Apathy Is Not Moral Decay — It Is the Reflex of Obedience Under Tyranny
By Hu Lili Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
The phrase “harmonious society,” in the Chinese government’s narrative, represents political correctness. But in reality, this slogan has been used to muffle countless cries of despair and to whitewash violence and apathy. It is not a vision of social harmony, but a form of political anesthesia—a spiritual castration of the people.
China today is anything but harmonious. Even “stability” is a manufactured illusion conjured by the state’s iron grip. What the regime calls “harmony” is in fact a forced, suffocating silence—an airless atmosphere created by suppressing criticism and choking free expression.
When a child lies bleeding on the ground and bystanders merely look away; when a woman is dragged and humiliated in broad daylight and the crowd says nothing; when a delivery worker collapses and dies on the street while the world walks past without blinking—these are not coincidences. They are the conditioned reflexes of a society trained into apathy. These are not isolated events—they are blood-soaked screams buried beneath the regime’s propaganda of “harmony.”
This chilling social reality is not the product of moral decline, but the calculated result of authoritarian engineering: a society where people no longer trust one another, no longer care about the world beyond themselves. This is not just alienation—it is a regime-designed pathology, forged through brainwashing, censorship, and fear-based punishment.
Yes, rapid urbanization and the relentless pace of life have widened social gaps—but the deeper problem is institutional distrust. Government power is exercised arbitrarily and never held accountable. Ordinary citizens have no avenue for redress. Inequality widens. Social mobility is blocked. The state media sings hymns of “stability,” while silence and despair fester in the streets. In such an environment, “Don’t speak, don’t stand out, don’t get involved” becomes the unspoken rule of survival.
What is considered “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”?
Posting a tweet. Speaking a truth. Filming a video.
You think you’re exercising a right? No—you’re threatening “stability.”
To the regime, stability means: the people stay silent, the truth stays buried, and society stays deaf.
Dissenters are criminalized. Facts are reframed as “isolated incidents.”
The slogan of “a harmonious society” has become a fig leaf for injustice and a diversion from accountability.
Let us be clear: apathy is not human nature. It is the byproduct of authoritarian rule. When a society sees every act of kindness as a threat, every moment of empathy as a risk to “social order,” it has already lost its moral foundation. Its “harmony” is merely the silence of despair—the pain of a people who no longer know how to cry out.
So we must ask again:
Who uses the word “harmony” to mask suffering?
Who uses “stability” to justify violence?
Who uses “the system” to smother the people’s cries?
The answer is as plain as day:
It is the Chinese Communist Party—monopolizing power, manipulating truth, and crushing public will.
If China is ever to move toward genuine harmony, it must take a historic step:
End one-party rule.
End the blockade on information.
Return power to the people.
Rebuild a system that truly belongs to them.
Only by dismantling this lie-built order can we create a real society—a society with flesh and blood, where people can speak, express, and help each other without fear; where care is not punished, and compassion is not met with danger.
Only when dictatorship ends will apathy retreat.
Only then will “harmony” cease to be a lie and become a living reality.
Lü Gengsong (born January 7, 1956, Hangzhou, Zhejiang) is a former police college instructor turned rights writer and a founding member of the China Democracy Party’s Zhejiang committee.
He was first arrested in August 2007 for pro-democracy activities and sentenced in 2008 to four years for “inciting subversion of state power.” After his release in 2011, he received the Independent Chinese PEN’s “Freedom to Write in Prison” Award. In 2014, he was arrested again and, in 2016, sentenced to 11 years with five years’ political rights deprivation—a sentence upheld on appeal.
Lü has endured harsh prison conditions and serious health issues, including reported abuse.
His long-standing commitment to domestic dissent has made him a prominent symbol in China’s literary and democratic resistance movements.
Zha Jianguo (born August 18, 1951, in Beijing, originally from Yixing, Jiangsu) is a veteran Chinese dissident and a founding member of the China Democracy Party. He formerly served as executive chairman of the party’s Joint Headquarters and vice-chair of its Beijing-Tianjin branch. He was also office director at China Television Opera magazine.
In July 1998, he was arrested for helping establish the CDP’s Beijing-Tianjin branch and, in 1999, sentenced to nine years in prison with two years’ deprivation of political rights for “subverting state power.” He was released on June 28, 2008.
Despite years of imprisonment and declining health, Zha chose to remain in China, continuing to advocate for political reform and publish political commentary. His stance toward the overseas democracy movement has been described as “a mix of disappointment and hope.” He is widely regarded as a symbol of steadfastness—a “tough man” of China’s democratic opposition.
Chen Shuqing (born September 26, 1965) is a freelance writer, human rights activist, and a leading member of the China Democracy Party’s Zhejiang and national preparatory committees.
He participated in the 1986 Zhejiang student movement and the 1989 Tiananmen protests. In 1998, he joined the China Democracy Party; he was arrested in 1999 for organizing party activities and sentenced again in 2007 for publishing dissenting articles.
In 2014, Chen was detained on charges of “subverting state power” and, in 2016, sentenced to 10 years and 6 months in prison, with four years’ deprivation of political rights. He was released on March 10, 2025, after serving his full term.
Unyielding in prison and steadfast in his beliefs, Chen is recognized as a resolute figure in China’s pro-democracy and human rights movement.
Xu Wanping (born April 11, 1961, Chongqing) is a veteran Chinese dissident and pro-democracy activist. He has been imprisoned or subjected to re-education through labor three times, serving a total of 23 years—nearly 20 of them in Chongqing prisons.
After the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, Xu attempted to establish the China Action Party and was sentenced to eight years in prison with five years’ political rights deprivation. In 1998, he was detained for “disturbing public order” and subsequently sent to three years of re-education through labor. In 2005, after co-signing a letter to the United Nations with other dissidents, he was sentenced to 12 years for “inciting subversion of state power” and released in April 2014.
Despite deteriorating health and ongoing surveillance, Xu has remained firm in his political convictions, declaring he holds “no regret, no resentment.” He is widely seen as one of the most steadfast symbols of China’s pro-democracy movement—an inspiration to generations of activists.
Liu Xianbin (born October 2, 1968, Suining, Sichuan), also known by the aliases Liu Chen and Wan Xianming, is an independent writer, human rights activist, and a key organizer of the China Democracy Party’s Southwest Preparatory Committee. He was also among the first signatories of Charter 08.
Liu joined the 1989 student movement while studying at Renmin University. He was arrested in 1991 and sentenced to 2.5 years for “counterrevolutionary propaganda.” In 1998, he helped form the CDP Southwest Committee and was sentenced in 1999 to 13 years for “subversion.” Released in 2008, he continued to write on sensitive issues, support fellow activists like Tan Zuoren and Huang Qi, and launched the “Yellow Ribbon Campaign” to aid Chen Yunfei.
In 2010, Liu was arrested again for his writings and in 2011 sentenced to 10 years for “inciting subversion.” He was released on June 27, 2020.
Having served over 22 years in prison across three terms, Liu is regarded as a steadfast figure in China’s democracy and human rights movement—resisting authoritarianism with unwavering resolve and the power of the pen
Hu Mingjun (born June 28, 1963), a native of Leshan, Sichuan, is an independent writer, human rights activist, and founding member of the China Democracy Party’s Sichuan Preparatory Committee.
He played a key role in designing the party’s flag and drafting its strategic platform, and actively supported labor rights. In December 2000, the Sichuan branch publicly backed protests by steelworkers in Dazhou. Hu was arrested in May 2001 on charges of “subverting state power” and sentenced in 2002 to 11 years in prison with four years’ deprivation of political rights.
Refusing to plead guilty, he endured repeated hospitalizations in prison due to hypertension, heart disease, and cerebral hemorrhage. After his release in May 2012, he remained under tight surveillance and constant harassment. In 2019, he was forcibly disappeared for two weeks, sparking public concern.
Hu has long declared his goal of “eliminating political dictatorship,” and remains a powerful symbol of resilience in China’s democracy and human rights movement.
Huang Yanming (born May 14, 1960, in Guiyang, Guizhou) is a veteran Chinese democracy activist and a key human rights defender in Guizhou.
In 1986, he helped found the Guiyang Salon Association and later co-established the Guizhou branch of the China Democracy Party in 1994 with Chen Xi and Liao Shuangyuan. On June 4, 1995, he publicly called for political reform in Tiananmen Square and was sentenced to five years for “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement,” during which he suffered prolonged torture.
Following his release in 2000, he launched the Guizhou Human Rights Forum and actively participated in the Guizhou Human Rights Symposium. In 2017 and 2019, he was subjected to extralegal detentions and tight surveillance around politically sensitive dates.
As a central figure in Guizhou’s human rights movement, Huang is known for his unwavering voice and conviction in defending law, liberty, and constitutional governance.
Ilham Tohti (伊力哈木·土赫提) was born on October 25, 1969, in Atush, Kizilsu Prefecture, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China. He is an ethnic Uyghur and a prominent economist. He completed his undergraduate studies at Northeast Normal University and pursued graduate studies in economics at Minzu University of China, where he later served as an associate professor. His academic focus centered on regional development and income disparities among ethnic groups in Xinjiang.
In 2006, Ilham founded the Chinese-language website Uyghur Online (维吾尔在线 / Uyghurbiz), which aimed to promote dialogue between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, report on social issues in Xinjiang, and provide a platform for cross-ethnic exchange. Known as a moderate voice committed to nonviolence and peaceful reform, Ilham used his teaching, writing, and online presence to critique government policies in Xinjiang and to raise awareness of human rights issues. His advocacy made him a long-term target of government repression.
Since 1994, Ilham Tohti had been under constant surveillance. Between 1999 and 2003, he was banned from teaching and restricted from publishing academic work. In 2009, he was briefly detained after posting information on his website about Uyghurs who were arrested or went missing during the Urumqi unrest. He continued to face frequent harassment and house arrest in the following years.
In 2013, Ilham received an invitation to serve as a visiting scholar at Indiana University in the United States. However, he was prevented from leaving the country at the Beijing airport. His teenage daughter, Jewher Ilham, was forced to travel alone to the U.S., sparking international concern.
On January 15, 2014, Ilham Tohti was arrested in Beijing and transferred to Urumqi, Xinjiang. Authorities accused him of “inciting ethnic hatred” and “advocating separatism” through his website and university lectures. His trial lasted only two days, from September 17 to 18, and on September 23, he was sentenced to life imprisonment, with lifelong deprivation of political rights and confiscation of all personal property.
His case is widely viewed as a symbol of China’s systematic suppression of peaceful expression by Uyghur intellectuals. Numerous international organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC), have repeatedly called for his release, labeling the prosecution as politically motivated.
In recognition of his courage and advocacy, Ilham Tohti has received multiple international awards:
2014: Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award (PEN America)
2016: Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders
2019: Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought (European Parliament)
2019: Václav Havel Human Rights Prize
The year 2024 marks the 10th anniversary of his sentencing. Human rights organizations such as the Uyghur Human Rights Project have renewed their calls for his immediate release, emphasizing that his case remains a defining example of the Chinese government’s repression of peaceful dissent among ethnic minorities.
Chen Quanguo, male, Han ethnicity, was born in 1955 in Xianyang, Shaanxi Province. He formerly served as the Communist Party Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region (2011–2016) and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (2016–2021). His governance in Xinjiang and Tibet, though officially aimed at maintaining “stability,” in practice involved deep interventions and systematic suppression of ethnic minorities’ religious beliefs, languages, cultures, and social structures, resulting in severe human rights concerns. He has become a prominent figure internationally criticized for China’s ethnic minority policies.
Chen is widely regarded as a key figure in implementing China’s high-pressure governance policies in ethnic minority regions. His large-scale social control, religious repression, and cultural assimilation policies in Tibet and Xinjiang have sparked strong domestic and international controversy and condemnation.
During his tenure in Tibet, Chen promoted the slogan “to govern Tibet, one must govern the mind,” emphasizing ideological control as a tool for stability. He pushed forward “de-extremization” and “anti-separatism” campaigns, restricted religious activities, monitored monasteries and monks, suppressed Tibetan language education, and vigorously advanced “Sinicization” policies by strengthening Mandarin education and limiting Tibetan language courses. Between 2011 and 2016, multiple self-immolation protests by Tibetans occurred, reflecting strong local dissatisfaction with these policies. Prominent monks such as Tenzin Delek Rinpoche were arrested on suspicion of separatism or died in custody.
In 2016, Chen was transferred to Xinjiang, where under the central government’s “anti-terrorism” framework he implemented a more stringent social stability model. He led the establishment of a vast “vocational skills education training center” system, where hundreds of thousands to over a million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities were detained without judicial process, undergoing “ideological transformation,” forced labor, and religious restriction training. Numerous international reports have documented issues such as physical punishment, psychological abuse, linguistic assimilation, and cultural indoctrination in these facilities, often referred to externally as “concentration camps.”
Simultaneously, Chen promoted the construction of an extensive surveillance network in Xinjiang, employing facial recognition and big data technologies to comprehensively monitor the daily lives of Uyghurs. Multiple reports revealed that during Chen’s leadership, Uyghur women faced forced contraception, sterilization, and birth control measures. Uyghur children were also reportedly sent to boarding schools, where they received education detached from their family and cultural backgrounds.
These policies have been widely regarded internationally as systematic oppression of ethnic minority groups, amounting to “cultural genocide” or even “genocide” in some assessments. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has publicly stated that Xinjiang policies may constitute “crimes against humanity.” Organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have long criticized Chen’s governance as a form of “cultural cleansing.”
Due to his roles in Xinjiang and Tibet, Chen Quanguo has become subject to sanctions by multiple countries. Since 2020, the United States has imposed visa bans and asset freezes on him, accusing him of responsibility for genocide in Xinjiang. The European Union, Canada, and the United Kingdom have also joined the sanction regimes, severely limiting his international activities. Nonetheless, Chen retained certain political influence within China until he stepped down as a member of the Politburo at the end of 2022.
