Apathy Is Not Moral Decay — It Is the Reflex of Obedience Under Tyranny
By Hu Lili Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
The phrase “harmonious society,” in the Chinese government’s narrative, represents political correctness. But in reality, this slogan has been used to muffle countless cries of despair and to whitewash violence and apathy. It is not a vision of social harmony, but a form of political anesthesia—a spiritual castration of the people.
China today is anything but harmonious. Even “stability” is a manufactured illusion conjured by the state’s iron grip. What the regime calls “harmony” is in fact a forced, suffocating silence—an airless atmosphere created by suppressing criticism and choking free expression.
When a child lies bleeding on the ground and bystanders merely look away; when a woman is dragged and humiliated in broad daylight and the crowd says nothing; when a delivery worker collapses and dies on the street while the world walks past without blinking—these are not coincidences. They are the conditioned reflexes of a society trained into apathy. These are not isolated events—they are blood-soaked screams buried beneath the regime’s propaganda of “harmony.”
This chilling social reality is not the product of moral decline, but the calculated result of authoritarian engineering: a society where people no longer trust one another, no longer care about the world beyond themselves. This is not just alienation—it is a regime-designed pathology, forged through brainwashing, censorship, and fear-based punishment.
Yes, rapid urbanization and the relentless pace of life have widened social gaps—but the deeper problem is institutional distrust. Government power is exercised arbitrarily and never held accountable. Ordinary citizens have no avenue for redress. Inequality widens. Social mobility is blocked. The state media sings hymns of “stability,” while silence and despair fester in the streets. In such an environment, “Don’t speak, don’t stand out, don’t get involved” becomes the unspoken rule of survival.
What is considered “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”?
Posting a tweet. Speaking a truth. Filming a video.
You think you’re exercising a right? No—you’re threatening “stability.”
To the regime, stability means: the people stay silent, the truth stays buried, and society stays deaf.
Dissenters are criminalized. Facts are reframed as “isolated incidents.”
The slogan of “a harmonious society” has become a fig leaf for injustice and a diversion from accountability.
Let us be clear: apathy is not human nature. It is the byproduct of authoritarian rule. When a society sees every act of kindness as a threat, every moment of empathy as a risk to “social order,” it has already lost its moral foundation. Its “harmony” is merely the silence of despair—the pain of a people who no longer know how to cry out.
So we must ask again:
Who uses the word “harmony” to mask suffering?
Who uses “stability” to justify violence?
Who uses “the system” to smother the people’s cries?
The answer is as plain as day:
It is the Chinese Communist Party—monopolizing power, manipulating truth, and crushing public will.
If China is ever to move toward genuine harmony, it must take a historic step:
End one-party rule.
End the blockade on information.
Return power to the people.
Rebuild a system that truly belongs to them.
Only by dismantling this lie-built order can we create a real society—a society with flesh and blood, where people can speak, express, and help each other without fear; where care is not punished, and compassion is not met with danger.
Only when dictatorship ends will apathy retreat.
Only then will “harmony” cease to be a lie and become a living reality.
— Documenting the 745th Jasmine Action of the China Democracy Party
By Luo Zhifei | Edited by Li Congling | Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
On July 5, 2025, the Los Angeles Committee of the China Democracy Party National Committee organized the 745th Jasmine Action, once again demonstrating the strength of our pro-democracy movement in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles. The theme of this action was: Support Zou Wei, Zan Aizong, and Chen Xi; Oppose CCP Tyranny; Fight for Freedom and Democracy in China!
Participants included members of the China Democracy Party as well as other pro-democracy activists. The atmosphere at the scene was solemn and passionate. Facing the surveillance cameras installed by the Chinese Consulate, we stood up bravely and shouted out the voice of our conscience directly at the Chinese Communist Party.
The rally opened with powerful speeches by hosts Lü Cong and Yang Hao, setting the tone for the entire event.
Zan Aizong, a native of Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, is a member of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democracy Party and also a member of the Independent Chinese PEN Center.
Zou Wei, also from Hangzhou, is a member of the same committee and a well-known citizen and rights activist.
In July 2024, both Zou Wei and Zan Aizong were criminally detained by the Chinese authorities on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” for their involvement in the “Sea Memorial for Liu Xiaobo” and have since been held in the Gongshu District Detention Center in Hangzhou for nearly a year.
A picture of Zou Wei
A picture of Zan Aizong
Recently, they were formally indicted, and their case is now moving toward trial. Yet the indictment makes no mention of their true “offense”—commemorating Liu Xiaobo. Instead, it cites only the vague charge of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” This is a typical tactic of the Chinese Communist Party: to erase history and suppress memory.
Today, Zou Wei and Zan Aizong remain imprisoned in the detention center, suffering while awaiting an unjust trial.
At the same time, we must also turn our attention to another long-persecuted conscience-driven individual—Chen Xi.
A prominent early signatory of Charter 08, Chen Xi has devoted his life to political reform and the pro-democracy movement in China. For his steadfast convictions, he has been imprisoned three times, serving a total of 23 years behind bars. Though he was finally released in 2021, the Chinese Communist Party had no intention of letting him go.
Despite the fact that Chen Xi and his family had contributed to China’s social security system for 18 years, and although he is well past retirement age, the local Social Security Bureau in Guizhou has only recognized the 8 years of contributions made after his most recent release. They claim that the years he spent in prison do not count toward pension eligibility and are now demanding that he pay contributions to cover the remaining 7 years before he can qualify. As a result, Chen Xi has effectively been denied access to his pension, and he currently receives neither minimum living assistance nor healthcare coverage.
This is the true face of the Chinese Communist regime: even when someone is granted so-called “freedom,” as long as they uphold conscience and justice, the regime will find ways to continue punishing them—even stripping them of basic means of survival.
Veteran China Democracy Party leader Mr. Zhu Yufu shared the following:
On July 14, 2024, seven friends—most of them members of the China Democracy Party—quietly laid a few bouquets of flowers by the Qiantang River in Haining, Zhejiang Province. They did not chant slogans in a busy public square; they simply chose a peaceful gesture of remembrance. Yet they were still arrested.
Why? Because the very act of remembering strikes fear into the heart of the Chinese Communist Party.
Over the past year, the authorities have deliberately stalled their trial—neither convicting nor releasing them. This is no accident. It is a calculated form of torture. The detention center is one of the places where human rights abuses are most rampant, and prolonged pre-trial detention becomes a tool of both punishment and psychological torment.
Prominent democracy activist Tian Yongde stated:
Zou Wei and Zan Aizong have suffered severe persecution—especially Zou Wei, who has undergone three surgeries and is in poor health. If we remain indifferent to their suffering, then the Chinese Communist Party will have succeeded, because what it desires most is our silence and apathy.
Wang Le remarked:
Some say that commemorating Liu Xiaobo is merely a symbolic act. But in China, even such a gesture can cost a person their freedom. Some might think that signing Charter 08 is insignificant, but Chen Xi paid for it with 23 years of his life—and even after his release, his most basic rights to survive have been stripped away.
Ma Qun, a member of the China Democracy Party, declared:
Zan Aizong, Zou Wei, and Chen Xi are not “criminals”—they are the conscience of China, the heroes of our time. We call on the international community to pay attention to the state of freedom of speech and human rights in China, and to condemn the CCP’s repression of Zan Aizong and Zou Wei.
Lin Yangzheng, another party member, stated:
The CCP refuses to grant even the smallest freedoms of expression. Instead, it resorts to harsh repression and arrests, using them as a warning to force people into self-censorship and silence. Detention, interrogation, arrest—it’s all dictated by the CCP’s arbitrary rule, carried out at its whim.
Luo Zhifei, a member of the China Democracy Party, commented:
Chen Xi was imprisoned for his words. Although he has now served his sentence, he should not be punished for life. His social security case is not just a matter of individual entitlement—it reveals the cruelty of the CCP: they don’t sentence you to death outright, but they brand you a “traitor” for life, not letting you die heroically, but forcing you to live in humiliation.
Wang Chengguo, another party member, added:
Our protest against the CCP’s persecution of dissidents has two vital meanings:
1. To encourage those already in democratic countries like the United States to cast aside fear and join the anti-CCP movement;
2. To let the persecuted inside China hear our voices, and know that they are not alone.
Zheng Min, a fellow party member, concluded:
Today, we gather here in Los Angeles to send a message to the Chinese Communist Party:
You may imprison our bodies, but you cannot imprison our beliefs.
You may try to bury the truth, but you cannot silence our voices.
In response to the call of the movement, several pro-democracy activists came forward in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles and applied to join the Los Angeles Committee of the China Democracy Party. With this courageous step, they are writing a new chapter in their lives through action—committing themselves to the cause of freedom, democracy, and justice for China.
Title: Explaining China’s Democratic Future through the “Five-Min Constitution”
Part One: The Soul of the Five-Min Constitution — General Principles
By: He Qingfeng Editor: Feng Reng Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Introduction: A Strong Constitution Is the Soul of the Rule of Law
Through the currents of history, a constitution not only regulates power—it embodies a nation’s spirit and future. The Five-Min Constitution anchors itself in the five pillars of People’s Governance, Democracy, Civil Rights, Livelihood, and Nationality, offering a constitution grounded in China’s reality and forward-looking toward global democratic norms. Chapter 1, the General Principles, serves as its soul—defining the state, Constitution, and military; clarifying citizens’ rights and obligations; and introducing special clauses that constrain power.
This constitution centers on People’s Governance (民治), surpassing traditional models like Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles by advancing a 21st-century vision for Chinese democracy. This article offers a preliminary explanation of Chapter 1, with future articles planned to unpack each clause in detail—inviting readers into the core ideological framework: a democratic system born from people’s governance, safeguarding citizens’ expression and public will.
The Essence of Five-Minism: People’s Governance at the Core
Rather than merely echoing Three Principles, Five-Minism begins with People’s Governance (民治) as the core philosophy. From it flow Democracy (民主), Civil Rights (民权), Livelihood (民生), and National Identity (民族).
People’s Governance has two components:
1. Citizen Self-Governance: empowering individuals to manage their social lives with corresponding rights and duties.
2. Citizens Governing the State: shifting from state-imposed rule to citizen-led governance—situating citizens not just as the source of power but as its active agents.
From this foundation, democratic institutions emerge to enable citizens to express collective political will (Democracy), protect individual rights (Civil Rights), pursue societal welfare (Livelihood), and nourish national and cultural identity (Nationality).
Core Content of the Five-Min Constitution: Chapter One — General Principles
• Definition of the State: Declares China a “People’s Governed State,” with sovereignty vested entirely in its citizens—more than a political entity, the state becomes the living expression of collective citizen will, committed to justice, equality, and prosperity.
• Definition of the Constitution: Positioned as supreme law, subordinating all power to the constitutional order and embedding the five core principles within the legal framework.
• Definition of the Military: Established as a “citizen army” serving the people, not political factions or individuals—designed to eliminate the possibility of military interference in governance.
• Citizens’ Rights and Obligations: Guarantees freedoms including speech, assembly, belief, and association; citizens also owe duties to public life, civic participation, and social order.
• Special Constitutional Clauses: Built-in adaptive mechanisms permitting emergency flexibility or institutional reform while preserving constitutional continuity and responsiveness to crises or social transformation.
Implications for China’s Democratic Future
Chapter One sketches a uniquely tailored path to Chinese democracy—neither copying the West nor succumbing to populist risk. It empowers citizens as active rulers, not passive subjects. Firmly defines the military as a neutral defender of rights. Balances rights with civic obligations. And includes provisions allowing institutional adaptation to meet global, technological, and social challenges.
While Western democracies grapple with polarization and ossified processes, and authoritarian regimes fail to accommodate citizens’ yearning for freedom, the Five‑Min Constitution presents a third way.
Rooted in Chinese philosophical and political tradition, but informed by modern democratic values, it honors national conditions while embracing universal norms. It proposes not just legal text, but an intellectual experiment—and a collective pact among Chinese citizens—to reconceive governance. It challenges us to imagine democracy that protects stability, cultural continuity, and civic power all at once.
Conclusion: Sailing Toward Democratic Horizons
Chapter One establishes People’s Governance as the constitutional soul, mapping China’s future across the principles of Democracy, Civil Rights, Livelihood, and National Identity. It demonstrates that true democracy need not mirror Western models—it can grow from native soil. The Five‑Min Constitution lights a path toward a society that is free, equitable, just, and grounded in cultural integrity.
In upcoming installments, each constitutional clause will be explored in depth. This is more than writing—this is the beginning of a grand vision.
He Qingfeng, the visioner behind Five‑Minism and the draftee of the Five‑Min Constitution, represents integrity and public spirit.
Note on Constitutional Context
By contrast, the current Constitution of China enshrines “people’s democratic dictatorship” under CCP leadership, and employs “democratic centralism”, giving the Party absolute authority while restricting genuine pluralism and rights . This is fundamentally different from the citizen-centered, multipillar model proposed by the Five-Min Constitution.
“I Refuse to Let My Children Become Cogs in the Machine”
— A Mother Raised Under the Red Flag Awakens to and Resists CCP Education
By: Xiong Xiaofang Editor: Wang Mengmeng Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Education is meant to enlighten minds, convey truth, and shape character. Yet the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long understood that to control a people’s thoughts, it must begin with their children. As such, the CCP has transformed education into a tool of political control and ideological domestication—a means of keeping its authoritarian grip firmly in place.
I was born in the 1980s and raised under the red flag, indoctrinated from an early age with slogans like “Obey the Party, follow the Party.” In the second grade, I was selected to join the school choir—a moment that filled me with pride. We sang “Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China,” “We Are the Successors of Communism,” “The East Is Red,” and “Young Pioneers Anthem” over and over. Through countless rehearsals and performances, I came to believe deeply that “the Party’s grace is higher than the mountains and deeper than the seas,” and I shouted with conviction: “I vow to fight for communism all my life!”
Our textbooks were filled with messages like “Chairman Mao is the greatest man” and claims that the CCP had “liberated all of China.” At the time, I never questioned any of it.
Later, I became a teacher—first in elementary school, then middle school, then university—repeating the same ideology that had been instilled in me. At university, I even taught political theory, wholeheartedly spreading the message of “obeying the Party, following the Party,” believing it to be the truth, and living by it.
Then one unexpected trip to Hong Kong completely shattered my worldview.
Back then, Hong Kong still had a relatively free space for speech. The leaflets on the streets and the books in independent bookstores left me stunned and unsettled. I started meeting people who knew the truth and began climbing over the Great Firewall to access the world beyond it. I learned about Tiananmen, the Cultural Revolution, the Great Leap Forward, and Falun Gong—countless historical truths I had never seen in any textbook. I was not only shocked but deeply ashamed: I had always thought of myself as well-educated, yet I had known nothing of these major events.
By then, I was not just a teacher—I was a mother. I began to scrutinize the education my children were receiving.
The Great Leap Forward starved millions, yet history books gloss over it as a “valuable lesson.” The Cultural Revolution devastated countless intellectuals, yet it’s portrayed as “a time of exploration.” The Tiananmen Massacre is so thoroughly censored that it is treated as if it never happened. This is not an education grounded in truth—it is a system built on lies.
When my three-year-old son came home singing “With our flesh and blood, we shall build a new Great Wall,” and when I saw my older son wearing a red scarf and reciting distorted versions of history, I felt deeply unsettled. I asked myself:
Will my children also become cogs in the machine upholding authoritarian rule?
And I heard my heart answer firmly: Absolutely not.
After much soul-searching, I made two decisions.
First, I withdrew both of my children from school to homeschool them.
Second, I resigned from my university position teaching political theory.
Because I could no longer allow my children to grow up in a system of lies, and I could no longer stand on a podium and spread those lies myself.
There are far too few people like me in China’s post-1980s generation. Most passively accept the system, never stopping to reflect or question. Many have confused indoctrination with patriotism. But I believe real education is not about training successors for the Party, nor producing obedient “model students,” nor creating docile tools with no mind or dignity of their own. True education cultivates individuals who can think critically, question authority, and speak freely.
The moment you start asking,
“Why are we always told to be grateful to the Party?”
“Why is the atmosphere so tense every year around June Fourth?”
“Why was Dr. Li Wenliang reprimanded for telling the truth?”
—at that moment, you have begun to awaken.
Awakening does not mean rebellion. It means becoming your true self—not a copy of the regime.
The mission of education is to awaken self-awareness, inspire rational thought, and encourage the development of unique personalities—not to glorify power, erase history, numb minds, or enforce silence.
The CCP’s Education Trap: How China Manufactures Blind Nationalists (“Little Pinks”)
By: Zhong Ran Editor: Wang Xinye Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
In recent years, China has seen the rapid rise of a wave of so-called “Little Pinks”—young nationalists who fervently chant patriotic slogans yet fail to distinguish between the Chinese nation and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. This blind fanaticism is not spontaneous; it is the calculated product of the CCP’s tightly controlled education system. The systematic elimination of liberal education in China has deprived a generation of youth of the ability to think independently, reducing them to instruments of authoritarian control.
The Value of Liberal Education vs. CCP Suppression
Liberal or general education is widely embraced in democratic nations such as the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Through subjects like history, philosophy, and law—along with opportunities for open dialogue and civic engagement—students are exposed to diverse perspectives and taught to develop independent judgment. These curricula aim to cultivate critical thinking, shaping students into informed citizens capable of contributing to a free and prosperous society—not submissive subjects.
In stark contrast, China has taken the opposite path. In essence, the Chinese education system functions as follows: science and technology serve economic productivity, while the humanities serve political control. Education under the CCP has been weaponized as a tool for ideological indoctrination, serving to reinforce loyalty to the regime rather than to awaken minds. The result is a generation trained not to question but to obey.
Historical Distortion: The Truth Behind the War of Resistance
Take the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) as an example. In a liberal education context, students would learn not only about China’s resistance efforts but also the broader international context: the role of foreign aid, the sacrifices of civilians, the complex cooperation between the Nationalists and Communists, and the decisive impact of Allied forces—particularly American military campaigns—in defeating Japan.
In China, however, textbooks have turned the war into a myth of “the Communist Party leading the nation to victory.” The Nationalists’ efforts are downplayed or vilified, and the Allied contribution is nearly erased. This rewriting of history deprives young people of their right to the truth and turns education into propaganda. Countless other distorted narratives pervade Chinese curricula, replacing historical inquiry with political loyalty.
The Fall of Hong Kong: A Beacon of Liberal Education Extinguished
Hong Kong once stood as a beacon of liberal education in the Chinese-speaking world. Students there learned to question authority and explore civic and historical issues critically. For example, liberal studies curricula in the 2010s encouraged students to analyze the context of the Tiananmen Massacre and reflect on the dynamics of protest and power.
Because this education nurtured critical thinkers and socially conscious citizens, it posed a direct threat to CCP authoritarianism—and was swiftly dismantled. After the 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement, in which many high school students took to the streets shouting “freedom” and “democracy,” Beijing blamed liberal education for “inciting rebellion.” The 2020 Hong Kong National Security Law paved the way for an educational purge. In 2021, the Hong Kong Education Bureau abolished liberal studies, replacing it with “Citizenship and Social Development,” a tightly censored course promoting patriotism and national identity.
According to a 2021 survey by the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers, over 60% of teachers reported severe restrictions on classroom discussion. Students were forced to memorize clauses of the National Security Law. The CCP had successfully silenced critical thinking in Hong Kong—the torch of liberal education was extinguished.
The Rise of the “Little Pinks” and the Amplification of Online Nationalism
With liberal education destroyed, the CCP’s indoctrination system churns out millions of students who study for over a decade only to become “mindless Little Pinks.” Under this system, academic success comes through rote memorization, not critical thinking. Students are trained to recite authority but not question it. They are taught that patriotism means obedience, while being stripped of the rights and responsibilities of true citizenship. These youth become the regime’s most loyal defenders—and the greatest casualties of its assault on intellectual autonomy.
Social media platforms like Weibo amplify this fervor. Urban middle-class youth, driven by manipulated nationalist sentiment, and rural youth, shaped by rigid traditional education, all fall under the sway of online echo chambers. They know how to repeat official narratives but lack the tools to think independently. They cannot become modern citizens—only ideological foot soldiers.
Why Won’t the CCP Embrace Liberal Education?
If liberal education is so beneficial, why does the CCP resist it?
Because the Party fears free thought and independent minds.
Liberal education leads people to ask dangerous questions:
“Why can’t we criticize the government?”
“Who holds power accountable?”
“What is the true relationship between citizen and state?”
These questions threaten authoritarian rule. To the CCP, liberal education does not cultivate citizens—it breeds “enemies.” Hence, it must be eliminated.
The CCP’s education instead seeks to confuse the lines between justice and oppression, presenting authoritarianism as the sole form of righteousness. All dissent and criticism are vilified as “subversion” or “betrayal.” Students are subjected to years of ideological conditioning and trained to see the world in black-and-white terms—friend or foe. The result is an obedient generation, blindly loyal to the Party, devoid of critical thought.
How Can We Break the CCP’s Educational Trap?
Despite this bleak reality, grassroots efforts can begin to chip away at the CCP’s education trap.
Overseas Chinese communities and digital platforms can take the lead by offering independent courses in history and civic education, revealing suppressed truths and spreading real knowledge. They can organize public forums that encourage young people to reflect on the nature of citizenship, democracy, and human rights—helping cultivate the critical thinking skills that the CCP seeks to destroy.
Education should not be a tool of submission but a weapon of enlightenment. Only by breaking free from the CCP’s ideological machinery can Chinese youth reclaim their intellectual sovereignty. Only then can education become a flame that ignites thought, not a chain that enslaves loyalty.
And only then can young people escape the grip of blind nationalism and step into a future of liberty and progress.
Lv Gengsong: A Chinese Democratic Party Member’s Faith
By: Hu Lili
Edited by: Luo Zhifei
Executive Editors: Tian Yongde, Lu Huiwen
Translator: Lu Huiwen
Lv Gengsong, former chairman of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democratic Party and currently honorary editor of The Opposition magazine, was born on January 7, 1956, in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province. He graduated from the Department of History at Hangzhou University in 1983 and later taught at the Zhejiang Public Security Higher Professional School. In 1992, he secretly authored a 70,000-character booklet titled On Opposing the Communist Party’s Dictatorship and attempted to organize an opposition group. The school discovered the manuscript, subjected him to nearly two months of isolation and investigation, and ultimately dismissed him from his teaching position in early 1993. From then on, he made a living as a street vendor and became an independent writer outside the system.
Lv never wavered in his faith in democracy. In 1998, he participated in the “Citizens’ Movement” and officially joined the China Democratic Party in early 1999 (as seen in the photo below). In 2000, he published The Chinese Communist Party’s Corrupt Officials, a book that sharply criticized the systemic corruption of the Chinese regime. In 2005, after his night market stall was forcibly demolished, he took the lead in a rights defense protest and began contributing to overseas media, drawing wide attention in pro-democracy circles. That same year, relying on his solid legal knowledge, he began serving as a citizen advocate in rights defense cases. Though often expelled from courtrooms, he gained widespread respect for his unwavering stance.
Fellow democracy activist Chen Shuqing recalls:
“Lv was exceptionally sincere and straightforward. He had a strong legal foundation, a keen instinct for rights defense, and a natural charisma as a democratic movement leader.”
Lv Gengsong joined into the China Democratic Party in 1999.From left：Lv Gengsong,Jiang Qisheng,Zhu Yufu,Wang Donghai,Zhu Zhengming。（Provided by Zhu Yufu）
But Lv’s unwavering faith soon drew harsh retaliation from the Chinese Communist Party. On August 24, 2007, he was arrested for his writings. State Security officers raided his home, and he was placed under criminal detention. On February 5, 2008, the Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to four years in prison and one year of political rights deprivation for “inciting subversion of state power.” His appeal was rejected in April 2008, and he was transferred to Yuhang West Suburban Prison to serve his sentence. During his imprisonment, Lv was awarded the 2008 Freedom to Write Award by the Independent Chinese PEN Center. He was released in August 2011.
After his release, Lv remained committed to writing and took an active role in the organizational work of the China Democratic Party in Zhejiang. His essays were sharply critical of the Communist regime, frequently targeting the structural flaws of the system. He strongly advocated for the nationalization of the military and the political neutrality of the police, while also speaking out in defense of vulnerable groups, including rights defenders and Falun Gong practitioners.
As fellow party member Chen Shuqing remarked:
“His articles read like one battle cry after another, enraging the reactionary forces at the highest levels of the CCP.”
In 2014, during the China Democratic Party’s “Huangshan Conference,” Lv was elected Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee. However, not long after, he and Vice Chairman Chen Shuqing were both arrested. Lv was taken into custody on July 7, 2014, and formally arrested on August 13. On June 17, 2016, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison and 5 years of political rights deprivation for “subversion of state power.” The sentence was upheld on appeal in November 2016. His current term is set to end on July 6, 2025.
Lv Gengsong was subjected to unlawful treatment while in prison. Zhu Yufu and Qi Huimin accompanied Lv’s wife, Wang Xue’e, to file a complaint at the Zhejiang Provincial Prison Administration Bureau.
(Photo courtesy of Zhu Yufu)
On March 18, 2023, during a prison visit, Lv Gengsong pulled down his mask in front of others, revealing the words “Save me” written on the inside. He alleged that his new supervising officer, Yang Fan, had been deliberately making things difficult for him. Immediately afterward, the microphone was cut off, and multiple prison personnel rushed in to “explain” the situation, creating a tense and chaotic scene.
Lv’s family members report that he has suffered repeated mistreatment during his imprisonment. He is malnourished, has lost multiple teeth, and the prison has failed to arrange proper dental care, including the installation of dentures. With poor teeth, he struggles to eat. He suffers from severe insomnia and loss of appetite, and his weight has dropped drastically. In addition to diabetes, hypertension, and heart disease, he has been diagnosed with gallbladder necrosis. While prison authorities have indicated that surgery will be arranged, no specific timeline has been given, leaving his family deeply concerned about his deteriorating health. Due to repeated violations of his human rights and his worsening medical condition, the family has filed multiple applications for medical parole, all of which have been denied or ignored.
Lv Gengsong’s family has also been subjected to collective punishment, enduring persistent harassment and pressure from the Chinese authorities. As early as August 2007, during Lv’s first arrest, his home was placed under tight surveillance by the police. His wife, Wang Xue’e, stated in an interview:
“Our home was placed under control. No one could come and go freely.”
She described the ordeal as a prolonged and traumatic family struggle.
After Lv’s daughter, Lv Piaoqi, publicly exposed her father’s mistreatment in prison, she was threatened by state security officers who came to her home and ordered her to “keep quiet.” In an interview, she responded:
“I’ve done nothing wrong—why are they harassing me?”
She emphasized that she would not be silenced.
Attorney Ding Xikui stated that the harassment of Lv’s daughter by state security agents constitutes a serious violation of the law and that they are considering filing an administrative lawsuit.
Lv Gengsong is a grassroots-driven pioneer of China’s pro-democracy movement, known for his rare combination of intellectual rigor and hands-on activism. He possesses not only strong abilities in theoretical writing and rights defense but also exceptional organizational charisma. As early as 2002, upon receiving a copy of The Opposition magazine, he responded with great enthusiasm, declaring that he was “ready at any time to contribute to the China Democratic Party.” At that time, the Party was in a deep trough following harsh crackdowns, and since its founding, members had been continuously imprisoned. Lv’s bold commitment breathed new life into the organization.
He was a key contributor to the drafting of the Draft Law on Political Parties in China, playing a pivotal role in helping the China Democratic Party emerge from crisis and reestablish its legal and organizational foundations. Later, he took the lead in promoting the regularization and public engagement of “Democracy Teahouse” gatherings, transitioning internal party discussions into broader grassroots outreach. His efforts successfully built a bridge between democratic organization and rights defense activism, breaking the isolation of fragmented protests and laying a solid popular foundation for the democracy movement in Zhejiang.
Some members of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democratic Party, from left to right: Lou Baosheng, Wang Fuhua, Xiao Libin (front), Hong Jiajiong (deceased), Hu Chen, Chen Ziliang (deceased), Mao Qingxiang, Lai Jinbiao, Lv Gengsong (front), Chen Kaipin, Hu Yuanming (deceased), Zou Wei, Shen Jianmin, Xi Chuanxi. (Photo courtesy of Zhu Yufu)
He served as a legal advocate in the Wang Fuhua case, directly confronting courtroom violence and becoming a key symbol of the China Democratic Party’s legal rights defense strategy. Actively engaged in anti-demolition protests, supporting petitioners, advocating for religious freedom, and defending labor rights, Lv Gengsong embodied not only the Party’s outward-facing commitment to public engagement but also expanded its influence among grassroots communities and international circles. He was not a dissident in the conventional sense, but a politically engaged actor consciously devoted to building democratic institutions.
Even under relentless abuse in prison and amid steadily deteriorating health, Lv remained steadfast in his faith in democracy. He held high the torch of freedom, rising with courage to become honorary editor of the revived Opposition magazine, using his actions to answer fear, and his words to counter lies.
On July 6, 2025, Lv Gengsong is set to walk free from behind prison walls. This moment marks not only a personal rebirth, but also a hopeful echo in an era of repression. His return may not immediately transform the system, but it carries the power to awaken hearts long numbed—reminding us that even in the darkest nights of tyranny, there are always those who never let the light of conviction die out.
A Living Hell: The CCP’s Economic Collapse and the People’s Despair
By/Editor: Li Congling | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
In 2025, China has plunged into an unprecedented economic dark age. Once touted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as the “world’s second-largest economy,” the country is now rapidly descending into chaos: foreign capital is fleeing, companies are laying off workers in droves, workers have nowhere to seek justice, and university graduates face unemployment the moment they graduate. The entire society resembles a bottomless pit, devouring the people’s hope and dignity. Public institutions like hospitals and schools are defaulting on salaries, unfinished housing projects stretch across the country, and homelessness is rampant. Social order teeters on the brink of collapse. The root cause of all this? The authoritarian, isolationist, corrupt regime of the Chinese Communist Party!
In recent years, China’s former “shine” as a destination for foreign investment has completely faded. In 2024, China’s FDI (foreign direct investment) plummeted by 82% year-on-year—a historic low. The trend worsened in the first quarter of 2025 as multinational corporations fled to freer, more transparent countries like Vietnam, India, and Mexico. Giants like Apple, Samsung, Tesla, Sony, and Dell have either closed factories, scaled back production, or fully relocated their supply chains. In their wake, manufacturing hubs like Guangdong, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang are facing an unprecedented “factory shutdown wave” and an “employment cliff.” Capital seeks profit—but fears political risk even more. The aftershocks of Xi Jinping’s “Zero COVID” policy still linger. “Wolf warrior diplomacy” and rising anti-Western sentiment have made foreign investors increasingly uneasy. The smear campaign equating foreign companies with “spies” is chilling. When “rule of law” becomes an empty slogan and “state-owned expansion, private sector retreat” becomes the norm, who dares invest in such a future?
China’s labor market is in a deep unemployment crisis. Even after heavy data sanitization, the official youth unemployment rate reached 21.3% in 2024. Independent surveys suggest the real number for college graduates may be as high as 40%! After years of academic hardship, they face a society where “civil service exams are out of reach, factory jobs are dead ends, and entrepreneurship equals suicide.” Many young people have been forced into low-paying gig jobs—delivery drivers, couriers, ride-share drivers—barely surviving through self-reliance.
Those over 30 fare even worse. Mass layoffs have hit tech giants like Alibaba, Tencent, and Baidu. Manufacturing is collapsing. The real estate crash has erased millions of jobs. Middle-aged people, burdened with debt and family responsibilities, are being thrown out of work with a single dismissal notice. This isn’t a TV drama—this is reality. A true employment hell has taken root across China, with cries of despair echoing through every province. The CCP’s so-called “high-quality development” is nothing but a mask for elite greed built on the back-breaking toil of ordinary people.
Even public sector jobs—once seen as stable and “crisis-proof”—are crumbling. Since 2025, regions like Sichuan, Guizhou, Heilongjiang, Henan, and Guangxi have reported wage arrears for public hospital staff, rural teachers, and village officials. Some local governments have even issued shameless “in-kind payment” notices, attempting to pay workers with eggs, vegetables, even toilets instead of wages! Fiscal coffers are empty. Local debt is imploding. The CCP elite continues their lavish spending, but the bill is handed to grassroots civil servants and public workers. This is a total collapse of public trust. When even doctors and teachers can’t afford to survive, what legitimacy does such a government have?
Real estate—the monstrous bubble nurtured by the CCP—has finally turned on society. As of 2025, over 2,500 “unfinished building” projects have left more than 12 million homebuyers in limbo.
Families have poured in the savings of three generations, only to receive not a single brick. Worse still, fighting for one’s rights is now a crime. In provinces like Henan, Guangxi, Jiangxi, and Hunan, waves of mortgage boycotts have broken out. Protesters are violently suppressed. Activists are secretly detained. Media coverage is completely blacked out. When a country cannot protect the legal rights of homebuyers and instead treats them as enemies of the state, it ceases to be a nation—it becomes a mafia.
In the shadows of overpasses, near shopping centers, and at train stations in major cities, homeless people are becoming a common sight. Many were once factory workers, delivery men, even small business owners. Now they wander the streets, cold and starving. In places like Suzhou, Qingdao, Dongguan, and Bijie, “homeless clusters” are forming. The CCP labels them “low-end populations”—but they are the living evidence of the regime’s economic failure. On social media, more and more people are publicly sharing their despair: buried in online loans, laid off without warning, defaulting on mortgages, sick without money for treatment—some even expressing suicidal thoughts. For the masses, “hope” is long gone. All that remains is survival.
China’s household debt-to-GDP ratio has exceeded 70%, and in some cities, household debt is over 200% of income. People don’t work for themselves anymore—they work for the banks. Mortgage loans, car loans, credit cards, education loans—the pressure is crushing. At the same time, the CCP invents new taxes, delays social benefits, and piles on hidden fees: income tax, VAT, stamp tax, urban maintenance tax, education surcharges, “data resource taxes”—it never stops squeezing. “The rich pay no tax, the poor are buried in it.” This is the true face of the CCP’s so-called socialism.
All of this traces back to one root: the CCP’s authoritarianism and rampant corruption! It is the CCP that drained public funds for “stability maintenance” and vanity projects, leaving people’s livelihoods unfunded. It is the CCP that silenced the press and blocked the truth, making it impossible for businesses to assess real risks. It is the CCP that enabled elite looting, turning China into a playground of collusion between officials and businessmen. It is the CCP that controls finance and resources, ensuring ordinary citizens can never rise up—only be enslaved. And when the whole system collapses, the CCP shouts “National Security!” and waves the Taiwan issue to distract the public.
The people do not live to “maintain stability.” The people live for dignity, for freedom, and for happiness. The one-party dictatorship of the CCP has reached its end. It cannot save China’s economy—it can only deepen the disaster. It cannot protect people’s rights—it can only rule by fear and lies. What we need is not coexistence or patience—but reckoning and justice! The Chinese people have spoken through blood and tears: There will be no peace in China unless the CCP falls; there will be no survival for the people unless the CCP is gone!
Can we remain silent as we watch our brothers lose their jobs, our neighbors sleep on the streets, and our friends imprisoned for defending their rights? Can we still harbor illusions about the CCP when our land is scorched and lives shattered? A regime that oppresses its people, destroys its economy, and kills hope must be brought to an end. The future of China must be rebuilt atop the ruins of the Chinese Communist Party!
Marxism: The Limitations Behind Its Noble Illusion
By Zhang Xinggui (Mainland Member of the China Democracy Party)
Edited by Wang Xinye | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Marxism once inspired 19th-century labor movements with lofty slogans of “freedom” and “equality,” leading countless people to believe they saw a vision of an ideal society. Yet the flaws in its theory and the repeated failures in its practice prove that this so-called ideal is nothing more than an illusion—one that leads humanity into the abyss of servitude and poverty.
I. Theoretical Limitations: The Logical Pitfalls of Utopianism
Marxism advocates for the abolition of private property and the realization of “distribution according to need” through violent revolution. While this may sound noble, its logic is fundamentally flawed:
Private ownership is the foundation of economic motivation. It creates a link between individual effort and reward, thus encouraging innovation and productivity. Marxism seeks to nationalize the means of production and allocate resources through central planning. However, central planners cannot grasp the dispersed, ever-changing information of the market. This information asymmetry leads to massive resource misallocation and stagnation. As Friedrich Hayek warns in The Road to Serfdom, central planning ultimately exhausts societal wealth.
2. “Distribution According to Need” Is Unworkable
Needs are inherently subjective—who defines them? In a Marxist system, the answer is: those in power. This inevitably leads to centralized control and the emergence of new elites. Far from achieving equality, such a system becomes a tool for power consolidation, where the masses are ignored and a privileged ruling class thrives.
3. Violent Revolution Breeds Tyranny
Lenin’s concept of the “vanguard party” requires a small elite to lead the revolution. But once power is centralized, it rarely disperses. The logic of a violent seizure of power sets the stage for dictatorship, not democracy.
II. Historical Lessons: The Scars of Slavery and Poverty
Theory becomes tragedy when applied in reality. Economist Amartya Sen argues that market economies regulate supply and demand through price mechanisms, while centrally planned economies suffer from severe inefficiencies. Let history be our mirror:
The Soviet Union:
After the 1917 revolution, Stalin’s planned economy led to shortages, mass repression, and famine. By 1985, Soviet GDP per capita was only one-third of that of the United States (World Bank). Citizens queued for hours just to buy bread. The Great Purge cost millions of lives. This was not equality—it was poverty. It was not freedom—it was slavery.
China:
Land reform and the Great Leap Forward between 1949–1978 aimed to realize Marxist ideals, but resulted in catastrophe. Between 30 to 45 million people died from man-made famine (Mao’s Great Famine). It was only after the market reforms of the 1980s that China began lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty. The economic resurgence proved one thing: Marxist dogma leads to disaster, not prosperity.
Other Cases:
North Korea’s 1990s famine (over 600,000 deaths) and Cuba’s decades of stagnation confirm the inefficiency of planned economies: economic collapse, curtailed freedoms, and mass suffering. Wherever Marxism was tried, it left behind scars of servitude and poverty.
III. Human Nature and the Drive for Freedom
Marxism ignores the fundamental human drive for liberty and personal interest. Human nature is a blend of reason and self-interest. Attempts to suppress these through collectivist ideology are doomed to fail.
Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” shows that free markets, driven by competition and individual choice, promote innovation and societal well-being. From the Industrial Revolution to the Information Age, every leap in human progress—from technology to medicine to quality of life—has been fueled by free-market dynamics. Marxism, in contrast, stifles innovation and smothers economic vitality.
Alexis de Tocqueville warned that “forced equality” can become a form of “equality in oppression.” True fairness stems from equality of opportunity—not forced uniformity. Marxist regimes, in practice, preach equality while stripping away freedom. Ordinary citizens are enslaved to the system, while a privileged elite stands above the law. This is not justice; it is tyranny.
Conclusion
Marxism, both in theory and practice, is fundamentally flawed. A system grounded in free markets, supplemented by social safety nets and the rule of law, offers a far more viable path to both prosperity and justice.
Marxism was born of utopian ideals—but its reality has brought catastrophe. Its promises of freedom and equality are but a disguise for enslavement and impoverishment. Its illusions have been shattered by the hammer of logic and the anvil of history.
July 1st is the anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, but it also marks the beginning of a national tragedy for the Chinese people. This demon that drifted in from Siberia seized our homeland with lies, violence, and inhuman cruelty, destroying the first republic in Asia that generations of Chinese had worked so hard to establish—the Republic of China.
Although the early Republic had its shortcomings, it still ushered in an era known as the “Ten Glorious Years of the Republic,” when great minds flourished. In contrast, after the CCP usurped power, it systematically dismantled the civilized institutions of the Republic era, launched endless political movements, looted the people, trampled human nature, and crushed independent thought. In a time of peace, it managed to starve tens of millions to death—not merely a failure of governance, but a crime of the system itself.
The Soviet Union starved millions of Ukrainians; the Khmer Rouge slaughtered a third of Cambodia’s population in just four years. The Soviet Union has since collapsed, and the Khmer Rouge has been brought to justice. But China remains under the CCP’s brutal dictatorship. The corpse of Mao Zedong—the man who caused the death of tens of millions—still lies in a glass coffin, shamelessly displayed for public veneration. This is a grotesque mockery of human dignity.
The CCP regime is more detestable than the Japanese invaders. In my opinion, its rule is even more brutal than the Japanese occupation of China. The sacrifices of millions of Nationalist soldiers and the bloodshed of tens of millions during the war of resistance ultimately failed to bring peace. Our ancient homeland fell into the hands of a regime that parades under the banner of communism while in fact restoring a form of slavery. The suffering of the Chinese people did not end with the victory in the war—it only deepened under CCP rule.
We are witnesses to that suffering.
Today, we have “voted with our feet” and fled from the CCP’s grasp. But in doing so, we lost our homeland, our families, and our right to stay by our parents’ side. I still remember the days before I left. I wept, begging my parents to leave with me. My mother said she had to care for her own aging parents. My father, furious, shouted at me: “I don’t understand! Everyone else manages to live here. You have a decent job. Why can’t you?” I could only answer, “Because I can’t.”
I cannot stand by while my homeland is ravaged by the CCP, reduced to ruin, and not even dare to ask why. The moment I do, I’m silenced, banned, or imprisoned. The Cultural Revolution ended only decades ago, and yet Xi Jinping used the pandemic as an excuse to launch a new Cultural Revolution, complete with absurd slogans and surreal crackdowns. History tells us that when a regime founded on robbery faces crisis, it will inevitably return to its roots—violence and plunder—to cling to power.
In those final days, I lived in fear, constantly feeling a blade hanging over my head. I fled with my child, uncertain of what lay ahead. But I had to leave.
Now, we are in the land of freedom.
We have freedom of speech, of thought, and of life itself. But we must never forget our homeland. Hu Shi once said, “A man dying of hunger may endure his fate for a time, but a man deprived of freedom will see his spirit and humanity destroyed. If we must survive in a system that offers bread but no liberty, how are we different from livestock?”
We are those who escaped a system that offered only bread—we chose liberty, even if it meant going without bread.
As Mr. Zhu Yufu once said, “The last weapon of the exile is the pen.” Now, at last, we can open the mouths that the CCP once forced shut, and let out our true roar. We want to tell the CCP—and the world: The Chinese Communist Party does not represent China!
We only recognize the Republic of China.
The Republic of China is not just for the people of Taiwan—it belongs to all Chinese people. To expel Marxism-Leninism and restore China—this is the sacred duty of every child of our nation.
May the next generation grow up on free soil, where they can rediscover their roots, their culture, and their dignity.
