第794次茉莉花行动时间： 2026年6月14日（周日）上午9:00地点： 蒙特利公园市万豪酒店门口（555 N Atlantic Blvd, Monterey Park, CA 91754）反对中共侵略台湾中国人守护台湾——守护台海和平 · 捍卫自由民主近年来，中共持续以军事威胁、外交打压和武力恫吓针对台湾，严重危害台海和平与地区稳定。台湾的未来应由台湾人民决定，任何以武力改变现状的企图，都不应被接受。今天，我们以中国人的身份站出来，向世界发声：反对中共侵略台湾反对战争威胁与武力恫吓支持台湾人民自由选择未来守护台海和平与民主价值和平不是软弱，自由不容侵犯。中国人守护台湾，守护和平，守护自由。主办组织：中国民主党洛杉矶委员会发起人：张致君 卓皓然 王府 吕聪活动现场负责人：倪世成 卓皓然摄影：卓皓然 程堂正 姜晓明摄像：韩震 姜晓明宣传设计：张致君文宣/媒体联络：张致君秩序/安保义工：王府 赵贵玲 牟宗强 张帅
紀念香港反修例運動七周年Commemorating the 7th Anniversary of the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Bill MovementWest Coast of the USA
接力撐起雨傘24小時行動24-Hour UmbrellaRelay for Hong Kong
记者：贾嘉
（图一：“六·四”纪念馆外，来自南加州各地的民众参加“六·四”三十七周年纪念活动）
六月的洛杉矶阳光明亮，却无法冲淡人们对那段历史的记忆。2026年6月4日下午，由中国民主党、“六·四”纪念馆、洛杉矶中国民主平台、中国民主人权联盟、加州自由雕塑公园、公民抵抗协会、中国社会民主党、香港自由民主党以及《皇帝除三害》电影工作组等团体联合举办的“勿忘‘六·四’·星火不灭——‘六·四’大屠杀三十七周年纪念活动”在加州艾尔蒙地（El Monte）“六·四”纪念馆举行。三十七年前，北京街头发生的那场震惊世界的历史事件，至今仍牵动着无数人的记忆。三十七年后，不同城市、不同背景的人们汇聚而来，共同缅怀逝者，追思历史，守护真相。下午两点半，纪念活动在庄严肃穆的气氛中开始。纪念馆内陈列着大量与1989年民主运动相关的历史资料、图片和实物。对于许多第一次来到这里的年轻人而言，这些展品不仅是历史的见证，更是一堂生动而深刻的历史课。泛黄的照片记录着那个年代年轻人的理想与热情，保存下来的文献则默默诉说着那段改变无数人命运的岁月。活动开始后，全体与会者起立默哀，向在1989年民主运动中失去生命的人们致以最深切的哀思。随后，现场合唱《历史的伤口》。歌声缓缓响起，许多参与者轻声跟唱。对于经历过那个年代的人来说，这不仅是一首歌曲，更是一段无法忘却的人生记忆；对于年轻一代而言，这歌声则成为连接历史与现实的一座桥梁。在宣读《天安门母亲宣言》环节中，现场气氛格外凝重。几十年来，那些失去亲人的家庭始终没有停止对真相与公义的追寻。岁月流逝，但母亲对孩子的思念从未改变。宣言中的每一个字句，都让人感受到历史留下的伤痛与坚持。
（图二：“六·四”纪念主题壁画前，与会人士共同高唱歌曲并发表演讲）
活动当天还举行了“六·四”纪念主题壁画揭幕仪式，成为现场另一项极具象征意义的重要环节。在众人的见证下，一幅大型纪念壁画正式向公众展示。壁画以鲜明而强烈的视觉语言呈现出两种不同的世界：一侧是蓝天之下象征自由与希望的现代城市景象，另一侧则以深沉厚重的红色调展现历史的记忆与伤痕。两种色彩形成鲜明对照，寓意着人们对自由、人权与民主价值的向往，也表达了对历史真相的坚守与追寻。随着壁画揭幕，现场响起热烈掌声。随后，多位嘉宾站在壁画前发表讲话，与会者共同高唱纪念歌曲，表达对历史的铭记与对未来的期许。
（图三：“六·四”纪念主题壁画正式亮相，成为纪念馆新的历史地标）壁画作者在现场介绍创作理念时表示，希望通过艺术形式记录历史、传递记忆，让更多年轻人能够了解那段历史，思考自由、人权与公民责任的意义。不少参观者在壁画前驻足观看、拍照留念。对于“六·四”纪念馆而言，这不仅是一件艺术作品，更是一座向公众开放的历史记忆坐标。它提醒着每一位来到这里的人：历史不应被遗忘，真相值得被铭记。活动中的“坦克人”行为艺术重现，成为现场最具震撼力的环节之一。当那熟悉的历史画面再次呈现在人们面前时，许多人举起手机记录，也有人静静凝视。三十七年前，一名普通公民孤身站在坦克车队前方，用自己的身体阻挡钢铁洪流。世界至今不知道他的姓名，但他的身影早已成为二十世纪最具代表性的象征之一。勇气并不总是轰轰烈烈。有时，它只是一个普通人在关键时刻做出的选择。献花仪式上，与会者依次走向纪念区域，献上鲜花，表达对逝者的追思。一束束鲜花静静摆放在纪念碑前，也寄托着人们对历史真相与人类尊严的敬畏。现场许多人神情肃穆，有人低头默祷，有人驻足沉思。在鲜花与纪念标语之间，人们以最朴素的方式表达着对生命的敬重与缅怀。在隨後舉行的演講環節中，多位嘉賓圍繞歷史記憶、公民社會、人權價值以及華人社區的責任等議題發表講話。發言者們一致認為，無論時代如何變化，保存歷史記憶、尊重生命價值、維護人的尊嚴始終具有重要意義。
（图四：中国民主党创始人之一，《在野党》杂志总编辑朱虞夫先生参加活动并与参会者合影）
活动现场，不仅有1989年事件的亲历者，也有许多年轻面孔。他们或许没有经历那个年代，但通过纪念馆的展览、现场的讲述以及一代代人的传承，开始认识那段历史，理解记忆的重要意义。历史或许会随着时间渐渐远去，但只要还有人愿意讲述、愿意倾听、愿意记录，记忆便不会消失。纪念的意义不仅在于回望过去，更在于提醒未来。离开纪念馆时，人们陆续散去，但那些关于勇气、良知与责任的话题，仍在人们心中回响。三十七年后的今天，人们依然相信：记忆可以穿越时间；真相值得守护；而追求自由、民主与人权的精神，也将在一代又一代人的传承中继续前行。
勿忘“六·四”，星火不灭！（摄影：邢志远 林小龙 ）
编辑：韩立华 校对：熊辩 翻译：沈美花
“Never Forget ‘June Fourth,’ the Spark Will Never Be Extinguished”
(Image 1: Outside the “June Fourth” Memorial Museum, people from various parts of Southern California participate in the 37th anniversary commemoration of “June Fourth”)
The June sunlight in Los Angeles is bright, yet it cannot dilute people’s memory of that period of history.
On the afternoon of June 4, 2026, the commemorative event titled “Never Forget ‘June Fourth,’ the Spark Will Never Be Extinguished — Commemoration of the 37th Anniversary of the ‘June Fourth’ Massacre” was jointly organized by multiple groups, including the China Democracy Party, the “June Fourth” Memorial Museum, the Los Angeles China Democratic Platform, the China Democracy and Human Rights Alliance, the California Freedom Sculpture Park, the Citizens Resistance Association, the China Social Democratic Party, the Hong Kong Freedom and Democracy Party, and the film production team of “The Emperor Eliminates the Three Harms.” The event was held at the “June Fourth” Memorial Museum in El Monte, California.
Thirty-seven years ago, a historical event that shocked the world took place on the streets of Beijing. To this day, it continues to stir the memories of countless people. Thirty-seven years later, people from different cities and diverse backgrounds gathered together to commemorate the deceased, reflect on history, and safeguard the truth.
At 2:30 p.m., the memorial event began in a solemn and dignified atmosphere.
Inside the memorial museum are extensive historical materials, photographs, and physical artifacts related to the 1989 pro-democracy movement. For many young people visiting for the first time, these exhibits are not only witnesses to history but also a vivid and profound history lesson. The yellowed photographs record the ideals and passion of the youth of that era, while the preserved documents silently testify to a period that changed the fate of countless individuals.
After the event began, all attendees stood for a moment of silence, expressing their deepest condolences to those who lost their lives during the 1989 pro-democracy movement.
This was followed by a group performance of “The Wound of History.” As the song slowly began, many participants softly joined in. For those who lived through that era, it is not merely a song but an indelible memory of life; for the younger generation, it becomes a bridge connecting history and the present.
During the reading of the “Tiananmen Mothers’ Declaration,” the atmosphere became especially solemn. For decades, the families who lost their loved ones have never stopped seeking truth and justice. Time has passed, but a mother’s longing for her child has never changed. Every line of the declaration conveys the pain and perseverance left behind by history.
(Image 2: In front of the “June Fourth” commemorative mural, attendees collectively sing songs and deliver speeches)
On the day of the event, a “June Fourth” commemorative mural unveiling ceremony was also held, becoming another highly symbolic and important segment of the gathering.
Under the witness of those present, a large commemorative mural was officially unveiled to the public. The mural employs a vivid and powerful visual language to depict two contrasting worlds: on one side, a modern cityscape under a blue sky symbolizing freedom and hope; on the other, a deep and heavy red-toned composition representing historical memory and wounds. The stark contrast between the two color schemes serves as a metaphor for people’s aspiration for freedom, human rights, and democratic values, while also expressing a commitment to safeguarding and pursuing historical truth.
As the mural was unveiled, warm applause broke out on site. Subsequently, several guests delivered speeches in front of the mural. Participants collectively sang commemorative songs, expressing remembrance of history and expectations for the future.
(Image 3: The “June Fourth” commemorative mural officially unveiled, becoming a new historical landmark of the memorial museum)
When introducing his creative concept on site, the mural’s artist stated that he hopes to use artistic expression to record history and transmit memory, enabling more young people to understand that period of history and reflect on the meaning of freedom, human rights, and civic responsibility.
Many visitors paused in front of the mural to observe it and take commemorative photos. For the “June Fourth” Memorial Museum, this is not merely an artwork, but also a publicly accessible landmark of historical memory. It serves as a reminder to everyone who comes here: history must not be forgotten, and truth deserves to be remembered.
A reenactment of the “Tank Man” performance art became one of the most visually and emotionally striking segments of the event.
When that familiar historical image was once again presented before the audience, many people raised their phones to record it, while others stood in silent contemplation. Thirty-seven years ago, an ordinary citizen stood alone in front of a column of tanks, using his body to block the steel convoy. The world still does not know his name, yet his figure has become one of the most representative symbols of the twentieth century.
Courage is not always grand or dramatic.
Sometimes, it is simply a choice made by an ordinary person at a critical moment.
During the flower-laying ceremony, participants proceeded one by one to the memorial area to lay flowers, expressing their remembrance of the deceased.
Bouquets of flowers lay quietly in front of the memorial monument, carrying people’s reverence for historical truth and human dignity. Many participants wore solemn expressions; some bowed their heads in silent prayer, others stood in reflective stillness. Amid the flowers and commemorative slogans, people expressed remembrance and respect for life in the simplest manner.
In the subsequent speech segment, several guests delivered remarks on themes including historical memory, civil society, human rights values, and the responsibilities of the Chinese diaspora community. The speakers unanimously held that, regardless of how times may change, preserving historical memory, respecting the value of life, and upholding human dignity remain of enduring importance.
(Image 4: Mr. Zhu Yufu, one of the founders of the China Democracy Party and Editor-in-Chief of
“Zaiye Dang”
magazine, attends the event and takes a group photo with participants)
At the event site, there were not only eyewitnesses to the 1989 incident, but also many young faces. They may not have experienced that era, but through the memorial museum’s exhibition, on-site narratives, and the transmission across generations, they have begun to learn about that history and understand the importance of memory.
History may gradually fade away with time, but as long as there are still people willing to tell, willing to listen, and willing to record, memory will not disappear.
The significance of commemoration lies not only in looking back at the past, but also in reminding the future.
When leaving the memorial museum, people dispersed one after another, but the discussions about courage, conscience, and responsibility continued to resonate in their hearts.
Thirty-seven years later, people still believe today:
Memory can transcend time;
Truth deserves to be safeguarded;
And the spirit of pursuing freedom, democracy, and human rights will continue to move forward through the inheritance of generation after generation.
Never forget “June Fourth,” the spark will never be extinguished!
(Photo: Xing Zhiyuan, Lin Xiaolong)
Editor: Han LihuaProofreader: Xiong BianTranslator: Shen Meihua
《在野党》特约记者： 缪青（旧金山报道）
美西时间2026年6月3日19时，由中国民主教育基金会、中国民主党旧金山党部、人道中国、北加州香港会、美国香港人会馆、旧金山致公总堂、擦星星事务所、中国民主人权联盟等多个民主团体联合举办的“勿忘六四，砥砺前行——纪念六四三十七周年暨抗议中共天安门大屠杀”活动，在美国旧金山中国领事馆门前举行。
纪念活动现场（摄影缪青）
来自中国大陆、香港、西藏及美国社会各界的民主人士、人权活动家和社区代表齐聚一堂，以公开集会、演讲、献花、点燃烛光等方式，悼念1989年天安门民主运动中的死难者，呼吁国际社会继续关注中国的人权状况和民主转型进程。
作为本次活动的重要协办单位，中国民主党旧金山党部积极参与组织和筹备工作，与社会各界共同表达对六四英灵的追思，以及对中国民主未来的坚定信念。
活动开始前，全体与会者共同合唱《历史的伤口》。熟悉的旋律将人们带回那个改变中国历史进程的年代。主持人周云龙与Jeny随后宣布活动正式开始。
现场主持旧金山党部组织部部长周云龙和美国香港人会馆施臻营(Jeny)（摄影缪青）
主持人在开场致辞中指出，三十七年前，无数中国青年为了争取民主、自由和反腐败走上街头，却遭到中共政权的血腥镇压。时至今日，中共仍在掩盖历史真相，压制言论自由。然而，历史记忆不会因封锁而消失，民主追求不会因镇压而终结。
六四幸存者方政先生发表了开场演讲，作为天安门事件的直接受害者，方政在三十七年前因抢救学生而被坦克碾压失去双腿。如今的他依然活跃在民主运动第一线。他表示，中共持续封锁六四历史，不仅是对死难者的不尊重，也是对整个民族记忆的伤害。
方政强调，中共最害怕的是真相，因为真相能够唤醒民众的独立思考能力。只要越来越多的人了解历史真相、说出真话，改变就终将发生。
六四幸存者、天安门屠杀受害者方政（摄影缪青）
方政的讲话赢得现场热烈掌声。随后，全体与会者肃立默哀一分钟悼念所有六四死难者。
活动期间，多位来自国际社会及不同族群的人权代表发表讲话。
国际特赦组织代表加芙丽拉·威尔兹指出，中国大陆及香港的人权状况近年来持续恶化，大量异议人士、维权律师及民主活动人士遭受打压。她呼吁国际社会继续关注中国人权问题，并支持所有坚持民主自由价值的人们。
湾区西藏之友组织主席乔瓦尼·瓦萨洛表示，中国的民主化进程不仅关系汉族民众的未来，也关系包括藏族、维吾尔族等各民族的人权与自由。
西藏之友组织的乔瓦尼·瓦萨洛（摄影缪青）
旧金山致公总堂盟长赵炳贤则表示，自由与民主是全人类共同追求的价值，任何依靠暴力维持统治的政权都无法长期违背历史发展规律。
旧金山致公总堂盟长赵炳贤（摄影缪青）
来自北加州香港会的Ken Chan回顾了香港维园烛光晚会的历史。他表示，过去三十多年间，香港是全球华人纪念六四的重要阵地。然而在《香港国安法》实施之后，大规模公开纪念活动被迫停止，香港民主人士遭到前所未有的政治打压。
北加州香港会Ken Chan（摄影缪青）
活动中还宣读了香港民主人士邹幸彤的狱中来信。
这位因坚持纪念六四而身陷囹圄的民主活动家，在信中写道：“守护六四的记忆，其实也就是在守护同一条人性的底线。”她呼吁人们继续记录历史、传播真相、拒绝遗忘。
现场许多与会者听后深受感动。
值得关注的是，本次活动出现了许多年轻人的身影。
擦星星事务所代表包卓轩以及华语青年挺藏会代表段姜（Ginger Duan）分别发表演讲。他们表示，虽然六四发生时自己尚未出生，但了解历史真相后，深感自己有责任将记忆继续传承下去。
擦星星事务所代表包卓轩（摄影缪青）
华语青年挺藏会代表段姜（Ginger Duan）（摄影缪青）
青年世代的积极参与，成为当天活动的重要亮点，也让许多老一辈民主人士看到了希望。
记者现场采访了中国民主党旧金山党部多位干部。
党部活动部副部长李小林表示，三十七年前的学生和市民曾经真诚地相信，中国可以变得更加自由、公正和开放。他们以和平理性的方式表达诉求，却遭到军队和坦克的镇压。
旧金山党部活动部副部长李小林（摄影缪青）
民主党湾区党部副秘书长张小驹则从香港问题切入。他指出，香港支联会数十年来坚持举办维园烛光晚会，使香港成为全球华人纪念六四的重要象征。然而随着香港国安法实施，支联会被迫解散，李卓人、邹幸彤等民主人士被关押，自由与法治受到严重侵蚀。
旧金山党部副秘书长张小驹悼念现场（摄影缪青）
中国民主党旧金山党部网络技术部副部长庄帆则从信息自由的角度发表讲话。他表示，互联网技术的发展正在突破信息封锁，使越来越多中国民众能够接触被掩盖的历史真相。
作为技术工作者，他认为维护历史记忆、促进信息自由流通，是推动公民社会成长的重要途径。
旧金山党部网络技术部副部长庄帆（摄影缪青）
中国民主党旧金山党部文宣部部长缪青表示，纪念六四不仅是追思历史，更是守护真相与良知。
他说：“一个民族如果失去记忆，就无法拥有未来。纪念六四，不是为了延续仇恨，而是为了让后人知道，曾经有人为了自由与民主付出生命代价。历史可以被掩盖一时，却无法被永远抹去。”
中国民主党旧金山党部文宣部部长缪青（摄影庄帆）
随着夜幕降临，活动进入最后阶段。
主办方播放了“天安门母亲”录音。录音中饱含失去亲人的悲痛与对真相的坚持。
随后，与会者依次向民主女神像献花并点燃蜡烛。
一支支烛光在夜色中缓缓亮起，汇聚成温暖而坚定的光芒。
人们高呼：“勿忘六四！”“血债血偿！”“推翻暴政！”“中共必亡！”
这些口号在旧金山中国领事馆的上空久久回荡。
三十七年过去了，中共依然试图抹去那段历史；然而三十七年过去了，仍然有人在世界各地坚持讲述六四的故事。
对于中国民主党以及所有追求自由民主的人士而言，六四不仅是一段历史记忆，更是一份尚未完成的责任。
当真相仍被掩盖，当良知仍遭压制，纪念便不会停止。
正如活动主题所表达的那样：
勿忘六四，砥砺前行。
因为唯有记住历史，才能走向未来；唯有坚持真相，才能迎来自由中国的曙光。
编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：周敏
Special Correspondent of “The Opposition Party”: Miao Qing (Report from San Francisco)
At 19:00 on June 3, 2026, West American Time, the activity of “Do Not Forget June 4th, Forge Ahead with Determination—Commemorating the 37th Anniversary of June 4th and Protesting against the CCP’s Tiananmen Massacre,” jointly organized by multiple democracy groups including the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation, the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters, Humanitarian China, the Northern California Hong Kong Club, the US Hong Kongers Club, the San Francisco Zhi Gong Grand Hall, the Star-Wiping Office, and the Chinese Democracy and Human Rights Alliance, was held in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco, USA.
The Commemoration Activity Scene (Photography by Miao Qing)
Democracy activists, human rights advocates, and community representatives from mainland China, Hong Kong, Tibet, and all sectors of American society gathered together, through ways of public assembly, speeches, presenting flowers, and lighting candles, to mourn the victims in the 1989 Tiananmen Democracy Movement, and to appeal to the international society to continue to pay attention to China’s human rights situation and democratic transition process. As an important co-organizer of this activity, the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters actively participated in the organization and preparation work, jointly expressing with all sectors of society the remembrance of the June 4th heroic spirits, as well as the firm belief in the future of China’s democracy. Before the activity started, all participants sang together “The Wound of History.” The familiar melody brought people back to that era that changed China’s historical process. The hosts Zhou Yunlong and Jeny then announced the official start of the activity.
On-site Hosts: San Francisco Headquarters Organization Department Director Zhou Yunlong and US Hong Kongers Club Shi Zhenying (Jeny) (Photography by Miao Qing)
The hosts pointed out in the opening speech that thirty-seven years ago, countless Chinese youths walked onto the streets to strive for democracy, freedom, and anti-corruption, but suffered blood suppression by the CCP regime. To this day, the CCP is still covering up the historical truth and suppressing freedom of speech. However, historical memory will not disappear because of blockades, and the pursuit of democracy will not terminate because of suppression. June 4th survivor Mr. Fang Zheng delivered the opening speech. As a direct victim of the Tiananmen Incident, Fang Zheng lost his legs thirty-seven years ago due to being crushed by a tank while rescuing students. Today, he is still active on the front line of the democracy movement. He expressed that the CCP’s continuous blockade of June 4th history is not only disrespect to the victims, but also harm to the entire nation’s memory. Fang Zheng emphasized that what the CCP fears most is the truth, because the truth can awaken the public’s independent thinking ability. As long as more and more people understand the historical truth and speak the truth, change will eventually happen.
June 4th Survivor and Tiananmen Massacre Victim Fang Zheng (Photography by Miao Qing)
Fang Zheng’s speech won warm applause from the scene. Subsequently, all participants stood solemnly in silence for one minute to mourn all June 4th victims. During the activity, multiple human rights representatives from the international society and different ethnic groups delivered speeches. Amnesty International representative Gavriila Wilz pointed out that the human rights situations in mainland China and Hong Kong have continued to deteriorate in recent years, and a large number of dissidents, rights-defense lawyers, and democracy activists have suffered crackdowns. She appealed to the international society to continue to pay attention to China’s human rights issues and support all people who adhere to the values of democracy and freedom. Giovanni Vassallo, Chairman of the Bay Area Friends of Tibet organization, expressed that China’s democratization process not only relates to the future of the Han masses, but also relates to the human rights and freedoms of all ethnic groups including Tibetans and Uyghurs.
Giovanni Vassallo of the Friends of Tibet Organization (Photography by Miao Qing)
Zhao Bingxian, Leader of the San Francisco Zhi Gong Grand Hall, expressed that freedom and democracy are values commonly pursued by all mankind, and any regime that relies on violence to maintain rule cannot violate the laws of historical development for a long time.
Zhao Bingxian, Leader of the San Francisco Zhi Gong Grand Hall (Photography by Miao Qing)
Ken Chan from the Northern California Hong Kong Club reviewed the history of Hong Kong’s Victoria Park candlelight vigils. He expressed that during the past thirty-plus years, Hong Kong was an important front for global Chinese to commemorate June 4th. However, after the implementation of the “Hong Kong National Security Law,” large-scale public commemoration activities were forced to stop, and Hong Kong democracy activists suffered unprecedented political crackdowns.
Ken Chan of the Northern California Hong Kong Club (Photography by Miao Qing)
During the activity, a letter from prison by Hong Kong democracy activist Chow Hang-tung was also read out. This democracy activist, who is jailed due to adhering to commemorating June 4th, wrote in the letter: “Guarding the memory of June 4th is actually exactly guarding the same bottom line of humanity.” She appealed to people to continue to record history, spread the truth, and refuse to forget. Many participants at the scene were deeply moved after hearing it. What is worth paying attention to is that this activity saw the figures of many young people. Bao Zhuoxuan, representative of the Star-Wiping Office, and Ginger Duan, representative of the Chinese Youth Supporting Tibet Association, delivered speeches respectively. They expressed that although when June 4th happened they were not yet born, after understanding the historical truth, they deeply feel they have the responsibility to continue to pass the memory down.
Bao Zhuoxuan, Representative of the Star-Wiping Office (Photography by Miao Qing)
Duan Jiang, Representative of the Chinese Youth Supporting Tibet Association (Photography by Miao Qing)
The active participation of the youth generation became an important highlight of the day’s activity, and also let many older-generation democracy activists see hope. The reporter interviewed multiple cadres of the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters on the scene. Li Xiaolin, Deputy Director of the Headquarters Activity Department, expressed that thirty-seven years ago, students and citizens once sincerely believed that China could become more free, just, and open. They expressed appeals in a peaceful and rational way, but suffered suppression by the army and tanks.
Li Xiaolin, Deputy Director of the San Francisco Headquarters Activity Department (Photography by Miao Qing)
Zhang Xiaoju, Deputy Secretary-General of the Democracy Party Bay Area Headquarters, cut in from the Hong Kong issue. He pointed out that the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China adhered to holding Victoria Park candlelight vigils for decades, making Hong Kong an important symbol for global Chinese to commemorate June 4th. However, along with the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law, the Alliance was forced to disband, and democracy activists like Lee Cheuk-yan and Chow Hang-tung were imprisoned, with freedom and the rule of law suffering severe erosion.
Mourning Scene of Zhang Xiaoju, Deputy Secretary-General of the San Francisco Headquarters (Photography by Miao Qing)
Zhuang Fan, Deputy Director of the Cyber Technology Department of the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters, delivered a speech from the perspective of information freedom. He expressed that the development of internet technology is breaking through information blockades, making more and more Chinese masses able to touch the covered-up historical truth. As a technology worker, he believes that maintaining historical memory and promoting the free circulation of information are important ways to promote the growth of civil society.
Zhuang Fan, Deputy Director of the San Francisco Headquarters Cyber Technology Department (Photography by Miao Qing)
Miao Qing, Director of the Publicity Department of the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters, expressed that commemorating June 4th is not only remembering history, but is even more guarding truth and conscience. He said: “If a nation loses memory, it cannot possess a future. Commemorating June 4th is not for extending hatred, but for letting posterity know that once there were people who paid the price of life for freedom and democracy. History can be covered up for a time, but cannot be wiped out forever.”
Miao Qing, Director of the Publicity Department of the China Democracy Party San Francisco Headquarters (Photography by Zhuang Fan)
As night fell, the activity entered the final stage. The organizers played the recording of “Tiananmen Mothers.” The recording was filled with the grief of losing loved ones and the adherence to the truth. Subsequently, participants sequentially presented flowers to the Goddess of Democracy statue and lit candles. One by one, candlelights slowly lit up in the night, gathering into a warm and firm light. People shouted loudly: “Do Not Forget June 4th!” “Blood Debt Paid in Blood!” “Overthrow Tyranny!” “The CCP Must Perish!” These slogans resonated above the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco for a long time. Thirty-seven years have passed, the CCP still tries to wipe out that period of history; however, thirty-seven years have passed, there are still people in all places of the world adhering to telling the story of June 4th. To the China Democracy Party as well as all individuals pursuing freedom and democracy, June 4th is not only a period of historical memory, but is even more an uncompleted responsibility. When the truth is still covered up, when conscience is still suppressed, commemoration will not stop. Exactly as the theme of the activity expressed: Do not forget June 4th, forge ahead with determination. Because only by remembering history can we move towards the future; only by adhering to the truth can we usher in the dawn of a free China.
Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min
作者：吕易 （中国社会民主党主席、中国民主党海外委员会副主席）
（谨以本文献给一切为中国的自由、民主、宪政为理念，奋斗、奉献、牺牲的真民运人士。那些打着民运旗号，故意损害、破坏民运的人；混迹于民运队伍，却有损民运声誉、破坏民运形象的人；带着中共任务，污名民运人士，分裂民运团队和组织的人；搜集所在国情报，收买国外政要，为中共服务效力，但却贴了民运人士标签，到处招摇撞骗的人……，请离开。因为本文不适合你。）
笔者曾多次撰文呼吁，要实现中国的自由、民主、宪政，必须建立一支坚强有力的民运队伍。因为中共当权者，同中外历史上的一切反动派一样，不会自动放下屠刀，不会自行放弃他们的权力和既得利益。相反，他们毫无例外地利用掌握的军队、警察、监狱等国家机器，极力迫害、镇压异议人士，维护其专制独裁统治。所以，必须要有一支坚强有力的民主运动队伍，站在运动的前面，带领亿万民众，抵抗中共反动派的镇压，方能取得民主运动的最后胜利!
建立一支坚强有力的民主队伍如此重要，我们要从哪里入手呢？在纪念“八九六四”37周年之际，在思考怎样才是对“6、4”死难者最好纪念这一问题的同时，本人进一步认识到，要建立一支坚强有力的民运队伍，应该从民运人士的道德操守与民主素养的提升两个方面着手。
一，真民运人的道德操守
1，诚实守信与公开公正
诚实守信，就是信守诺言，言行一致。不撒谎，不欺骗，不散布虚假信息，不传播谣言以惑众。这是每一个真民运人，都要具备的民主意识和民主行为。民主，不是只喊喊口号。不是说一套，做的又是另一套。真民运人应该有平等的民主思想、民主意识、民主精神和民主素养。行动上体现民主，实际运作中真正按民主制度和民主原则办事。因此，信守诺言，言行一致，诚实无欺，是每一个真民运人士首先应具备的道德标准和道德要求。
公开公正，是指民运人士做事要光明磊落，正大光明。不能当面说好话，背后搞阴谋诡计。我们从事的民主运动本身，就是为广大劳苦大众谋权利、谋利益、谋福利的正义事业。我们的诉求是公开公正的；我们的目标和目的是公开公正的；我们制定的路线和实现达到目标的方法手段等，都是公开公正的。遮遮掩掩、鬼鬼祟祟、暗箱操作等，都是真民运人士不予采纳的。
中共专制统治者为了欺骗人民否定民主，夸口什么:社会主义国家可以有计划，更高效，更可控，集中力量办大事。而资本主义国家，议会民主，议来议去，效率低，干不了大事。但他们却掩盖了，个人独裁，专制暴政，暗箱操作下的贪污腐败，挥霍浪费，损公肥私等实质。他们为什么不敢让人民自由公开发表言论？为什么不敢公开各级党政干部的财产状况？因为他们知道几乎在所有方面，都“猫儿腻”和陷阱，隐藏着极大的不公正！
2，尊重与包容。
这是真民运人士应该具备的又一个基本道德标准。既然是民主制，那就不是也不应该一个人说了算，而应由这个群体，这个国家的所有人共同参与决策，共同讨论、论证、决定。这就要充分尊重他人发表意见的权利，包容不同的想法和意见。有一句名言:我不同意你的观点，但我誓死捍卫你说话的权利。这是对人的起码尊重。
在中共专制独裁制度下，个人独尊，一言九鼎，下级服从上级、底层听命于高层、平民百姓，根本没有说话的权利。什么妄议中央，什么非法集会、非法游行示威等，都不被中共政权所容忍，都要被当局训戒、罚款、拘留或以罪论处。李文亮医生被训戒，致使全世界数千万条生命死亡，至今都令人胆寒！
在海外民运人士中，不尊重他人、不包容他人和相反意见的现象也屡见不鲜。著名异议人士王若望老先生就曾经说过，民运人士一定要打倒自己心中的小毛泽东。因为他看到当时的海外民运人士中，彼此互不服气，互相指责，争斗不断。各个都要争老大，好像个个都像小毛泽东。
真民运人士，就要尊重别人讲话的权利，包容不同意见和建议。动辄扣帽子、打棍子，上纲上线，这些不良现象必须克服。
当然，我们尊重、包容他人，并不是是非不分，混淆黑白，不能对那些攪屎棍、闹事者等一概纵容。在坚持民主的基础之上，要按民主程序和民主原则处理问题。如在会议上随意插话打断他人发言。故意挑起事端引发争吵或进行人身攻击等。对这些害群之马的纵容，就是妨碍正常民主的实行。为避免劣币驱逐良币，我们要坚持宁缺毋滥的原则。对于不具有基本民主素质的人，分别进行批评教育，或劝退、或清除出民运队伍。
3，脚踏实地与持之以恒
真民运人士都懂得，实现中国的自由、民主、宪政，不是一蹴而就的。需要千千万万民运人脚踏实地工作和持之以恒的坚持。
结束邪共暴力专制统治，不能只喊口号，而需要踏踏实实地工作。如，宣传和发动民众参加到民主运动当中来，就是一项十分复杂细致的工作。如果说一呼百应还相对容易，那么，把响应者紧密结合团结起来，则是很难很难的一件事。特别在西方民主社会，大家的地位平等，思想自由，思维方式、看问题的角度、所处立场、发表的观点、意见等，千奇百怪，多种多样。如果靠哄、骗、忽悠，怎能使大家心往一处想，劲往一处使呢？所以，诚实做人，踏踏实实做事，应该是真民运人的一个标志和特点！
中共靠强制迫使人服从。什么下级服从上级，全党服从中央。统一指示，统一行动。但民主运动则靠民运领袖的道德感召；靠大家自觉自愿，同心协力；靠大家脚踏实地，一步一步往前走。
持之以恒的道德要求很高，也是确保民主运动成功的一个重要方面。记得儿童时代就有一篇铁棒磨成针的课文，告诉我们坚持到底，一定成功的道理。现实生活中常常有人就是因为没有信心和耐心，不能坚持到底，结果是功败垂成。
最近从网上获悉，因纪念”六四”而被中共当局判刑的民主人士董广平，一直都没有停止同中共当局抗争。他已经四次设法逃离中国，前两次分别逃到泰国和越南。都被中共当局分别联合泰国和越南警方，把他遣送回国，并加重处罚。后来，他又只身泅度金门，准备游泳到台湾。但也失败而被迫返回大陆。最近，董广平乘充气橡皮艇逃到韩国，被韩国警方拘押。相信他不弃不舍的坚持，一定会感动上帝，被加拿大政府允许他赴加与其家人团聚。
圣经有言:爱是亘久忍耐。如果我们热爱民主，愿意为中国民主而奋斗，那就没有什么不可以忍耐，不可以坚持到底的。同道的误会，可以通过解释而消除;邪共如此强大，那我们就以蚂蚁啃树的毅力和精神，日日夜夜的啃噬，相信邪共大树终有一天会倒下。哪怕努力千万次，最后定有成功时。坚持，坚持，再坚持!
持之以恒，不能忽冷忽热，不能半途而废;持之以恒，就是要历尽千难万险都不气馁、不放弃。邪共不亡不罢休!
4，团队意识和团队精神。
民主运动，不是一个人或少数几个人的事。而是千万民众的共同意愿、共同意思、共同事业、共同利益。所以，团队意识和团队精神，对每一个真民运人士，都是不可或缺、非常重要的道德品质。
任何一个社会团体或组织，都需要这个组织的每一位成员团结协作，相互配合，相互支持。这就需要大家树立团体意识，发扬团队精神。单打独斗，各行其是，争名夺利，相互拆台，相互攻击等，就一定会给这个团体造成极大的伤害和破坏。
民主运动必须按民主原则办事，并且要有行之有效的民主监督机制。但还不够，还需要这个民运组织的每一个成员都具备团体意识和团队精神。因为民主运动，是由一群志同道合的人共同参与的。个别人不按民主原则办事，违反民主制度，却不像国家那样有强制力，迫使他/她服从。民运组织只能靠组织成员自己的团体意识和团队精神，靠自我约束，自觉服从团体的决定和决议。不明知故犯，不搞特殊，不特立独行。
某协会理事会举行理事长选举，理事会共六人（原七人，选举前一人辞职），按协会规则，理事长必须获得超过半数以上的选票即四票才能当选。选举时，理事长候选人得票最多的只有三票。这个得票最多的理事长候选人是台湾人，在台湾也担任过社会职务，对民主规则不能说不熟悉，对协会的规则不能说不了解，其他理事也很了解，但这个来自于民主社会、口口声声要建立公民社会的人却依然当仁不让地坐上了理事长的位置。
笔者曾经工作过的澳洲某华人教会，每四年举行一次全澳会督选举。前些年一次选举会督，有一百多名牧师和教会领袖参加投票，进行了23轮投票都没有一位候选人得票超过半数以上。选举会议从晚上八点开始，一直到当夜十二点都无结果。直到第二天早上将近六点，终于有候选人得票超过半数以上，最后当选为该全澳教会的会督。
上述两个例子，反应了一个社会组织的不同”团队意识和团队精神”所产生的不同结果。
为什么海外民运团体众多，但不成气候？不能不说，缺乏团队意识和团队精神，是一个重要因素。早就有人说，中国人不团结，像一盘散沙。一个中国人像条龙，一群中国人像条虫。 有识之士早就指出，”中国海内外民主运动几十年没有多少起色的原因之一就是：很少有民主人士懂得如何按民主规则，进行民主运动。”诚哉，斯言！
中国民主人士，一个真正的民运人，让我们从自己做起，不断提高自己的道德标准，严格要求自己，增强团队意识，发扬光大团队精神，团结一切可以团结的人，联合一切可以联合的力量，逐渐让世人改变“中国人不团结”的负面印象和看法!
5，责任意识与担当精神
这也是真民运人应该具备的道德品质。责任意识与担当精神，一方面要求民运人不轻易鼓吹、煽动他人承担自己不愿意承担的风险或不可能实现的事情；另一方面就是勇于承担责任，愿意并主动承担因民主运动而带来的后果。特别对民运领袖而言，责任意识与担当精神，更为重要！
在通过何种方式或途径，结束中共暴政的问题上，民运界一直都有争论。一种观点主张通过“暴力革命”，而另一种观点则认为只能通过“和平革命”（就是“和平、理性、非暴力，简称和、理、非）。几十年了，主张暴力革命的民主人士认真想过没有？手无寸铁的群众怎样赤手空拳，对付武装到牙齿，掌握了几百万军队、警察等暴力机器的中共暴力政权？特别在现代通讯技术和检查、检测、识别技术如此发达的今天，平民百姓从哪里得到武器？现代社会，从苏联、东欧巨变，到“茉莉花”等颜色革命，又有哪个国家的政权更替是通过暴力革命成功的？还有，美日欧等现代文明国家，不但不支持暴力革命，而且视主张暴力者为恐怖分子，全力围捕、消灭之都唯恐不及，哪一个会公开支持“暴力革命”？
问题来了，既然“暴力革命”不靠谱，不现实，为什么还有人鼓吹、煽动，并且不厌其烦、不遗余力呢？他们是何居心？难道是故意让别人去做无谓的牺牲，而他们自己却躲在平安富足，自由民主的国家吗？这样的人不是什么真正的民运人！因为他们缺乏真民运人应该具备的责任意识和担当精神！
笔者认识一人，他公开参加了党章明确规定“和理非”的某民主党派，却总是在各种场合反对别人提“和理非”。令人不得不问，他是老糊涂了，还是人格分裂？或者是有其它不可告人的目的？
还有一位所谓民运大佬，大家都知道，过去他是一位“和理非”倡导者，而近十几年，他却转而成了一位“暴力革命”鼓吹者。在纽约、洛杉矶等城市，他频频参加集会、游行，发表暴力革命的演讲。有人提出疑问，他为什么有这样大的转变？知情者直接回答说：为了钱！果真如此，实在可悲、可怜、可叹！
需要说明的是，本人及所在组织主张和平革命，并不意味着我们就是反对暴力革命。和平革命是我们根据当前中国和世界的实际形势所做的判断，从而提出的务实而策略的主张。对于暴力革命者的有效革命行为，我们真诚高兴。如果暴力革命成功，我们更是乐观其成。再者，广大劳苦群众为了保护他们的人身和财产不受侵犯，为了维护他们的合法权益，而以武力反抗暴政，抵抗、打击掌权者的迫害行为，是合法合理的正当防卫行为。我们不但不会反对，而且还会大力声援支持。我们反对的是那些身在“和理非”组织的章程之下，却公然反对自己“同意”了章程，非逻辑、不道德地鼓吹什么“暴力革命”！
二，真民运人的民主素养操练
真民运人，除了道德层面的要求，还必须经常不断进行民主素养操练。
1. 政治素养。
正确理解本国和有关国家的宪法、法律、规章等有关规定，及其运作程序与要求。
真民运人在民运活动中，必须遵守所在国的法律，不得做违法犯罪的事。如在澳大利亚，我们集会、游行或在中共国驻澳洲的使领馆门前举办纪念“六四”烛光晚会前，都要提前申请并获得批准。也有朋友，公开毁坏了财物，被澳洲有关执法机关给予了惩罚处理。这都是政治素养或水平造成的问题。
明确地说，民主运动是最重要的政治运动，不是情绪表达，不能靠大声喊叫。而是要事先制定妥善的计划，提出可行方案，分清实施步骤，明确分工负责等。 不然，乌合之众，一哄而散，就表明这个组织和成员在政治上很不成熟。
我曾阅读过一篇很好的《六四反思》的文章，说道：“ 妥协仅是解决争端的方式，不是最终目的，更不会改变极权体制本质 ”。但“妥协可以减缓冲突升级，实现阶段性的目的-即体制内改革派有话语和主导权，从而避免镇压，并有可能走向深化改革机会。这一目标在当时国内社会条件与国际政治环境是具有可行性的。 但学潮自身的街头政治性质使政治目标与行为方式分裂，情绪高于理性，自由压制秩序，造成学生和社会各界都不希望发生的后果”
早有西方学者提出，妥协和谈判是一门艺术。因此，学会妥协，掌握谈判技巧，对每一位真民运人的民主素养的提高都非常重要。
2. 认知能力
应该承认，任何人的认知能力都是有一定局限的。真民运人要十分注重学习、掌握新知识、新技术和新技能。不断提高我们在各方面的认知能力和认知水平。了解本国历史与现状，学习国际民主运动历史和现代经验。 从而帮助我们所从事的伟大的中国民主运动。
3. 公共沟通能力
本人自从事海外民主运动以来，参加过几十场次民运会议了。座谈会、研讨会、甚至重要的大型集会，经常出现插话，抢麦克风，或大打出手，最后导致大家不欢而散的场面。这都是因为大家不能理性表达，缺乏公共沟通能力，形成情绪对立，进而发声冲突。 因此，能与不同阶层、不同立场的人理性沟通。 认真听取他人意见，也能让对方正确理解自己的意思，从而达成一致意见。使会议成功而顺利，使我们的民运组织健康发展壮大。
4. 组织能力与纪律
民主运动若缺乏组织伦理，没有程序，没有纪律。就容易引起内部失序、纷争、分裂。
每一场民主行动的成功举行，都需要领袖的组织协调能力和团队合作精神。 这里，民主团体的领袖严格按程序办事和严格执行纪律是十分关键的因素。我们华人组织，多注重面子和人情，却往往轻视纪律的执行。这是民运组织的领袖特别应该改进的。
结语：无需讳言，中国民主运动，民运组织和民运人士中，存在着这样那样的问题，也有许多争议。山头林立，夫妻店，永久主席，派系争斗，个人崇拜，“逢中必反”，双重标准等等。对于这些问题，每一位真民运人都应该重视，并思考寻求克服、解决之道。严格以民运道德标准规范自己，不断操练自己的民主素养，无疑会极大提升中国民主运动水平！
2026年6月3日
编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：周敏
Author: Lyu Yi (Chairman of the China Social Democratic Party, Vice Chairman of the Overseas Committee of the China Democracy Party)
(This article is respectfully dedicated to all true democracy activists who fight, dedicate, and sacrifice for the concept of China’s freedom, democracy, and constitutionalism. Those who hold the banner of the democracy movement to deliberately damage and destroy the democracy movement; those who mix into the ranks of the democracy movement but damage the reputation of the democracy movement and destroy the image of the democracy movement; those who carry CCP missions to stigmatize democracy activists and split democracy movement teams and organizations; those who collect intelligence of host countries, buy off foreign politicians, and serve and work for the CCP, but put on the labels of democracy activists to swindle people everywhere…, please leave. Because this article is not suitable for you.)
The author has written many times to appeal that to realize China’s freedom, democracy, and constitutionalism, we must establish a strong and powerful democracy movement team. Because the CCP authorities, like all reactionaries in Chinese and foreign history, will not automatically lay down their butcher knives, and will not voluntarily give up their power and vested interests. On the contrary, they without exception utilize the state apparatuses they control, such as the army, police, and prisons, to extremely persecute and suppress dissidents, and maintain their autocratic and dictatorial rule. Therefore, there must be a strong and powerful democracy movement team standing in front of the movement, leading hundreds of millions of people to resist the suppression of the CCP reactionaries, so that the final victory of the democracy movement can be achieved!
Establishing a strong and powerful democracy team is so important, so where should we start? On the occasion of commemorating the 37th anniversary of “June 4th,” while thinking about what is the best commemoration for the victims of “6/4,” I further realize that to establish a strong and powerful democracy movement team, we should start from two aspects: the enhancement of democracy activists’ moral integrity and democratic literary attainment.
I. The Moral Integrity of True Democracy People
1. Honesty, Trustworthiness, Openness, and Fairness
Honesty and trustworthiness mean keeping promises and aligning words with deeds. Not lying, not deceiving, not spreading false information, and not circulating rumors to delude the public. This is the democratic consciousness and democratic behavior that every true democracy person must possess. Democracy is not just shouting slogans. It is not saying one thing and doing another. True democracy people should have equal democratic thoughts, democratic consciousness, democratic spirit, and democratic literary attainment. Embody democracy in actions, and truly act according to democratic systems and democratic principles in actual operations. Therefore, keeping promises, aligning words with deeds, and being honest without deception are the primary moral standards and moral requirements that every true democracy activist should possess.
Openness and fairness mean that democracy activists must do things openly, aboveboard, and honorably. They cannot say good things to one’s face but engage in schemes and intrigues behind one’s back. The democracy movement we engage in itself is a righteous cause to seek rights, interests, and welfare for the broad masses of hard-working people. Our appeals are open and fair; our goals and purposes are open and fair; the lines we formulate and the methods and means to achieve the goals are all open and fair. Being secretive, stealthy, and operating in a black box are all not adopted by true democracy activists.
The CCP autocratic rulers, in order to deceive the people and deny democracy, brag about something: Socialist countries can have plans, be more efficient, and be more controllable, concentrating resources to accomplish big things. While capitalist countries, with parliamentary democracy, discuss back and forth, have low efficiency, and cannot accomplish big things. But they cover up the essence of corruption, extravagance, waste, and feathering their own nests under personal dictatorship, autocratic tyranny, and black-box operations. Why do they not dare to let the people freely and openly express opinions? Why do they not dare to open the property conditions of party and government cadres at all levels? Because they know that in almost all aspects, there are “tricks” and traps, hiding extreme unfairness!
2. Respect and Inclusiveness
This is another basic moral standard that true democracy activists should possess. Since it is a democratic system, it is not and should not be one person having the final say, but should be jointly participated in decision-making, jointly discussed, demonstrated, and decided by this group, and all people of this country. This requires fully respecting other people’s right to express opinions, and being inclusive of different thoughts and opinions. There is a famous quote: I do not agree with your point of view, but I will defend to the death your right to speak. This is the starting respect for human beings.
Under the CCP autocratic and dictatorial system, personal supremacy and words carrying the weight of nine tripods prevail; subordinates obey superiors, the bottom obeys the high level, and ordinary folks fundamentally have no right to speak. What “wantonly criticizing the central authorities,” what “illegal assembly, illegal parade and demonstration,” etc., are not tolerated by the CCP regime, and all will be admonished, fined, detained, or treated as crimes by the authorities. Doctor Li Wenliang was admonished, resulting in tens of millions of lives dying worldwide, which still makes people feel chilled to the bone to this day!
Among overseas democracy activists, the phenomena of not respecting others, and not being inclusive of others and opposite opinions are also frequently seen. The famous dissident Mr. Wang Ruowang once said that democracy activists must overthrow the small Mao Zedong in their own hearts. Because he saw that among the overseas democracy activists at that time, they were not convinced by each other, mutually accused each other, and infighting was continuous. Every single one wanted to fight to be the boss, as if every single one was like a small Mao Zedong.
True democracy activists must respect other people’s right to speak, and include different opinions and suggestions. At every turn putting caps on people, hitting people with sticks, and escalating things to principles and lines—these bad phenomena must be overcome.
Of course, we respect and include others, but it does not mean not distinguishing right from wrong, confusing black and white, and we cannot blindly indulge those shit-stirring sticks, troublemakers, etc. On the basis of adhering to democracy, we must handle problems according to democratic procedures and democratic principles. Such as casually interrupting and cutting off other people’s speeches in meetings. Deliberately provoking incidents to cause quarrels or conducting personal attacks, etc. Indulgence of these black sheep is obstructing the practice of normal democracy. To avoid bad money driving out good money, we must adhere to the principle of preferring shortage to low quality. For people who do not possess basic democratic quality, conduct criticism and education respectively, or advise to withdraw, or clear them out of the democracy movement team.
3. Down-to-Earth and Perseverance
True democracy activists all understand that realizing China’s freedom, democracy, and constitutionalism cannot be achieved overnight. It requires thousands upon thousands of democracy people to work in a down-to-earth manner and persist with perseverance.
Ending the evil CCP’s violent autocratic rule cannot rely only on shouting slogans, but requires doing work in a down-to-earth manner. For example, publicizing and mobilizing the masses to participate in the democracy movement is a very complex and meticulous work. If it is said that one call brings a hundred responses is relatively easy, then tightly combining and uniting the responders together is a very, very difficult thing. Especially in Western democratic societies, everyone’s status is equal, thoughts are free, and ways of thinking, angles of looking at problems, positions held, expressed viewpoints, opinions, etc., are strange and varied, numerous and diverse. If relying on coaxing, cheating, and hoodwinking, how can everyone’s mind be directed to one place, and energy be applied to one spot? Therefore, being an honest person and doing things in a down-to-earth manner should be a mark and characteristic of true democracy people!
The CCP relies on coercion to force people to obey. What subordinates obey superiors, the whole party obeys the central committee. Unified instructions, unified actions. But the democracy movement relies on the moral appeal of democracy movement leaders; relies on everyone being conscious and voluntary, and working together with one heart; relies on everyone being down-to-earth, walking forward step by step.
The moral requirement of perseverance is very high, and it is also an important aspect to ensure the success of the democracy movement. I remember in childhood there was a textbook text about grinding an iron bar into a needle, telling us the truth that persisting to the end will definitely succeed. In real life, often people are exactly because of having no confidence and patience, and cannot persist to the end, resulting in failing when success is in sight.
Recently learned from the internet, the democracy activist Dong Guangping, who was sentenced by the CCP authorities due to commemorating “June 4th,” has never stopped resisting the CCP authorities. He has already managed to escape China four times; the first two times he escaped to Thailand and Vietnam respectively. He was both times repatriated back to the country by the CCP authorities respectively uniting with Thailand and Vietnam police, and given heavier punishment. Later, he again alone swam across to Kinmen, preparing to swim to Taiwan. But this also failed and he was forced to return to the mainland. Recently, Dong Guangping took an inflatable rubber boat and escaped to South Korea, and was detained by South Korean police. I believe his unyielding persistence will definitely move God, and he will be allowed by the Canadian government to go to Canada to reunite with his family.
The Bible has words: Love is long patience. If we love democracy and are willing to fight for China’s democracy, then there is nothing that cannot be patient about, and cannot be persisted to the end about. Misunderstandings of fellow travelers can be eliminated through explanation; the evil CCP is so powerful, then we use the perseverance and spirit of ants biting a tree, biting day and night, believing that the evil CCP big tree will one day collapse. Even if trying thousands of times, finally there must be success time. Persist, persist, and persist again! Perseverance cannot be hot now and cold then, cannot give up halfway; perseverance means through thousands of difficulties and tens of thousands of dangers, not being discouraged, not giving up. Not stopping until the evil CCP perishes!
4. Team Awareness and Team Spirit
The democracy movement is not a matter of one person or a few people. But it is the common will, common meaning, common cause, and common interest of thousands upon thousands of people. Therefore, team awareness and team spirit, to every true democracy person, are indispensable and very important moral qualities.
Any social group or organization needs every member of this organization to unite and cooperate, mutually coordinate, and mutually support. This requires everyone to establish group awareness and carry forward team spirit. Fighting single-handedly, each going their own way, striving for fame and profit, mutually pulling the rug from under each other, and mutually attacking, etc., will definitely cause extreme harm and destruction to this group.
The democracy movement must act according to democratic principles, and there must be an effective democratic supervision mechanism. But it is still not enough; it also requires every member of this democracy movement organization to possess group awareness and team spirit. Because the democracy movement is jointly participated in by a group of like-minded people. When an individual does not act according to democratic principles and violates the democratic system, it is yet unlike a state that has coercive power to force him/her to obey. The democracy movement organization can only rely on the organization members’ own group awareness and team spirit, rely on self-restraint, and consciously obey the group’s decisions and resolutions. Not knowingly committing violations, not engaging in special treatment, not being unconventional and independent.
A certain association’s board of directors held a chairman election. The board of directors had a total of six people (originally seven people, one resigned before the election). According to the association’s rules, the chairman must obtain more than half of the votes, namely four votes, to be elected. During the election, the chairman candidate who got the most votes only had three votes. This chairman candidate who got the most votes is a Taiwanese person, and had also held social positions in Taiwan, and cannot be said to be unfamiliar with democratic rules, and cannot be said to not understand the association’s rules, and other directors also understood very well, but this person who came from a democratic society and repeatedly said to establish a civil society still unyieldingly sat on the chairman’s position.
In a certain Australian Chinese church where the author once worked, a national bishop election is held every four years. Some years ago, in one election of the bishop, more than one hundred pastors and church leaders participated in voting, and conducted 23 rounds of voting, and not a single candidate’s obtained votes exceeded more than half. The election meeting started from eight o’clock in the evening, and all the way until twelve o’clock that night had no result. Until nearly six o’clock the next morning, finally there was a candidate whose obtained votes exceeded more than half, and was finally elected as the bishop of the national church.
The above two examples reflect the different results produced by different “team awareness and team spirit” of a social organization. Why are overseas democracy movement groups numerous but cannot form a climate? It cannot but be said that lacking team awareness and team spirit is an important factor. Someone has long said that Chinese people are not united, like a pan of loose sand. One Chinese person is like a dragon, a group of Chinese people is like a worm. Insightful people have long pointed out, “One of the reasons why China’s domestic and overseas democracy movements have not had much improvement for decades is exactly: very few democracy activists know how to conduct the democracy movement according to democratic rules.” Sincere are these words!
Chinese democracy activists, a true democracy person, let us start from ourselves, continuously improve our own moral standards, strictly demand ourselves, enhance team awareness, carry forward and grow team spirit, unite all people who can be united, combine all forces that can be combined, and gradually let the world change the negative impression and view of “Chinese people are not united”!
5. Responsibility Awareness and Responsibility-Bearing Spirit
This is also a moral quality that true democracy people should possess. Responsibility awareness and responsibility-bearing spirit, on the one hand, require democracy people to not easily advocate and incite others to bear risks that they themselves are unwilling to bear or things that are impossible to realize; on the other hand, it is being brave to bear responsibility, and being willing to and taking the initiative to bear the consequences brought by the democracy movement. Especially to democracy movement leaders, responsibility awareness and responsibility-bearing spirit are even more important!
On the question of through what way or path to end the CCP tyranny, the democracy movement circles have all along had debates. One viewpoint advocates through “violent revolution,” while another viewpoint believes it can only be through “peaceful revolution” (which is “peace, rationality, non-violence,” abbreviated as He, Li, Fei). For decades, have democracy activists who advocate violent revolution seriously thought about it? How do bare-handed masses deal with the CCP violent regime that is armed to the teeth and has mastered several million troops, police, and other violent machines? Especially today when modern communication technology and inspection, detection, and identification technologies are so developed, where do ordinary folks get weapons? In modern society, from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe upheavals to the “Jasmine” and other color revolutions, the regime replacement of which country was successful through violent revolution? Also, modern civilized countries like the US, Japan, and Europe not only do not support violent revolution, but also regard violent advocates as terrorists, and rounding up and eliminating them with full strength is all they can do, which one will openly support “violent revolution”?
The question comes, since “violent revolution” is unreliable and unrealistic, why do some people still advocate, incite, and are untiring and sparing no effort? What is their intention? Is it deliberately letting others go to make useless sacrifices, while they themselves hide in peaceful, affluent, free, and democratic countries? Such people are not any true democracy people! Because they lack the responsibility awareness and responsibility-bearing spirit that true democracy people should possess!
The author knows one person, he openly joined a certain democracy party whose party constitution clearly stipulates “He Li Fei,” but he always in various occasions opposes other people mentioning “He Li Fei.” It makes one cannot help but ask, is he old and muddled, or does he have split personality? Or does he have other unspeakable purposes?
There is also a so-called democracy movement big shot, everyone knows, in the past he was a “He Li Fei” advocate, but in the recent dozen years, he conversely turned into a “violent revolution” brayer. In New York, Los Angeles, and other cities, he frequently participates in assemblies and parades, delivering speeches on violent revolution. Someone raised a doubt, why does he have such a big turn? Those who know the inside directly answered: For money! If it is really so, it is truly sad, pitiful, and lamentable!
What needs to be explained is, I and my organization advocate peaceful revolution, which does not mean we are against violent revolution. Peaceful revolution is a pragmatic and tactical proposition we put forward based on the current actual situation of China and the world. For the effective revolutionary behavior of violent revolutionaries, we are sincerely happy. If violent revolution succeeds, we are even more optimistic to see it happen. Furthermore, the broad hard-working masses, in order to protect their personal and property safety from being violated, and in order to maintain their legitimate rights and interests, use force to resist tyranny, and resist and strike back at the persecution behavior of the rulers, which is legal and reasonable justifiable defense behavior. We not only will not oppose it, but also will greatly voice solidarity and support. What we oppose are those who are under the constitution of a “He Li Fei” organization, but openly oppose the constitution they themselves “agreed” to, non-logically and immorally advocating some “violent revolution”!
II. True Democracy People’s Practice of Democratic Literary Attainment
True democracy people, besides the requirements on the moral level, must also constantly and continuously conduct the practice of democratic literary attainment.
1. Political Literary Attainment
Correctly understand the constitution, laws, regulations, and other relevant stipulations of one’s own country and relevant countries, and their operation procedures and requirements. True democracy people in democracy movement activities must abide by the laws of the host countries, and must not do illegal and criminal things. Like in Australia, before we assemble, parade, or hold a “June 4” candlelight vigil in front of the CCP embassy or consulates in Australia, we must apply in advance and obtain approval. There are also friends who openly destroyed property and were given punishment handling by relevant Australian law enforcement organs. These are all problems caused by political literary attainment or level.
To put it clearly, the democracy movement is the most important political movement, not an emotional expression, and cannot rely on shouting loudly. Rather, it must formulate proper plans in advance, put forward feasible schemes, distinguish implementation steps, and clear division of responsibilities, etc. Otherwise, a rabble dispersing in a hubbub indicates that this organization and members are politically very immature.
I once read a very good article of “Reflection on June 4th,” which said: “Compromise is only a way to resolve disputes, not the ultimate goal, much less will it change the nature of the totalitarian system.” But “compromise can slow down conflict escalation, and realize stage-by-stage goals—namely, reformists within the system have the voice and dominance, thereby avoiding suppression, and it is possible to move towards deepening reform opportunities. This goal at that time under domestic social conditions and international political environment possessed feasibility. But the street politics nature of the student movement itself made the political goal and behavior manner split; emotion was higher than rationality, and freedom suppressed order, causing consequences that the students and all circles of society did not wish to happen.”
Western scholars have long put forward that compromise and negotiation are an art. Therefore, learning to compromise and mastering negotiation skills are very important to the improvement of every true democracy person’s democratic literary attainment.
2. Cognitive Ability
It should be admitted that any person’s cognitive ability has a certain limitation. True democracy people must pay great attention to learning and mastering new knowledge, new technologies, and new skills. Continuously improve our cognitive ability and cognitive level in all aspects. Understand domestic history and current situation, and learn international democracy movement history and modern experiences. Thereby helping the great Chinese democracy movement we engage in.
3. Public Communication Ability
Since the author engaged in the overseas democracy movement, I have participated in dozens of sessions of democracy movement meetings. Seminars, symposiums, and even important large-scale assemblies often have scenes of interrupting, grabbing microphones, or fighting, finally leading to everyone dispersing in unhappiness. These are all because everyone cannot express rationally, lacks public communication ability, forms emotional opposition, and then generates conflicts. Therefore, being able to rationally communicate with people of different strata and different positions. Seriously listen to other people’s opinions, and also let the opposite side correctly understand one’s own meaning, thereby reaching consistent opinions. Making the meetings successful and smooth, and making our democracy movement organizations healthily develop, grow, and strengthen.
4. Organizational Ability and Discipline
If the democracy movement lacks organizational ethics, has no procedures, and has no discipline. It is easy to cause internal disorder, disputes, and splitting.
The successful holding of every democratic action needs the leader’s organizational and coordination ability and team cooperation spirit. Here, democracy group leaders acting strictly according to procedures and strictly executing discipline are very key factors. Our Chinese organizations pay more attention to face and human feelings, but often slight the execution of discipline. This is what democracy movement organization leaders especially should improve.
Conclusion: There is no need to conceal that in China’s democracy movement, democracy movement organizations, and democracy activists, there exist these and those problems, and there are also many controversies. Hilltops standing like forests (factions everywhere), husband-and-wife shops, permanent chairmen, factional infighting, personal worship, “opposing China whenever China is mentioned,” double standards, and so on. For these problems, every true democracy person should pay attention, and think to seek the way to overcome and resolve them. Strictly regulate oneself with democracy movement moral standards, and continuously practice one’s own democratic literary attainment, which will undoubtedly greatly lift the level of China’s democracy movement!
Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min
活動公告：紀念香港“反送中”運動七週年
光復香港，時代革命。五大訴求，缺一不可。沒有暴徒，只有暴政。火種未滅，人心不死。聯合主辦：中國民主黨(舊金山黨部) 中國民主教育基金會 美國香港人會館活動召集：方政 鄭雲活動發起：郭志軍 關永傑活動組織：劉靜濤 李樹青 周雲龍 李小林 李栩 陳森鋒 莊帆 袁强 現場義工：高應芬 胡帥 盧占强 張善城 崔允星 唐奇 周忠玉 衛仁喜 高俊影 羅艷麗活動時間：2026年6月13日2:00pm-4:00pm活動地點：輪渡大廈前廣場(1 Ferry Building，San Francisco)曾幾何時，這些吶喊聲響徹在維多利亞港的夜空。那一年，百萬香港人走上街頭，用血肉之軀築起抵抗極權的血肉長城。他們要的，不過是原本屬於他們的民主、自由與尊嚴。 然而，中共對香港的承諾“五十年不變”早已淪為謊言。曾經引以為傲的法治被蠶食，新聞自由被絞殺，一個高度自由的國際大都市，在中共的政治高壓下，變成了人人自危的“淪陷之城”。 極權最擅長的，是抹去歷史；而我們要堅守的，是拒絕遺忘。 我們舉辦這場七週年紀念活動，是為了那些被捕的年輕人，為了那些流散四方的面孔，為了那一顆顆曾經為自由熾熱跳動的心。我們要讓世界知道：曾經有這樣一群人，為了自由付出過如此沈痛的代價。 今天，中共對香港殘存民主體制的摧毀仍在繼續。如果我們選擇沈默，黑暗就會繼續吞噬光明。紀念不只是為了過去，更是為了現在和未來。 站出來，是為了告訴高牆：火種未滅，人心不死! 誠邀每一位嚮往自由的你，加入我們的紀念活動。用我們的抗爭，召喚自由的黎明！用我們的吶喊，撕裂漫長的黑夜，燃成不滅的火種！（著裝建議：為紀念香港反送中運動，建議參加者穿著黑色服裝出席活動。黑衣曾是香港市民爭取自由與民主的重要象徵，讓我們以共同的顏色表達對那段歷史的銘記。）Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times.Five Demands, Not One Less.There are no rioters, only tyranny.The spark has not gone out; the people’s will lives on.
Co-organizers: China Democracy Party (San Francisco Branch), China Democracy Education Foundation, American Hong Kongers AssociationEvent Conveners: Fang Zheng, Zheng YunEvent Initiators: Guo Zhijun, Guan YongjieEvent Organizers: Liu Jingtao, Li Shuqing, Zhou Yunlong, Li Xiaolin, Li Xu, Chen Senfeng, Zhuang Fan, Yuan QiangOn-site Volunteers: Gao Yingfen, Hu Shuai, Lu Zhanqiang, Zhang Shancheng, Cui Yunxing, Tang Qi, Zhou Zhongyu, Wei Renxi, Gao Junying, Luo Yanli
Time: June 13, 2026, 2:00 PM – 4:00 PMLocation: Plaza in front of the Ferry BuildingAddress: 1 Ferry Building, San Francisco
There was a time when these cries echoed through the night sky over Victoria Harbour. That year, millions of Hong Kongers took to the streets, using their own bodies to build a wall of resistance against authoritarian power. What they asked for was nothing more than the democracy, freedom, and dignity that should have belonged to them in the first place.
Yet the Chinese Communist Party’s promise that Hong Kong would remain unchanged for fifty years has long since become a lie. The rule of law that Hong Kong once took pride in has been eroded, press freedom has been strangled, and a highly free international city has been turned, under Beijing’s political pressure, into a fallen city where people live in fear.
What authoritarian regimes are best at is erasing history. What we must do is refuse to forget.
We are holding this seventh-anniversary commemoration for the young people who were arrested, for those forced into exile, and for every heart that once burned for freedom. We want the world to know that there was once such a group of people who paid such a heavy price for freedom.
Today, the CCP’s destruction of Hong Kong’s remaining democratic institutions continues. Silence only allows darkness to swallow more light. Commemoration is not only about the past; it is also about the present and the future.
We stand up to tell the high walls of tyranny: the spark has not gone out, and the people’s will lives on.
We sincerely invite everyone who longs for freedom to join us in this commemoration. With our resistance, let us call for the dawn of freedom. With our voices, let us tear through the long night and keep the flame of freedom alive.
Dress Code Suggestion: To commemorate Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Movement, participants are encouraged to wear black. Black clothing was an important symbol of Hong Kong citizens’ struggle for freedom and democracy. Let us use this shared color to remember that chapter of history.
文章来源：@baodiantimes
本文系转载文章，版权归原作者及原发布平台所有，非本人原创。
转载者：付静争
1989年6月4日刺耳的枪声和坦克的轰鸣声，距今已整整37年。时间在流逝，但那天留下的问题，从未真正得到回答。有人说，这段历史早该翻篇；也有人始终坚持，死难者与受迫害者理应被铭记，血案的责任方理应被追究。而在所有这些争论之上，还悬着一个更深远的问题：六四，究竟与中国未来的政治走向存在怎样无法切割的内在联系？
今年的周年纪念日前夕，美国驻华大使馆在官方渠道正式发布马尔科•卢比奥国务卿的声明，以中文向世界重申这段历史。声明中写道：
6月4日是中国共产党命令其军队向天安门广场及其周边的数以千计的和平示威者发动攻击37周年，全世界都铭记这一天。当时聚集在那里的中国学生、工人及其他平民，为行使他们的天赋权利，并要求民主改革以及对腐败究责而遭到杀害。我们缅怀他们的生命，并向他们的业绩致敬。任何严厉的审查都无法抹杀历史。那些为捍卫表达自由与和平集会这些不可剥夺的权利而做出牺牲的人，终有一天会得到昭雪。
也许天意使然，我们永远不知道六四究竟死了多少人。官方封锁了数字，销毁了档案，连遇难者的名字都成了禁忌。这个无法填补的空白，本身就是一种罪。正因如此，我们才年年都要纪念、回忆、揭露。不是为了仇恨，而是因为：一个连死亡人数都无法言说的民族，是一个尚未从伤口中醒来的民族。
这份声明之所以令我感到震动，不仅因为它来自世界最具影响力的外交机构之一，更因为它用中文、用清晰的语言，说出了一件在中国境内被系统性压制的事实。37年间，审查机器不断升级，关键词被屏蔽，亲历者被噤声，历史课本里这一页从未存在过。
我在加拿大曾经问过许多留学生，他们大部分对六四仍然一无所知，只有极少数人来到加拿大之后，才第一次听说了那个夜晚。看着他们茫然的眼神，我不知道该愤怒还是心疼，他们不是冷漠，他们只是从未被允许知道。这种感受让我更加确信，我们在海外发声，不是多余的，而是必要的。
遗忘从来不是自然发生的。它是被中共精心设计、主动维护的一种状态。”任何严厉的审查都无法抹杀历史”，这句话说出了一个朴素而坚硬的真理：权力可以压制记忆的流通，却无法消灭记忆本身。只要还有人记得，历史就没有死去。
纪念不只是悼念，它必然包含一个道德层面的追问：是谁下达了命令？谁对数以千计的生命负责？多年来，六四重新评价的呼声之所以被视为威胁，恰恰因为这个问题一旦被正式提出，就意味着要触碰中共执政合法性的根基。
声明提到，那些聚集的平民”为行使天赋权利而遭到杀害”，这不是模糊的历史表述，而是对加害与被害关系的清晰界定。”天安门母亲”群体三十余年来坚持记录遇难者名单、寻求官方对话。每次读到她们的名字，我都感到一阵刺痛，那些母亲，用一生在等待一句本不该需要等待的话。正义可以迟到，但不能永远缺席。
1989年走上街头的学生与工人，要求的并非推翻体制，而是对话、透明与反腐，这是一次改革的呼唤，而非革命的号角。中共的血腥镇压终结了这场运动，却始终没有解决运动所回应的深层矛盾。此后数十年，经济腾飞的表象下，政治体制的封闭性愈发明显，公民社会的空间愈发收窄。
这意味着，六四不仅是一段需要被铭记的历史，更是中国政治转型路途上一道绕不过去的坎。没有对那段历史的正视与和解，任何关于中国走向的讨论，都将是建立在裂缝之上的。”终有一天会得到昭雪”，我愿意相信这句话，不是因为天真，而是因为历史告诉我们，没有任何强权可以永远将真相压制于地下。
有人或许会问：一纸外交声明能改变什么？我理解这种疲惫，这种质疑。但我更清楚地知道：对于那些无法在国内公开发声的人而言，外部世界的每一次发声，都是一种支撑。它告诉他们，你们没有被遗忘，这段历史没有被遗忘。包括我们这些身在海外的华人，将永远铭记在心。
美国驻华大使馆选择以中文发布声明，显然意在让这些文字穿透语言的屏障，触达那些正在翻墙寻找真相的人。记忆需要被反复重申，才能对抗遗忘的侵蚀。而我们能做的，就是继续说，继续写，继续让这段历史存在于可以被看见的地方。
烛光不能让坦克后退，但它能让黑暗变得不那么绝对。37年后的今天，我们在海外各个平台纪念六四，是因为那些生命值得被铭记，是因为那些追问从未得到回答，更是因为我们相信：一个真正走向未来的中国，终究必须回望那个血色的六四，诚实地面对自己。
历史不会因为中共的沉默而消失。正义，终有一天会到来。@baodiantimes
（图片均为转载者付静争在洛杉矶领事馆前抗议与演讲照片）
编辑：李晶
校对：冯仍
翻译：戈冰
Article Source: @baodiantimes
This article is a reposted piece. The copyright belongs to the original author and the original publishing platform, and it is not my original work.
Reposted by: Fu Jingzheng
The piercing gunfire and the roar of tanks on June 4, 1989, occurred exactly 37 years ago. Time passes, but the questions left behind that day have never truly been answered. Some say this chapter of history should have been turned long ago; others consistently insist that the victims and the persecuted deserve to be remembered, and that the parties responsible for the bloody massacre must be held accountable. Above all these debates, however, hangs a deeper and more profound question: What inseparable, intrinsic connection exists between June 4th and the future direction of Chinese politics?
On the eve of this year’s anniversary, the Embassy of the United States in China officially released a statement by Secretary of State Marco Rubio through its official channels, reiterating this history to the world in Chinese. The statement read:
On June 4, the world remembers the 37th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party ordering its military to launch an attack against thousands of peaceful demonstrators in and around Tiananmen Square. The Chinese students, workers, and other civilians gathered there were killed while exercising their inherent rights and demanding democratic reform as well as accountability for corruption. We honor their lives and pay tribute to their legacy. No amount of severe censorship can erase history. Those who made sacrifices to defend the inalienable rights of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly will one day be vindicated.
Perhaps by divine decree, we will never know exactly how many people died on June 4th. The authorities blocked the figures, destroyed the archives, and even the names of the victims have become taboos. This unfillable void is itself a crime. It is precisely for this reason that we must commemorate, recall, and expose it year after year. It is not for the sake of hatred, but because a nation that cannot even speak the number of its dead is a nation that has not yet awakened from its wounds.
The reason this statement shook me is not only because it came from one of the most influential diplomatic institutions in the world, but more importantly, because it used Chinese, with clear language, to speak of a fact that has been systematically suppressed within China. Over the past 37 years, the censorship apparatus has continuously upgraded; keywords have been blocked, eyewitnesses have been silenced, and this page has never existed in history textbooks.
When I was in Canada, I asked many international students about it, and the vast majority of them still knew absolutely nothing about June 4th. Only a tiny minority first heard about that night after coming to Canada. Looking at their blank stares, I did not know whether to feel angry or heartbroken; they were not indifferent, they were simply never permitted to know. This feeling made me even more certain that raising our voices overseas is not redundant, but necessary.
Forgetting never happens naturally. It is a state that has been meticulously designed and actively maintained by the Chinese Communist Party. “No amount of severe censorship can erase history”—this sentence speaks a simple yet unyielding truth: power can suppress the circulation of memory, but it cannot destroy memory itself. As long as there are still people who remember, history has not died.
Commemoration is not merely mourning; it inevitably contains a question on a moral level: Who gave the order? Who is responsible for thousands of lives? Over the years, the reason why calls for the reassessment of June 4th have been treated as a threat is precisely because once this question is formally raised, it means touching the very foundation of the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy to rule.
The statement mentioned that those gathered civilians “were killed while exercising their inherent rights.” This is not a vague historical expression, but a clear definition of the relationship between the perpetrators and the victims. For over thirty years, the “Tiananmen Mothers” group has persisted in recording the list of victims and seeking official dialogue. Every time I read their names, I feel a sharp pang of pain—those mothers, spending their entire lives waiting for a word that they should never have had to wait for. Justice may be delayed, but it cannot be absent forever.
The students and workers who took to the streets in 1989 were not demanding the overthrow of the system, but rather dialogue, transparency, and anti-corruption. It was a call for reform, not a clarion call for revolution. The bloody suppression by the Chinese Communist Party ended this movement, yet it has never resolved the deep-seated contradictions to which the movement reacted. In the decades since, beneath the surface of economic takeoff, the closed nature of the political system has become increasingly pronounced, and the space for civil society has grown ever narrower.
This means that June 4th is not only a piece of history that needs to be remembered, but also an unavoidable hurdle on the path of China’s political transition. Without facing up to and reconciling with that period of history, any discussion regarding China’s future direction will be built upon a fissure. “Will one day be vindicated”—I am willing to believe this sentence, not out of naivety, but because history tells us that no oppressive power can eternally suppress the truth beneath the ground.
Some might ask: What can a piece of diplomatic statement change? I understand this weariness, this skepticism. But I know even more clearly: for those who cannot speak out publicly within the country, every voice raised by the outside world serves as a form of support. It tells them that you have not been forgotten, and this history has not been forgotten. This includes us, the Chinese people living overseas, who will keep this forever engraved in our hearts.
The Embassy of the United States in China chose to release the statement in Chinese, clearly intending for these words to penetrate the language barrier and reach those who are scaling the firewall in search of the truth. Memory needs to be repeatedly reaffirmed in order to resist the erosion of forgetting. And what we can do is to keep speaking, keep writing, and keep allowing this history to exist in places where it can be seen.
Candlelight cannot make tanks retreat, but it can make the darkness less absolute. Today, 37 years later, we commemorate June 4th on various platforms overseas because those lives deserve to be remembered, because those questions have never been answered, and even more so because we believe: a China that truly moves toward the future must ultimately look back at that bloody June 4th and face itself honestly.
History will not vanish because of the silence of the Chinese Communist Party. Justice, one day, will arrive. @baodiantimes
(The photos are all pictures of the reposter, Fu Jingzheng, protesting and giving a speech in front of the Consulate General in Los Angeles)
Edited by: Li Jing
Proofread by: Feng Reng
Translated by: Ge Bing
朱晓娜-%20一个普通人对六四-rId4-320X213.png?w=696&resize=696,0&ssl=1 "一个普通人对六四的认知与反思")
作者：朱晓娜
在我的成长经历中，“六四”从来不是一个被完整讲述的历史事件。在国内，我只零星听到过几个词：“坦克”“大学生”“天安门”。这些词像被切割后的碎片，彼此孤立，无法构成完整的历史画面。关于1989年到底发生了什么，我在国内的教育体系与主流媒体中都未曾获得完整信息。
朱晓娜- 一个普通人对六四-rId4-320X213.png)
我也有幸参与了一段六四纪念诗歌朗诵，其中一部分由我朗诵：
“当鲜血流过长安街，夜色比枪声更沉重。
有人在恐惧中学会沉默，也有人在沉默中选择坚持。
不是所有人都被迫遗忘，总有人在时间深处守住记忆。”
在漫长岁月中，总有人在深夜轻声追问：那一年，到底发生了什么？
朱晓娜- 一个普通人对六四-rId5-320X240.png)
回家的路上，我一直在思考这一天的经历。我想起小时候听过的那些零散词语。想起曾经对那段历史的陌生与空白。也想起纪念现场那些默默点燃蜡烛的人们。我忽然明白，纪念并不只是为了过去。它也是为了让后来的人知道，曾经发生过什么。对于我而言，这次纪念活动不仅仅是一次参与，更像是一堂迟到了很多年的历史课。它让我从一个只听过几个词语的人，变成了一个愿意了解历史、记住历史的人。或许我无法改变什么，但至少我知道了那一年发生过什么，也知道了为什么直到今天，仍然有人愿意在每年的六月，点燃一支蜡烛，守护一段记忆。因为记忆不只是为了回望过去。也是为了告诉未来的人：有些事情，可以被尘封，却不应该被遗忘。
朱晓娜- 一个普通人对六四-rId6-320X213.png)
编辑：李晶 校对：冯仍 翻译：沈美花
Author: Zhu Xiaona
In the experience of my upbringing, “June Fourth” was never a historical event that was fully narrated. In China, I only occasionally heard a few scattered words: “tanks,” “university students,” “Tiananmen.” These words were like severed fragments, isolated from one another, unable to form a complete historical picture. Regarding what exactly happened in 1989, I never obtained complete information from either the domestic education system or the mainstream media.
It feels somewhat strange that a historical event that affected countless people left nothing in the memories of my youth but a few blurry nouns. Back then, I did not feel there was anything wrong with this. Because I did not know, I did not seek to question it. It was not until many years later that I discovered an entire stretch of history had been almost a complete blank in my cognition.
It was only after coming to the United States—through different sources of information, historical documents, and participating in commemorative events—that I gradually pieced together the basic outline of that period of history.
It was a social movement centered around reform and public demands, which ended in tragedy in June 1989. Since then, discussion and public expression regarding this period of history have been restricted in mainland China for a long time. I also gradually realized that people like me are not rare. During their upbringing, many people’s understanding of “June Fourth” remained limited to scattered words, or was even a complete blank. This is not because they were unwilling to understand, but because the information itself had been structurally isolated for a long period.
This led me to start reflecting on a more fundamental question: When a generation can only access symbols but cannot access the narrative, is this “collective amnesia” something that formed naturally, or is it the result of deliberate shaping?
On June 4, 2026, I participated in the commemoration of the 37th anniversary of June Fourth in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles.
As night fell, the crowd gradually gathered. Some people lit candles, some placed flowers, some stood quietly, and others conversed in low voices about that period of history.
There was no noise at the scene, but the atmosphere was heavy and restrained. Here, those memories that had been compressed into keywords back home were presented in the form of complete narratives and open expressions.
I was also fortunate enough to participate in a poetry recitation commemorating June Fourth, and a portion of it was recited by me:
“When blood flowed through Chang’an Avenue, the night was heavier than the sound of gunfire.
Some learned silence in fear, while others chose to persist amidst the silence.
Not everyone has been forced to forget; there are always those who guard the memory in the depths of time.”
Throughout the long passage of years, there are always those who softly ask in the deep of night: what exactly happened in that year?
On the way home, I kept reflecting on the experiences of this day. I thought back to those scattered words I had heard during my childhood.
I thought of the unfamiliarity and the blank slate that once defined my relationship with that period of history. And I thought of the people at the commemoration site silently lighting candles.
I suddenly understood that commemoration is not just for the sake of the past. It is also to let those who come after us know what once happened.
For me, this commemorative event was not merely an act of participation; it was more like a history lesson that was delayed for many years. It allowed me to transform from a person who had only heard a few disconnected words into someone willing to understand and remember history.
Perhaps I cannot change anything, but at least I now know what happened that year, and I know why, even to this day, there are still people willing to light a candle and guard a memory every June. Because memory is not just for looking back at the past. It is also to tell the people of the future: some things can be covered in dust, but they should never be forgotten.
Editor: Li JingProofreader: Feng RengTranslator: Shen Meihua
作者：张宇
很多中国人第一次踏上异国土地的时候，都会有一种相似的感觉。飞机落地的那一刻，仿佛终于穿过了一道无形的墙。
从此不再需要翻墙看新闻，不再需要担心朋友圈里哪句话会被举报，不再需要在发言之前反复斟酌哪些词能说、哪些词不能说。许多人相信，只要离开中国，专制的阴影就会停留在过境线的另一边；只要身处民主国家，自由便会成为理所当然的空气。
然而，越来越多的海外华人发现，现实并非如此。
有的人参加了一场和平集会活动，几天后，国内父母接到派出所电话；
有的人在社交媒体上发表对中国共产党的批评文章，随后亲属被社区工作人员上门“了解情况”；
有的人在接受媒体采访，公开谈论人权、民主和自由，结果家乡的亲人被国安局约谈；
还有的人只是转发了一条敏感新闻，便遭遇网络骚扰、账号举报、匿名威胁，甚至工作和学业受到影响。
他们身在美国、加拿大、英国、澳大利亚，甚至已经取得当地公民的身份，但一种熟悉的恐惧却从未真正离开。
这种恐惧并非来自所在国家政府，而是来自数千公里之外的北京。
这正是中国共产党近年来不断扩张的一种权力形式——跨国镇压。
它不再满足于控制中国境内的声音，而是试图将审查、监控、恐吓和政治压迫延伸到海外。对于中共而言，国界并不是权力的边界，只是权力投射的起点。它希望所有中国人，无论身处北京、上海，还是纽约、伦敦、悉尼，都能够感受到同一种压力：不要说不该说的话，不要做不该做的事，不要挑战中国共产党的一切事务。
于是，一个极其荒诞的现实出现了。
当海外华人在民主国家享有法律赋予的言论自由时，却仍然要担心国内家人的安全；
当他们拥有集会和抗议的权利时，却仍然害怕被拍照、被记录、被列入某种看不见的名单；
当他们终于获得公开表达观点的空间时，却发现中国共产党仍然试图决定哪些话可以说，哪些话必须沉默。
这种现象已经远远超出了普通意义上的政治影响力。
它是一种跨越国界的恐吓，一种针对海外华人社群的政治控制，也是一种对民主国家主权和法治原则的直接挑战。
因为一个外国政府如果能够在别国领土上制造寒蝉效应，能够通过骚扰、威胁和监控压制当地居民的言论自由，那么受到侵蚀的就不仅仅是个体权利，而是整个自由社会赖以存在的制度基础。
中国共产党长期宣称自己尊重国家主权，反对外国干涉内政。但当它试图把自己的审查制度、维稳逻辑和政治恐惧输出到世界各地的时候，它正在做的，恰恰是对其他国家主权最直接的侵犯。
因此，跨国镇压从来不是海外中国人的私人困境，它是一场正在发生的国际政治问题。它关乎自由，关乎法治，关乎一个专制政权是否有权把自己的恐惧输出到全世界。
更关乎一个根本的问题：当一个人离开中国之后，他是否仍然有权真正成为一个自由的人。
中国共产党为什么要把镇压延伸到海外？
很多人认为，中国共产党之所以关注海外异议人士，是因为害怕反对声音。
但事实上，这只说对了一半。
中国共产党真正害怕的，从来不是批评本身，而是那些脱离了它控制范围的中国人。在中国境内，共产党拥有庞大的维稳体系。它控制媒体，审查网络，监控通讯，管理出版，限制集会，打压异议。通过几十年的高压治理，它已经建立起一套几乎覆盖社会每一个角落的控制网络。
然而，一旦有人离开中国，这套体系便出现了裂缝。
当一个中国人身处纽约、伦敦、多伦多或悉尼的时候，他第一次拥有了过去从未拥有过的东西——不受审查的信息环境。他可以阅读被屏蔽的历史资料；可以接触不同的政治观点；可以公开批评执政党而不用担心警察敲门；可以参加集会，可以接受采访，可以自由表达自己的立场。
对普通人来说，这叫自由。
对于中国共产党来说，这叫失控。
因为极权统治最核心的基础，从来不是武力，而是信息垄断。
共产党能够长期维持统治，并不仅仅依靠警察、监狱和摄像头，更依靠对现实解释权的掌控。它决定什么是历史；决定什么是真相；决定什么能够被讨论；决定什么必须被遗忘。
而海外华人的存在，恰恰打破了这一切。一个生活在民主国家的中国人，既了解中国社会，又拥有自由表达的空间。他能够用中文传播信息；能够向国内亲友讲述不同的观点；能够把被掩盖的事实重新带回中文世界。从某种意义上说，他成为了一座连接自由与封闭世界的桥梁。而这正是中国共产党最不能容忍的事情。
因为对于一个依赖信息控制的政权而言，最危险的不是外国政府，不是国际媒体，甚至不是街头抗议。最危险的，是一个会说中文、了解中国、又不再害怕的人。
这也是为什么中共长期以来不断试图把自己的控制力延伸到海外。它害怕的不仅仅是某个异议人士发表文章，它害怕的是这些文章被更多中国人看见；它害怕的不仅仅是一场抗议活动，它害怕的是有人发现，原来中国人也可以公开反对政府而不被逮捕；它害怕的不仅仅是一段视频，它害怕的是视频背后所代表的事实——共产党并不是不可批评的，权力也不是不可质疑的。
对于民主社会来说，这些都是再正常不过的公民权利。但对于中国共产党来说，它们意味着一种致命威胁：中国人开始意识到，除了共产党讲述的世界之外，还存在另一种可能。
因此，跨国镇压的本质，并不是简单的政治报复。
它是一场针对思想的围堵。
共产党试图通过骚扰、恐吓、监控和施压，让那些已经身处自由世界的人，继续按照中国国内的规则生活。它希望你人在美国，但思想仍然停留在防火墙里；它希望你拥有言论自由，但永远不敢使用它；它希望你能够看到真相，却不敢把真相说出来。换句话说，它希望把中国变成一种随身携带的监狱。而这恰恰暴露了中国共产党最深层的不安全感。
一个真正自信的政权，不会害怕自己的公民出国。
一个真正稳固的制度，不会害怕人们接触不同观点。
更不会因为几篇文章、几场集会、几条社交媒体发言，就动用庞大的国家机器进行追踪和打压。
只有那些建立在谎言之上的统治，才会如此恐惧自由。
因为它知道，一旦人们开始自由思考，开始比较不同制度，开始独立判断是非，那么权利长期精心构建的神话，就可能在一夜之间崩塌。
因此，跨国镇压从来不只是针对某一个人。
它针对的是自由本身。
它试图告诉所有离开中国的人：即使你跨越了国界，也不要试图跨越恐惧。
对于许多离开中国的人来说，移民、留学或者流亡，曾经意味着一种新的开始。他们以为跨过海关，便跨过了恐惧；离开故土，便离开了审查；来到民主国家，便能够像一个真正自由的人那样生活。然而现实却告诉他们，事情远没有那么简单。
当外国政府能够在别国领土上恐吓居民，当人们在自由社会中依然因为政治观点而感到恐惧，当海外华人被迫进行自我审查，那么被侵蚀的不只是个人权利，更是法治、主权和公共安全本身。
因此，跨过镇压绝不是什么“中国人的内部事务”。
它是一场针对自由社会的挑战。
因为一个国家如果可以把自己的审查制度输出到海外，那么今天受到影响的是中国人，明天受到影响的就可能是任何人。
历史一次又一次证明，自由从来不是理所当然的礼物。
它需要被争取，也需要被捍卫。
言论自由之所以珍贵，不是因为人们有权说大家都同意的话，而是因为人们有权说权力不愿意听的话。
如果一个人离开了中国，却仍然无法摆脱政治恐惧；
如果一个人在民主国家，却依然不敢公开表达自己的观点；
如果一个政权能够让远在海外的人继续生活在沉默之中；
那么受到威胁的，就不仅仅是某个群体，而是自由本身。
中国共产党或许能够监控一个人的手机，能够骚扰一个人的家人，能够向海外输出恐惧。但它无法永远阻止人们思考。也无法永远阻止真相传播。更无法让整个世界接受这样一种逻辑：一个人的自由，应当在国界线前停止。
自由之所以被称为自由，正因为它不属于某个政党，不属于某个政府，也不属于某个国家。
它属于每一个人。
而任何试图把恐惧输出到全世界的政权，最终都会发现一个事实：国界可以限制人的流动，却无法永远囚禁思想。
离开中国，不一定能够立刻摆脱恐惧。
但正因如此，那些敢于发声的人才显得更加重要。
他们所捍卫的，不只是自己的权利。
而是一个最基本、也最不应被妥协的原则：自由，不应止于国界。
编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：沈美花
Author: Zhang Yu
Many Chinese people experience a similar sensation when they first step onto foreign soil. The moment the plane lands, it feels as if they have finally passed through an invisible wall.
From then on, there is no longer a need to circumvent the Great Firewall to read the news, no longer a need to worry about which post in one’s WeChat Moments might be reported, and no longer a need to repeatedly weigh which words can or cannot be said before speaking. Many believe that as long as they leave China, the shadow of authoritarianism will remain on the other side of the border; as long as they are in a democratic country, freedom will become as natural as the air they breathe.
However, an increasing number of overseas Chinese are discovering that reality is not quite so.
Some participated in a peaceful rally, only for their parents back home to receive a phone call from the local police station a few days later.
Some published articles criticizing the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on social media, and subsequently, community workers showed up at their relatives’ homes to “understand the situation.”
Some accepted media interviews to publicly discuss human rights, democracy, and freedom, resulting in their relatives in their hometowns being summoned for talks by the National Security Bureau.
And some merely forwarded a piece of sensitive news, only to encounter online harassment, account reporting, anonymous threats, and even impacts on their employment and studies.
They reside in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia—some have even acquired local citizenship—yet a familiar fear has never truly left them.
This fear does not stem from the governments of the countries where they reside, but from Beijing, thousands of kilometers away.
This is precisely a form of power that the Chinese Communist Party has been continuously expanding in recent years—transnational repression.
It is no longer satisfied with controlling voices within China’s borders; instead, it attempts to extend censorship, surveillance, intimidation, and political oppression abroad. For the CCP, national borders are not the boundaries of power, but merely the starting point for its projection. It hopes that all Chinese people, whether in Beijing, Shanghai, New York, London, or Sydney, can feel the exact same pressure: do not say what should not be said, do not do what should not be done, and do not challenge any affairs of the Chinese Communist Party.
Consequently, an extremely absurd reality has emerged.
While overseas Chinese enjoy the freedom of speech granted by law in democratic countries, they must still worry about the safety of their families back home.
While they possess the right to assemble and protest, they remain afraid of being photographed, recorded, or placed on some sort of invisible blacklist.
When they finally gain the space to publicly express their views, they discover that the Chinese Communist Party still attempts to dictate which words can be spoken and which must be met with silence.
This phenomenon has expanded far beyond political influence in the ordinary sense.
It is a form of intimidation that crosses national borders, a method of political control targeting overseas Chinese communities, and a direct challenge to the principles of sovereignty and the rule of law in democratic nations.
Because if a foreign government can generate a chilling effect on the territory of another nation—if it can suppress the freedom of speech of local residents through harassment, threats, and surveillance—then what is being eroded is not merely individual rights, but the very institutional foundation upon which an entire free society relies.
The Chinese Communist Party has long claimed that it respects national sovereignty and opposes foreign interference in internal affairs. Yet, when it attempts to export its own censorship system, stability maintenance logic, and political fear to all corners of the world, what it is doing is precisely the most direct violation of other nations’ sovereignty.
Therefore, transnational repression is never just the private dilemma of overseas Chinese; it is an ongoing issue of international politics. It concerns freedom, it concerns the rule of law, and it concerns whether an authoritarian regime has the right to export its own fear to the entire world.
More fundamentally, it concerns a core question: after a person leaves China, do they still have the right to truly become a free person?
Why does the Chinese Communist Party extend its repression abroad?
Many believe that the reason the Chinese Communist Party focuses on overseas dissidents is because it fears voices of opposition.
But in fact, this only tells half the story.
What the Chinese Communist Party truly fears has never been criticism itself, but rather Chinese people who have escaped the scope of its control. Within China’s borders, the Communist Party possesses a massive stability maintenance system. It controls the media, censors the internet, monitors communications, manages publishing, restricts assembly, and suppresses dissent. Through decades of high-pressure governance, it has established a network of control that covers nearly every corner of society.
However, once someone leaves China, fractures appear in this system.
When a Chinese person is in New York, London, Toronto, or Sydney, they possess for the first time something they never had in the past—an uncensored information environment. They can read historical materials that were blocked; they can encounter different political viewpoints; they can publicly criticize the ruling party without worrying about police knocking on their door; they can participate in rallies, accept interviews, and freely express their positions.
To ordinary people, this is called freedom.
To the Chinese Communist Party, this is called losing control.
Because the most core foundation of totalitarian rule has never been physical force, but rather the monopoly on information.
The Communist Party’s ability to maintain its rule long-term relies not solely on police, prisons, and surveillance cameras, but even more so on its mastery over the right to interpret reality. It decides what history is; it decides what the truth is; it decides what can be discussed; it decides what must be forgotten.
The existence of overseas Chinese completely shatters this. A Chinese person living in a democratic country both understands Chinese society and possesses the space for free expression. They can disseminate information in Chinese; they can share different perspectives with relatives and friends back home; they can bring suppressed facts back into the Chinese-speaking world. In a sense, they become a bridge connecting the free world with the closed one.
And this is precisely what the Chinese Communist Party can tolerate least.
For a regime that relies on information control, the greatest danger is not foreign governments, international media, or even street protests. The greatest danger is a person who speaks Chinese, understands China, and is no longer afraid.
This is also why the CCP has long attempted to extend its control abroad. It fears not merely a specific dissident publishing an article; it fears that these articles will be seen by more Chinese people. It fears not merely a protest activity; it fears that people will discover that Chinese people can actually publicly oppose the government without being arrested. It fears not merely a video clip; it fears the reality represented behind the video—that the Communist Party is not beyond criticism, and power is not beyond questioning.
To a democratic society, these are the most normal civic rights. But to the Chinese Communist Party, they signify a fatal threat: Chinese people are beginning to realize that beyond the world narrated by the Communist Party, another possibility exists.
Therefore, the essence of transnational repression is not simple political retaliation.
It is a blockade targeted at thought.
The Communist Party attempts, through harassment, intimidation, surveillance, and pressure, to make those who are already in the free world continue living according to the rules within China. It wants you to be physically in the United States, but for your mind to remain inside the Great Firewall; it wants you to possess freedom of speech, but never dare to use it; it wants you to be able to see the truth, yet not dare to speak it out. In other words, it hopes to turn “China” into a prison that you carry with you. And this precisely exposes the deepest sense of insecurity within the Chinese Communist Party.
A truly confident regime does not fear its citizens going abroad.
A truly stable system does not fear people encountering different viewpoints.
Much less would it mobilize a massive state apparatus to track and suppress people over a few articles, a few rallies, or a few social media posts.
Only those regimes built upon lies fear freedom to such an extent.
Because it knows that once people begin to think freely, begin to compare different systems, and begin to independently judge right from wrong, the myth of power so painstakingly constructed over a long period could collapse overnight.
Therefore, transnational repression is never aimed at just one individual.
It is aimed at freedom itself.
It attempts to tell everyone who leaves China: even if you cross national borders, do not attempt to cross the barrier of fear.
For many who have left China, immigration, studying abroad, or exile once signified a new beginning. They believed that by crossing through customs, they had crossed past fear; by leaving their homeland, they had left censorship behind; by coming to a democratic country, they would be able to live like a truly free person. Yet reality tells them things are far from that simple.
When a foreign government can intimidate residents on another nation’s territory, when people in a free society still feel fear due to their political opinions, and when overseas Chinese are forced to engage in self-censorship, what is being eroded is not just individual rights, but law, sovereignty, and public safety itself.
Therefore, transnational repression is by no means some “internal affair of the Chinese people.”
It is a challenge directed at free societies.
Because if a country can export its censorship system abroad, then those affected today are the Chinese people, but those affected tomorrow could be anyone.
History has proven time and again that freedom is never a gift to be taken for granted.
It must be strived for, and it must be defended.
Freedom of speech is precious not because people have the right to say what everyone agrees with, but because people have the right to say what those in power do not wish to hear.
If a person leaves China yet remains unable to rid themselves of political fear;
If a person is in a democratic country yet still dares not publicly express their views;
If a regime can cause people far away overseas to continue living in silence;
Then what is threatened is not merely a specific group, but freedom itself.
The Chinese Communist Party may be able to monitor a person’s phone, harass a person’s family, and export fear abroad. But it cannot forever stop people from thinking. It cannot forever stop the truth from spreading. And it can never make the entire world accept this logic: that a person’s freedom should stop before national borders.
Freedom is called freedom precisely because it does not belong to a certain political party, does not belong to a certain government, and does not belong to a certain country.
It belongs to everyone.
And any regime that attempts to export fear to the entire world will ultimately discover one fact: borders can restrict the movement of people, but they can never permanently imprison thought.
Leaving China does not necessarily mean one can immediately escape fear.
But precisely because of this, those who dare to speak out become even more vital.
What they are defending is not just their own rights, but a principle that is most fundamental and should least be compromised:
Freedom should not stop at national borders.
Editor: Feng Reng
Proofreader: Feng Reng
Translator: Shen Meihua
作者：漠北独侠
一纸侨批，半部家国史：我手里的方寸信笺与沉疴的百年
侨批，又称银信、番批。(见附图)请隆重瞻仰：真正的侨批！
当我从樟木箱底抽出那封泛黄的信笺，蜡封已脆，墨迹洇开，邮戳上“马来西亚”“潮州”的字样像两枚时间的印章。电影《写给阿嬷的情书》把它当成灵魂道具，可我手里这一封，是真的。它不煽情，不宏大，却比任何镜头都更宽、更广、更深、更沉。
中共惯用宏大叙事去歌颂苦难，灾难被拍成勋章，饥饿被唱成赞歌。电影我没看，猜都猜得着套路。但侨批不需要导演。它是19世纪中叶到20世纪70年代，潮汕、粤西、闽南、广西人“过番下南洋”的肉身证词。没有旁白，只有血和算计：一封家书，夹着几块银圆，穿过台风、战乱、关卡，落到贫瘠的红土地上。
最不堪回首的铁证，在大饥荒年代。
1959-1961年，村里饿殍遍野，粮票是纸，树皮是菜。侨批局的水客却照样“见信即付，风雨无阻”。我爷爷的弟从马来亚寄回的200港元(当时折人民币75元)侨批，救了我全家八条命。那不是政府的救济，是一个在异国洗盘子的叔公，省下口粮换来的命。侨批就是这段历史最直白的铁证：国家失语时，血缘在说话。苦难不应被遗忘，但更不应被歌颂成“考验与荣耀”。苦难就是苦难，是体制失能时千万个家庭的侥幸与绝望。
我收藏的这封原件，是我从时间手里抢下来的。
几年前，我在潮阳老镇偶遇一位百岁老人——照片里打桌球的就是她。瘦得像麻秆，桌球却打得极准。他说，老人儿女都去了汕头，屋子要卖。信对她是念想，对我，是责任。
我哀求。保护史料的钱不能算价钱。我以“保护史料并给老人养老”之名，给了她12000元现金，把这封侨批带了回来。二十几年过去，纸更脆了，我用无酸纸袋封存，恒温防潮。它不是我的藏品，是我替苦难的土地暂时保管的记忆。
这土地上的芸芸苦民之所以还能生生不息，其密码写在一张薄纸上。
2013年，联合国教科文组织把侨批档案列入《世界记忆遗产》。评审词很克制：这是“非官方金融与移民史的独特文献”。但我看到的是历经数千年民国尚遗存的五个字——仁义礼智信。当下的盐碱地用最先进的探测设备恐怕也难找见这五个字的温润气息。
仁：心系故园，孝顾桑梓
“阿娘大人膝下：儿在南洋，身虽贱，命尚存。兹汇银三元，望购米度荒年，勿省俭以伤身。” 再苦再难，省吃俭用寄钱回家。赡养父母、妻儿，甚至帮衬破产的乡邻。侨批局的账本里，没有“国家”二字，只有“阿妈”“阿嫂”“阿弟”。这是民间最朴素的民生保障。
义：一诺千金，患难见真情
没有合同，没有银行。批局的水客扛着木箱走山路、过海峡，凭一句“见信即付”。遇海难，批局东主变卖田产赔付。信誉破了，整个侨批业就死了。所以他们宁死也要守信。这份“义”，比任何公章都硬。
礼：敬长睦邻，礼数周全
家书的称谓永远是“大人膝下”“慈母大人”。行文谦逊，落款必写“儿某某百拜”。长幼有序，红白事随礼都有分寸。一张侨批，既是汇款单，也是礼法教科书。漂泊的人最懂礼数，因为无礼就无根。
智：闯海打拼，坚韧求生
白手起家，从挑粪、开杂货店到做橡胶。侨批的背面常有批注：“钱勿乱使，待秋收”“莫信赌档”。这是没有读过书的人，用血换来的商业智慧。智，不是算计，是活下去的本事。
信：诚实守信，契约精神
百年侨批业，靠“言必信、行必果”维系。没有法律，却比法律更管用。批局倒闭的消息一传，整个村都跟着心慌。因为失信的代价，是千万个家庭断炊。这是华人最硬的底层代码。
我们该记住什么？
侨批让国人骄傲，却也让国人脸红。
它骄傲在：华人在异国他乡靠仁义礼智信站稳了脚。
它脸红在：为什么“家国”二字，最终靠一个在南洋刷盘子的人来兑现？ 为什么大饥荒时，救命的不是粮仓，而是远在万里外的私信？
苦难被歌颂，责任就被稀释了。侨批的美，不该用来美化那个让无数家庭“靠侨批续命”的年代。我们记住侨批，是为了记住“仁义”二字在民间的力量；更是为了记住：当公共制度失灵，普通人就得用命去填坑。
我保护这封侨批，不是因为它值钱。它值钱，是因为它见证了一个时代的残酷与温柔。残酷在：国让民失望。温柔在：民从未放弃民。
方寸信笺，写尽仁义礼智信。
我愿做它的守墓人，直到它该去的地方——博物馆，或后人的课堂。 让孩子们看到：我们这个民族，曾在最绝望时，用一封信把彼此拉出泥潭。
这不是怀旧。
这是警醒。
(后记：为什么满屏都是“五月三十五”的烛光、泪水与怒火的特殊时段,而我偏偏不合时宜独沽“侨批”,是因为相较“五月三十五日”更加温情、更具人间烟火气、兴许更能浸润盐碱地。我的“五月三十五日”就待机择日再忆,把这最滚烫的一隅留给广场的母亲和英豪们吧,比如日前第三次成功逃亡的董广平兄长… …）
附下图(打台球的百岁人瑞为侨批原主)：我收藏保护的侨批原件照片。蜡封微裂，墨香已散，邮戳尚清。纸很薄，命很重。
漠北独侠
2026年5月22日记于东山下烟岚小木屋
编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：沈美花
Author: Mobei Duxia
A single sheet of Qiaopi holds half a history of family and nation: this square inch of stationery in my hand juxtaposed with a century of deep-seated ailments. Qiaopi, also known as Yinxin (silver-letter) or Fanpi (foreign-letter). (See attached photo) Please pay your solemn respects: this is a genuine Qiaopi! When I pulled that yellowed letter from the bottom of the camphor wood chest, the wax seal was already brittle and the ink had smudged; the postmarks reading “Malaysia” and “Chaozhou” looked like two stamps of time. The movie A Love Letter to A-Ma used it as a soulful prop, but the one in my hand is real. It is neither melodramatic nor grand, yet it is wider, broader, deeper, and heavier than any camera lens could ever capture.
The CCP customarily uses grand narratives to eulogize suffering, where disasters are filmed as medals and starvation is sung as hymns. I haven’t watched the movie, but I can guess the tropes. But Qiaopi needs no director. It serves as the flesh-and-blood testimony of the people from Chaoshan, Western Guangdong, Southern Fujian, and Guangxi who “went ‘Fan’ and descended to Nanyang” from the mid-19th century to the 1970s. There is no voiceover, only blood and calculations: a family letter, enclosing a few silver dollars, passing through typhoons, wars, and checkpoints, finally landing on the barren red soil.
The most unbearable ironclad evidence lies in the era of the Great Famine. From 1959 to 1961, the village was strewn with corpses of the starved; food rations coupons were mere paper, and tree bark served as vegetables. Yet, the Shuike (couriers) of the Qiaopi bureaus still operated on the principle of “pay immediately upon delivery of the letter, regardless of wind or rain.” A Qiaopi remittance of 200 Hong Kong dollars (equivalent to 75 RMB at the time) sent back by my grandfather’s younger brother from Malaya saved eight lives in my family. That was not government relief; it was the lives exchanged for the rations saved by a grand-uncle who washed dishes in a foreign land. Qiaopi is the most straightforward ironclad proof of this period of history: when the state falls silent, bloodlines speak. Suffering should not be forgotten, but even less should it be eulogized as “trials and glory.” Suffering is simply suffering—it is the fluke survival and despair of millions of families when the system fails.
This original document in my collection is something I snatched from the hands of time. A few years ago, I happened to meet a centenarian in an old town in Chaoyang—she is the one playing billiards in the photo. She was as thin as a hemp stalk, yet her billiard shots were incredibly accurate. He said the elderly woman’s children had all moved to Shantou, and the house was to be sold. To her, the letter was a cherished memory; to me, it is a responsibility.
I pleaded. Money used for protecting historical materials cannot be haggled over. Under the guise of “protecting historical materials and providing for the elderly woman’s retirement,” I gave her 12,000 RMB in cash and brought this Qiaopi back. More than twenty years have passed, and the paper has become even more brittle. I have sealed it in acid-free paper bags, keeping it at a constant temperature and protected from moisture. It is not my collectible; it is a memory I am temporarily safeguarding on behalf of this suffering land.
The secret code of why the countless suffering people on this land have been able to continuously thrive and multiply is written on a thin sheet of paper.
In 2013, UNESCO inscribed the Qiaopi achievements into the Memory of the World Register. The evaluation panel’s words were very restrained: “unparalleled documents on unofficial finance and emigration history.” But what I see are five characters remaining from thousands of years of Chinese civilization—Ren, Yi, Li, Zhi, Xin (Benevolence, Righteousness, Propriety, Wisdom, Trust). I am afraid that even with the most advanced detection equipment, it would be difficult to find the warm breath of these five characters in today’s saline-alkali wasteland.
Ren (Benevolence): Caring for the homeland, showing filial piety to one’s native village
“To my dearest Mother: Your son is in Nanyang; though my status is humble, my life remains. Herewith I remit three silver dollars, hoping you buy rice to survive the famine year. Do not be overly frugal and harm your health.”
No matter how bitter or difficult, they scraped and saved to send money home. They supported parents, wives, and children, and even helped bankrupt neighbors. In the account books of the Qiaopi bureaus, the word “State” did not exist; there was only “A-Ma,” “A-Sao” (sister-in-law), and “A-Di” (younger brother). This was the most rudimentary form of livelihood security for the common people.
Yi (Righteousness): A promise worth a thousand ounces of gold, true friendship found in times of adversity
There were no contracts, no banks. The Shuike (couriers) of the Qiaopi bureaus carried wooden boxes across mountain paths and straits, relying solely on the phrase “pay immediately upon delivery of the letter.” In the event of a shipwreck, the owners of the Qiaopi bureaus would sell their own land and property to pay out the remittances. If their credibility was broken, the entire Qiaopi industry would die. Therefore, they would rather die than break faith. This kind of “Righteousness” was harder than any official government seal.
Li (Propriety): Respecting elders and harmonizing with neighbors, being meticulous in etiquette
The honorific titles in the family letters were always “At the feet of the elder” or “To my compassionate Mother.” The writing style was humble, and the sign-off always read “Your son, so-and-so, bows a hundred times.” The order between elders and youth was respected, and gifts for weddings and funerals were handled with absolute propriety. A single Qiaopi was both a remittance slip and a textbook on etiquette and law. Those who drifted abroad understood etiquette best, because to be without propriety is to be without roots.
Zhi (Wisdom): Venturing into the sea to strive, enduring to survive
Starting from scratch, they went from shoveling manure and opening grocery stores to working in rubber production. On the back of the Qiaopi, annotations were frequently found: “Do not spend money recklessly, wait for the autumn harvest,” or “Do not trust gambling dens.” This was commercial wisdom exchanged with blood by people who had never attended school. Wisdom was not about plotting and scheming; it was the ability to stay alive.
Xin (Trust): Being honest and trustworthy, the spirit of contract
The century-old Qiaopi industry was maintained by the principle of “always be true in word and resolute in deed.” There was no law, yet it was more effective than law. As soon as news of a Qiaopi bureau’s bankruptcy spread, the entire village would panic.
Because the price of losing trust meant tens of thousands of families would have their food supply cut off. This was the hardest underlying code of the Chinese people.
What should we remember?
Qiaopi makes Chinese people proud, yet it also makes Chinese people blush with shame.
It brings pride because: the Chinese established a firm foothold in foreign lands by relying on Benevolence, Righteousness, Propriety, Wisdom, and Trust.
It brings shame because: why did the concept of “family and nation” ultimately have to be fulfilled by a person washing dishes in Nanyang?
Why was it that during the Great Famine, what saved lives was not the state granaries, but private letters from tens of thousands of miles away?
When suffering is eulogized, responsibility is diluted. The beauty of Qiaopi should not be used to beautify that era which forced countless families to “rely on Qiaopi to cling to life.” We remember Qiaopi to remember the power of “Benevolence and Righteousness” among the common people; even more, it is to remember that when public systems fail, ordinary people have to use their lives to fill the gap.
I protect this Qiaopi not because it is worth money. It is valuable because it bears witness to the cruelty and tenderness of an era. The cruelty lies in: the state failing its people. The tenderness lies in: the people never giving up on the people.
A square inch of stationery writes out all of Benevolence, Righteousness, Propriety, Wisdom, and Trust.
I am willing to be its tomb-keeper until it reaches the place it belongs—a museum, or the classrooms of future generations.
Let the children see: our nation once pulled each other out of the quagmire with a single letter during the most desperate of times.
This is not nostalgia.
This is a warning.
(Postscript: Why, during this special period when the entire screen is filled with the candlelight, tears, and anger of “May 35th,” do I unfashionably and exclusively stick to “Qiaopi”? It is because, compared to “May 35th,” it holds more warmth, carries more of the smoke and fire of human life, and might better moisten the saline-alkali wasteland. My memories of “May 35th” will stand by for another day; let us leave this most burning corner to the mothers and heroes of the Square—such as our brother Dong Guangping, who recently succeeded in his third escape…)
Attached photo below (the centenarian playing billiards is the original owner of the Qiaopi): A photograph of the original Qiaopi document in my collection. The wax seal is slightly cracked, the fragrance of the ink has dissipated, but the postmark is still clear. The paper is very thin; the life it carried is very heavy.
Mo Bei Du Xia
Written on May 22, 2026, at the Misty Cottage beneath Dongshan Hill
Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Shen Meihua
© 1998–2026 在野党(Opposition Party).
