:和平的前提,是尊重人民的选择。在这个问题上,立场或许不同,但有一点应该成为共识——没有任何政治目标,值得用普通人的生命与恐惧去交换。

如果有一天,台湾的普通家庭不再为战争而担忧,如果台海的未来不再建立在威胁与军演之上,那才是真正的和平开始。台湾的未来,必须由台湾人民自主选择,由台湾人民自主决定,由台湾人民自主守护。任何试图剥夺他们选择权的行为,都是对正义与自由的挑战。真正的尊重,不是口头承诺,而是让人民掌握自己家园的命运。台湾是台湾人民的台湾,我支持台湾人民自主自决!

Taiwan’s Future Belongs Only to the People of Taiwan

Abstract:Not long ago, at church, I spoke with an elderly woman from Taiwan about the situation across the Taiwan Strait. What concerned her was not political positions, nor who was right or wrong, but whether her family back in Taiwan would be safe. She repeatedly said, “If war really breaks out, what will happen to my brothers and sisters? What about ordinary people?”

Author: Ma Qun Editor: Cheng Wei Translator: Peng Xiaomei

In recent years, tensions across the Taiwan Strait have continued to escalate. Military exercises have intensified, and rhetoric about “unification by force” appears from time to time. War is no longer merely an abstract concept in political debate; it is gradually becoming a source of anxiety in real life. In this context, a fundamental question becomes increasingly clear: Who should determine Taiwan’s future? My answer is simple—Taiwan’s future should be decided by the people of Taiwan themselves.

This is not merely a matter of political stance; it is a question about the basic principles of modern civilization. The right of self-determination is a value widely recognized in today’s international community. A society’s system, future, and political arrangements should be based on the will of its people, not altered through military threats or coercive means. In fact, Taiwan has already developed a complete and stable social system. It possesses a mature democratic framework, an independent electoral mechanism, an active civil society, and an open public sphere. The 23 million people of Taiwan, through their own choices, have shaped the Taiwan of today. This reality, regardless of political position, should not be ignored. More importantly, experience has repeatedly shown that military pressure does not bring the two sides of the Strait closer; rather, it deepens their estrangement. Warplane incursions, missile threats, and rhetoric about conflict have not weakened Taiwan’s local identity. On the contrary, they have strengthened its security concerns and sense of distinct identity. In other words, the result of military intimidation is not “closer unification,” but greater psychological distance.

From a practical perspective, war itself is an extremely dangerous and uncontrollable choice. Modern warfare does not mean only military confrontation; it also means economic sanctions, supply chain disruptions, social instability, and dramatic changes in regional security structures. In today’s highly interconnected world, the cost of a conflict across the Taiwan Strait would far exceed what any political objective could justify. Moreover, amid ongoing adjustments and restructuring within the military system, the risks of any high-intensity conflict would be further amplified. War is never merely a political gesture; it is the ultimate test of a nation’s governance capacity, social resilience, and strategic judgment.

Yet beyond geopolitical analysis and strategic considerations, what moved me most was a very ordinary personal experience. Not long ago, at church, I spoke with an elderly woman from Taiwan about cross-strait tensions. What concerned her was not political positions or debates over right and wrong, but whether her family in Taiwan would be safe. She kept repeating: “If war really breaks out, what will happen to my brothers and sisters? What about ordinary people?”

At that moment, I realized what the words “unification by force” mean in real life—they mean fear and anxiety in countless families. Later in our conversation, she said something I will never forget: “China is already so big. Why must you still want our Taiwan? Our Taiwan isn’t even as large as your Fujian.” There was no anger in her words—only confusion and helplessness. She did not want to confront anyone. She simply hoped her family could live in peace. She hoped her homeland would not become the front line of war, nor a bargaining chip in political games.

During that conversation, I felt a deep sense of guilt. As someone from China, facing her worries, I felt an indescribable shame—as if I were a thief trying to take away what belonged to her. In that moment, I had only one simple thought: I am sorry to these innocent Taiwanese families. I am sorry to those ordinary people who only wish to live peaceful lives.

Politics may contain disagreements; history may contain disputes. But the safety and dignity of ordinary people should never become the price of grand narratives. Any political objective that requires ordinary citizens to live under the shadow of war is morally untenable.

True stability across the Taiwan Strait cannot come from threats or confrontation; it can only arise from respect and restraint. A truly lasting relationship cannot be built on coercion—it must be founded on voluntariness and trust. Supporting Taiwan’s autonomy and security is not about creating division; it is based on a simple and realistic judgment: peace requires respect for the people’s choice. On this issue, positions may differ, but one principle should be shared—no political objective is worth exchanging for the lives and fear of ordinary people.

If one day ordinary Taiwanese families no longer have to worry about war, if the future of the Taiwan Strait is no longer built on threats and military exercises, that will mark the true beginning of peace. Taiwan’s future must be chosen by the people of Taiwan themselves, decided by the people of Taiwan themselves, and safeguarded by the people of Taiwan themselves. Any attempt to deprive them of their right to choose is a challenge to justice and freedom. True respect is not a verbal promise; it is allowing people to hold the destiny of their homeland in their own hands. Taiwan belongs to the people of Taiwan. I support the people of Taiwan in exercising their right to self-determination.