采访：赵杰 编辑：张致君 责任编辑：朱虞夫
资料整理：林小龙 翻译：彭小梅
许万平，重庆人，1961年生，是中国当代民间政治运动的重要参与者之一，累计刑期23年。自20世纪80年代末参与公共事务以来，他因持续从事与民主、政治改革相关的活动，多次遭到拘押与判刑。1989年之后，他因筹建民间政治组织被以“反革命宣传煽动罪”判处有期徒刑八年；1998年又被处以劳动教养；2005年再度因“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”被判十二年有期徒刑。其间长期服刑于重庆监狱系统，直至2014年获释。在中国改革开放以来的政治社会变迁中，许万平的个人经历几乎是一部中共政治控制史的缩影。他的口述不仅揭示了民间政治行动者在中共高度集权与高压维稳体制下的真实生存处境，也为理解中共如何通过司法体系与意识形态手段压制异议、塑造并限制公民意识，提供了罕见而重要的一手材料。
问：许老师，您能从最早开始谈起，您是如何从一个普通工人，逐渐走上追求民主道路的经历吗？
许万平：我最初只是一个普通工人，在印刷厂工作。那时候，我接触到的社会现象让我心生不满：官员腐败、权力寻租、靠关系和人情上位。八十年代中期，我的内心开始产生反抗心理，开始写一些反映社会不公的文章和意见。最初只是心理上的抗争，但后来，我发现仅仅思考和写作远远不够，于是我参与到广场上的集会和活动中。
问：您在广场上具体做了哪些事情？
许万平：我会参与演讲、写标语和公开信，也会帮助同学发放物资。在广场上，我表达了对社会不满和对公正的追求。当时我们的行动更多是象征性的，但每一步都凝聚了我们对社会正义的渴望。
问：六四事件发生时，您当时在做什么？
许万平：六四事件当天，我和家人吃过晚饭后，收听新闻联播，意识到中共的专制性质。那晚我非常震惊，但内心坚定了继续反抗的决心。我参与了相关行动，但不久就被抓捕，并被关押。
问：在监狱中，您经历了哪些情况？
许万平：监狱生活十分艰苦。手被反绑，睡在硬铁床上，几乎没有自由。除了身体上的限制，更可怕的是心理压力：每天都要参加所谓“政治学习”，承受精神上的威逼。尽管如此，我始终没有放弃信念，用坚强意志应对折磨。
问：您出狱后，加入中国民主党全国筹备委员会，这是您第一次正式参与组织工作吗？
许万平：是的。出狱后，我通过朋友联系，加入了中国民主党。我开始参与组织和宣传工作，同时继续写作和整理社会情况资料，包括经济、外交、军事等方面。出狱初期面临不少压力，但我坚持自己的原则，不接受妥协。
问：面对如此强大的政权，您曾害怕过吗？
许万平：在八年监禁中，我接受了许多考验，但明确告诉自己不会退缩。出狱后，我继续参与政治活动，坚持写作和组织工作。威胁和压力始终存在，但我保持清醒和坚定。
问：监狱里是否有严重酷刑？
许万平：更多是精神压迫。身体上有些折磨，比如手被反绑，但没有极端虐待。高压环境主要是心理威逼，意图让我们屈服，但我没有被击垮。
问：能描述一下监狱生活环境吗？
许万平：非常艰苦。床是硬铁制，中间有铁杆，空间狭小。饮食简陋，几乎没有活动自由。监狱通过这种方式削弱人的意志，但信念是我最大的支撑。
问：在这种环境下，您如何保持信念？
许万平：我始终相信，坚持信念才有意义。即便身处最艰难的环境，我也没有屈服，而是用时间和耐心去应对各种压迫。活着就是本钱，活着就要坚持正义和信念。
问：出狱后参与筹委会，具体工作是怎样的？
许万平：出狱后，我参与组织筹备工作，在四川等地建立联系，整理资料，协调行动。初期困难重重，但我坚持原则，不向压力妥协，逐步在组织中发挥作用，参与计划制定和宣传工作。
问：政府提出了哪些条件？
许万平：政府希望我不再参与某些活动，不在公开场合发声，甚至对个人生活提出安排。我拒绝任何干涉，但为了顺利出狱，做了一些不违背原则的妥协。
问：这些经历对您的人生和思想有何影响？
许万平：六四事件和监禁经历让我对民主自由有了深刻理解，也坚定了反抗专制的决心。它让我明白，坚持正义和自由是每个追求民主的人应承担的责任。
问：您在行动和写作方面取得了哪些成果？
许万平：我写了大量书籍和文章，整理社会各方面资料，包括经济、军事、外交。我参与组织建设，协调行动和宣传工作，记录历史同时推动社会民主发展。
问：总结来说，最重要的信念是什么？
许万平：活着就要坚持信念，继承为自由正义牺牲的人们精神。无论多大压力，坚持民主、反抗专制，是每个追求自由者必须承担的责任。
问：许老师，您提到写作和整理资料，这些材料是否在国内外产生了影响？
许万平：是的。我整理的资料被国内外研究者和民主人士引用，尤其是关于政治、经济和社会问题的分析。我的文章和书籍在海外刊物发表，引起一定关注，也为国内外了解中国民主运动提供了参考。
问：在组织建设上，您遇到过最大的困难是什么？
许万平：最大的困难是政府的打压和内部协调。成员经常被监控、拘留，有些人不得不退出，这对组织发展造成影响。同时，不同地区和不同背景的人在策略和理念上存在分歧，需要耐心协调。
问：您如何处理内部分歧？
许万平：主要通过沟通和共识达成。我强调共同目标的重要性，即推动民主和法治。遇到不可调和的分歧，也会尊重个体选择，但组织核心原则不妥协。
问：您是否有后悔过走上这条道路？
许万平：从未后悔。虽然付出了巨大代价，但这是一条值得走的道路。正义和自由是无法用舒适生活交换的，如果放弃信念，个人的尊严和价值将失去意义。
问：您如何看待社会上的冷漠和恐惧？
许万平：理解，也遗憾。在高压环境下，许多人选择沉默和自保，这是本能。但这也是为什么坚持公开发声、记录历史的人非常重要，我们不能因为恐惧而放弃责任。
问：出狱后您如何保持安全？
许万平：采取了谨慎措施，避免直接与高风险人群接触，注意行踪和通讯安全。但我不畏惧威胁，坚持行动的同时保护自己和家人。
问：您认为民主运动的下一步应该如何推进？
许万平：需要两个方面：第一，提高民众认知，让更多人理解自由与法治的重要性；第二，坚持行动，尤其是和平理性方式推动改革。历史证明，任何暴力或极端行为都不利于长期民主建设。
问：在海外，有哪些经验值得借鉴？
许万平：海外经验在组织建设、宣传方式、法律援助等方面非常宝贵。尤其是如何利用媒体、社会资源和国际舆论，推动民主理念的传播，这是国内运动可以借鉴的。
问：您如何看待现代网络技术对民主运动的作用？
许万平：网络技术是双刃剑。一方面，它让信息传播更快，更广泛，有利于教育民众、组织行动；另一方面，它也容易被监控、操纵。因此，使用网络必须谨慎，确保信息安全和传播效果。
问：您是否考虑过离开国内生活？
许万平：曾经考虑，但最终决定留在国内，继续行动。离开可能更安全，但对推动民主和影响社会有限。留下来才能真正承担责任。
问：在您看来，哪些品质是民主斗争者必须具备的？
许万平：坚定信念、耐心、勇气和智慧。面对压力和威胁，能够冷静判断，长期坚持，不因短期利益或恐惧妥协。同时要善于团结他人，形成合力。
问：您对年轻一代有什么寄语？
许万平：要保持独立思考，不盲从，理解自由与权利的价值。遇到不公时，要勇敢表达和行动，但方法要理性、和平。历史需要他们继承和延续正义精神。
问：许老师，您在多年经历中有没有特别印象深刻的事件？
许万平：有很多，但印象最深的是几次大规模行动被镇压。那种感觉非常震撼，让人清楚意识到现实的压力和风险，同时也坚定了继续行动的决心。
问：面对这种风险，您是如何心理调适的？
许万平：一方面依靠信念：相信追求自由与正义是值得的；另一方面注重日常生活的规律和安全措施，让自己保持理智和冷静。家人的支持也非常重要。
问：您怎么看待外界对您行动的评价？
许万平：评价各有不同，有支持者，也有批评者。我理解批评，但不会因此改变原则。行动的目标是推动社会正义，不是取悦他人。
问：您如何看待国内政治改革的前景？
许万平：改革是长期过程，需要社会各界耐心推动。短期内可能进展缓慢，但历史的趋势不会倒退。关键是要培养公民意识、法治观念和民主理念，为未来积累力量。
问：您是否参与过与海外组织的合作？
许万平：有的。主要是在信息共享、研究交流、策略讨论方面。合作必须谨慎，避免暴露核心成员和行动计划，同时也让国内运动获得更多参考和支持。
问：对于信息安全，您有什么建议？
许万平：必须保持高度警惕。不要随意使用未加密的通讯工具，避免泄露个人身份和组织信息。网络行动要经过严格规划，确保安全。
问：您曾经多次被拘留，对法律制度有什么看法？
许万平：现实法律制度存在局限，尤其是在保护公民权利方面。但法律也是社会进步的重要工具。如果公民能够推动法治建设，制度会逐步完善。
问：您在受压环境下，如何保持行动力？
许万平：关键是明确目标和价值，不被恐惧和压力左右。同时与志同道合的人互相支持、互相激励，共同前行。
问：您是否考虑过将自己的经验系统化、写成书籍？
许万平：考虑过，也已经开始整理部分材料。这不仅是记录历史，也是为后来者提供经验和启示，让民主理念得以延续。
问：您如何看待媒体在民主运动中的作用？
许万平：媒体是桥梁和监督工具。它可以让社会了解真相，传播理念，也能形成舆论压力。关键是媒体的独立性和专业性，这直接影响信息的可信度和传播效果。
问：对未来的社会变革，您有何期待？
许万平：期待一个自由、法治、公正的社会。每个人都能平等表达意见，权利得到保护，社会资源公正分配。虽然道路艰难，但这一目标值得长期坚持。
问：您如何看待历史对个人的评价？
许万平：历史是公正的。无论当下如何评价，坚持正义的人最终会被认可。重要的是做自己认为正确的事情，而不是追求短期名誉。
问：对于年轻的民主推动者，您有什么实际建议？
许万平：首先要学习历史、法律、社会知识，增强理论基础；其次要注重实践经验，从小行动开始，逐步扩大影响；最后保持心理和行动的平衡，避免冒进。
问：许老师，您在组织行动时如何处理内部分歧？
许万平：分歧是不可避免的。我倾向于通过理性讨论解决问题，确保每个人的意见都被听到，同时坚持核心目标不动摇。在原则问题上不妥协，在策略上可以灵活调整。
问：您认为社会动员最大的阻力来自哪里？
许万平：主要是体制压力和信息封锁。同时，民众的观念也需要时间转变。很多人害怕风险，不愿公开参与，这是现实阻力的一部分。
问：在行动中，您如何平衡安全与传播效果？
许万平：必须先保证安全，否则任何行动都会失败。在传播效果上，可以通过安全的渠道、分层次信息公开和长期策略来实现，不必追求短期轰动。
问：您如何看待国外对中国民主运动的关注？
许万平：国际关注有利有弊。利在于可以提供压力和支持，弊在于可能被政治化或误解。国内运动应以自身实际为主，不完全依赖外部力量。
问：您觉得社会教育对民主意识的培养有多大作用？
许万平：至关重要。教育决定公民的思考方式和价值观。缺乏独立思考能力和法治意识的人，很难理解民主和自由的意义。
问：在长期斗争中，您如何保持信念？
许万平：信念来源于价值认同和历史责任感。我相信正义最终会被承认，这种信念比个人安危更重要。同时，通过小成果获得鼓励，也能增强动力。
问：您认为行动与舆论的关系如何把握？
许万平：舆论是行动的延伸，但不能完全依赖。行动要符合现实条件，舆论则作为宣传和引导工具。两者相辅相成，但必须分清主次。
问：在经历挫折后，您如何调整策略？
许万平：首先分析原因，找出可改进之处；其次调整计划，确保下一步更加安全高效；最后维持团队士气，让每个人都能继续前行。
问：您如何看待社会对公民权利的认知差异？
许万平：差异很大，有的人完全不了解，有的人意识到但不敢行动。教育、信息传播和实践机会是弥合差距的关键。
问：对于国际舆论中的误解，您如何应对？
许万平：保持沟通和解释，但不纠结于所有误解。重要的是让关心者了解核心事实，让支持者有明确判断依据。
问：您如何评价自己在运动中的角色？
许万平：我只是一个行动者，履行自己的责任和使命。角色重要，但不是自我中心，关键是推动整体运动前进。
问：您是否有后悔的时刻？
许万平：后悔很少，因为每一步都是经过深思熟虑。可能会对方法选择有所反思，但从目标来看，从未后悔。
问：在行动和家庭之间，您如何平衡？
许万平：家人的理解和支持是基础。我尽量把行动安排得不影响家庭，同时与家人保持沟通，让他们参与安全决策。
问：未来的行动中，您会有什么调整？
许万平：会更加注重安全、策略和信息化，同时加强团队培训和心理建设，确保行动可持续且高效。
问：最后，您对年轻一代有什么寄语？
许万平：保持独立思考，坚持原则，同时学会策略和耐心。社会变革不是一蹴而就，长期积累力量才会产生真正影响。
问：许老师，回顾整个行动历程，您最深刻的感受是什么？
许万平：最大的感受是责任感和坚持的重要性。每一次行动都不是孤立的，它们叠加起来才形成整体影响。看到团队成员的成长和民众意识的提升，是最值得骄傲的部分。
问：在整个过程中，您遇到过最困难的时刻是什么？
许万平：最困难的是在高压环境下保持信念，同时保护团队安全。有时候必须在理想和现实之间作出艰难选择，这种压力几乎无时无刻不在。
问：您如何看待未来社会变化的可能性？
许万平：社会变化总是缓慢而曲折的，但历史告诉我们，公民意识和法治观念的积累最终会推动制度改进。我相信长期来看，正义和合理的制度会逐步得到认同。
问：您觉得自己的经历对年轻一代有何借鉴意义？
许万平：年轻人应该理解责任与实践的重要性，不只是口头上的理念。要敢于思考、敢于行动，同时保持耐心和策略。理论与实践结合，才可能产生真正影响。
问：您认为民间力量在社会发展中能发挥多大作用？
许万平：民间力量非常关键，它是制度改进和社会觉醒的基础。尽管力量有限，但通过长期积累和协作，可以形成不可忽视的推动力。
问：对未来的行动者，您有什么具体建议？
许万平：要有战略眼光，注重安全和团队协作，同时提升信息获取和分析能力。保持信念，但不能盲目乐观。每一步都要经过深思熟虑。
问：在采访的最后，您希望公众记住什么？
许万平：希望公众明白，坚持原则和责任感的重要性。无论环境多么艰难，理性和正义最终会找到生长的空间。社会的进步离不开每个人的努力和思考。
编者按
在许多人的一生里，“历史”不过是课本上的字句和老师板书的年号。对许万平来说，历史是铁窗里的寒夜，牢房里那根冰冷的铁床，是每一次被扣押、每一次被威胁的日子里沉甸甸的呼吸。他从一个普通工人开始，走进街头，走进集会，写下标语、发出声音，而带来的是多次被拘押、劳教、判刑，累积了二十三年的牢狱生活。中共的高压与专制如同冬日里不断落下的霜雪，把人压得喘不过气，可他没有低下头，用自己的行动告诉人们：权力可以被无限集中，异议可以被系统镇压，公民的权利可以被一点点剥夺，却无法掩灭人的意志。
这次访谈记录的，是他在铁窗监狱、在高压日常中挣扎的故事。有宏大的政治事件的轰鸣，也有夜深人静的恐惧与痛苦；既是专制政权的冷酷，也是个体的坚韧与智慧。
我们刊发此文是希望让读者看到，一个真实的人如何在独裁下活着、思考、记录，用自己的声音讲述被高墙与沉默遮蔽的年代。理解许万平，也就是理解那个被权力压抑、被恐惧笼罩的时代；保存这些声音，是对压制的见证，是对公民权利的呼唤，也是记录中国民主运动与中国民主党历史的重要篇章。
Those Who Raise Their Heads Under Heavy Pressure
— An Interview with Xu Wanping
Interviewer: Zhao Jie Editor: Zhang ZhijunManaging Editor: Zhu Yufu Translator: Peng Xiaomei Research & Materials: Lin Xiaolong
Xu Wanping, born in Chongqing in 1961, is one of the important participants in China’s contemporary grassroots political movement. He has spent a total of 23 years in prison. Since the late 1980s, when he began participating in public affairs, he has repeatedly been detained and sentenced for his continued involvement in activities related to democracy and political reform. After 1989, he was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges of “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement” for attempting to establish a grassroots political organization. In 1998, he was again subjected to re-education through labor. In 2005, he was sentenced to twelve years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power.” During this period, he was held for long terms within the Chongqing prison system until his release in 2014. In the political and social transformations since China’s Reform and Opening, Xu Wanping’s personal experience is almost a microcosm of the Chinese Communist Party’s system of political control. His oral testimony not only reveals the real living conditions of grassroots political activists under the CCP’s highly centralized and high-pressure stability-maintenance system but also provides rare and valuable firsthand material for understanding how the CCP suppresses dissent and shapes — and restricts — civic consciousness through judicial and ideological means.
Q: Mr. Xu, could you start from the beginning and tell us how you went from being an ordinary worker to embarking on the path of pursuing democracy?
Xu Wanping: I was originally just an ordinary worker, working in a printing factory. At that time, what I saw in society made me dissatisfied: official corruption, rent-seeking power, and advancement based on connections and personal relationships. In the mid-1980s, resistance began to take shape in my mind, and I started writing articles and opinions reflecting social injustice. At first, it was only a psychological struggle. Later, I realized that thinking and writing alone were far from enough, so I began participating in assemblies and activities in public squares.
Q: What exactly did you do in the square?
Xu Wanping: I participated in speeches, wrote slogans and open letters, and helped students distribute supplies. In the square, I expressed dissatisfaction with society and a pursuit of justice. Our actions at the time were mostly symbolic, but every step embodied our longing for social justice.
Q: What were you doing when the June Fourth Incident occurred?
Xu Wanping: On the day of June Fourth, after having dinner with my family, we listened to the evening news, and I clearly realized the authoritarian nature of the CCP. That night, I was deeply shocked, but my resolve to continue resisting became even firmer. I participated in related actions but was soon arrested and detained.
Q: What did you experience in prison?
Xu Wanping: Prison life was extremely harsh. My hands were bound behind my back, I slept on hard iron beds and had almost no freedom. More terrifying than the physical constraints was the psychological pressure: every day we were forced to participate in so-called “political study” and endure constant mental intimidation. Despite this, I never abandoned my beliefs and relied on strong willpower to withstand the suffering.
Q: After your release, you joined the National Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party. Was this your first formal involvement in organizational work?
Xu Wanping: Yes. After my release, I contacted friends and joined the China Democracy Party. I began participating in organizational and propaganda work, while continuing to write and compile materials on social conditions, including the economy, diplomacy, and military affairs. The early period after my release involved considerable pressure, but I upheld my principles and refused to compromise.
Q: Facing such a powerful regime, were you ever afraid?
Xu Wanping: During my eight years of imprisonment, I endured many trials, but I made it clear to myself that I would not retreat. After my release, I continued participating in political activities, insisting on writing and organizational work. Threats and pressure were always present, but I remained clear-headed and firm.
Q: Was there severe torture in prison?
Xu Wanping: It was mainly psychological oppression. There were some physical hardships, such as having my hands bound behind my back, but there was no extreme physical torture. The high-pressure environment was primarily psychological intimidation aimed at forcing submission, but I was not broken.
Q: Could you describe the prison living conditions?
Xu Wanping: They were extremely harsh. The beds were hard iron frames with iron bars in the middle, and the space was very cramped. Food was simple, and there was almost no freedom of movement. The prison used these conditions to weaken people’s will, but my beliefs were my greatest support.
Q: How did you maintain your beliefs under such conditions?
Xu Wanping: I always believed that persistence gives meaning. Even in the most difficult environment, I did not give in. Instead, I used time and patience to endure various forms of oppression. Staying alive is capital — and as long as one life, one must persist in justice and belief.
Q: What specific work did you do after joining the preparatory committee?
Xu Wanping: After my release, I participated in organizational preparation work, established contacts in places such as Sichuan, compiled materials, and coordinated actions. The initial stages were extremely difficult, but I adhered to my principles and refused to yield to pressure, gradually playing a role in planning and publicity within the organization.
Q: What conditions did the government propose?
Xu Wanping: The government wanted me to stop participating in certain activities, refrain from speaking publicly, and even made arrangements regarding my personal life. I rejected any interference, but to secure my release, I made some compromises that did not violate my principles.
Q: How did these experiences affect your life and thinking?
Xu Wanping: The June Fourth Incident and my imprisonment gave me a profound understanding of democracy and freedom and strengthened my determination to resist authoritarianism. They made me realize that upholding justice and freedom is a responsibility that every person pursuing democracy must bear.
Q: What achievements have you made in action and writing?
Xu Wanping: I have written many books and articles, compiling materials across many areas of society, including economics, military affairs, and diplomacy. I participated in organizational building, coordinated actions and publicity, recorded history, and promoted democratic development in society.
Q: In summary, what is the most important belief?
Xu Wanping: To live is to uphold one’s beliefs and inherit the spirit of those who sacrificed for freedom and justice. No matter how great the pressure, insisting on democracy and resisting authoritarianism is a responsibility every freedom seeker must shoulder.
Q: Mr. Xu, you mentioned writing and compiling materials. Have these materials had any impact domestically or internationally?
Xu Wanping: Yes. The materials I compiled have been cited by researchers and democracy activists both inside and outside China, especially my analyses of political, economic, and social issues. My articles and books have been published in overseas journals and attracted a certain level of attention, providing reference materials for understanding China’s democratic movement.
Q: What was the greatest difficulty you encountered in organizational building?
Xu Wanping: The greatest difficulties were government repression and internal coordination. Members were frequently monitored or detained, and some were forced to withdraw, which seriously affected organizational development. At the same time, people from different regions and backgrounds had differences in strategy and ideas, which required patience to coordinate.
Q: How did you handle internal disagreements?
Xu Wanping: Mainly through communication and consensus-building. I emphasized the importance of shared goals — advancing democracy and the rule of law. When disagreements were irreconcilable, individual choices were respected, but the organization’s core principles were never compromised.
Q: Have you ever regretted choosing this path?
Xu Wanping: Never. Although the cost has been enormous, it is a path worth taking. Justice and freedom cannot be exchanged for a comfortable life. If one abandons belief, personal dignity and value lose their meaning.
Q: How do you view social indifference and fear?
Xu Wanping: I understand it, though I regret it. Under high-pressure conditions, many people choose silence and self-preservation — this is instinctive. But this is precisely why those who persist in speaking publicly and recording history are so important. We cannot abandon responsibility because of fear.
Q: How did you maintain personal safety after your release?
Xu Wanping: I adopted cautious measures, avoided direct contact with high-risk individuals, and paid close attention to my movements and communication security. I do not fear threats, but I persist in action while protecting myself and my family.
Q: In your view, how should the democratic movement proceed next?
Xu Wanping: Two aspects are essential. First, raising public awareness so that more people understand the importance of freedom and the rule of law. Second, persisting in action, especially promoting reform through peaceful and rational means. History has shown that violence or extremism is detrimental to long-term democratic development.
Q: What overseas experiences are worth learning from?
Xu Wanping: Overseas experience is extremely valuable in organizational building, publicity methods, and legal assistance. Especially important is how to utilize media, social resources, and international public opinion to spread democratic ideals — this offers important lessons for domestic movements.
Q: How do you see the role of modern network technology in democratic movements?
Xu Wanping: Network technology is a double-edged sword. On one hand, it enables faster and broader dissemination of information, which helps educate the public and organize action. On the other hand, it is easily monitored and manipulated. Therefore, its use must be cautious to ensure information security and effective communication.
Q: Have you considered leaving the country to live abroad?
Xu Wanping: I considered it but ultimately decided to stay in China and continue acting. Leaving might be safer, but its impact on advancing democracy would be limited. Staying is how one truly assumes responsibility.
Q: In your view, what qualities must democratic activists possess?
Xu Wanping: Firm belief, patience, courage, and wisdom. Under pressure and threat, one must remain calm, persist long-term, and not compromise due to short-term interests or fear. One must also be good at uniting others and forming collective strength.
Q: What message would you like to leave for the younger generation?
Xu Wanping: Maintain independent thinking and avoid blind conformity. Understand the value of freedom and rights. When encountering injustice, be brave in expression and action, but methods must be rational and peaceful. History needs them to inherit and continue the spirit of justice.
Editor’s Note
In many people’s lives, “history” is nothing more than words in textbooks and dates written on classroom blackboards. For Xu Wanping, history is the cold nights behind iron bars, the icy iron bed inside prison cells, and the heavy breath of each day marked by detention and threats. He began as an ordinary worker, stepped into the streets, into assemblies, wrote slogans, and raised his voice — only to face repeated detention, re-education through labor, and imprisonment, accumulating twenty-three years behind bars. The CCP’s high-pressure authoritarianism fell like relentless winter frost, crushing people until they could barely breathe. Yet he never lowered his head. Through his actions, he showed that power may be infinitely concentrated, dissent may be systematically suppressed, and citizens’ rights may be gradually stripped away — but human will not be extinguished.
This interview records his struggle behind prison walls and within the routines of high-pressure existence. It contains both the thunder of major political events and the silent fear and pain of lonely nights. It reveals the cold cruelty of authoritarian rule, as well as the resilience and wisdom of the individual.
We publish this interview in the hope that readers may see how a real human being lives, thinks, and records under dictatorship — using his own voice to narrate an era obscured by walls and silence. To understand Xu Wanping is to understand an era suppressed by power and enveloped by fear. Preserving these voices is testimony against repression, a call for civil rights, and an important historical record of China’s democratic movement and the China Democracy Party.
