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旧金山 5月3日 拆除网络防火墙 立即释放乔鑫鑫

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旧金山 5月3日 拆除网络防火墙 立即释放乔鑫鑫
旧金山 5月3日 拆除网络防火墙 立即释放乔鑫鑫

活动公告:

主题:拆除网络防火墙,立即释放乔鑫鑫

“信息自由是基本人权,真相不应被高墙阻隔”

长期以来,中共互联网审查系统(网络长城)的存在,不仅阻断了14亿中国人与全球信息网络的连接,更限制了思想的自由流动。在这种技术锁闭下,无数人表达权受到压制。防火墙、关键词屏蔽、账号封禁、跨境打压——这一切的目的只有一个:巩固独裁政权,把“江山”做的更稳。

乔鑫鑫(本名杨泽伟),作为“拆墙运动”的发起人之一,长期致力于推动互联网自由,倡导打破数字壁垒。在2023年5月在老挝遭中共跨境抓捕。

我们的诉求:

1. 推倒高墙: 立即彻底废除互联网防火墙!停止数字囚禁,把信息选择权还给人民。网络不是监狱,民众不是囚徒。

2. 言论无罪: 彻底终结因言获罪的恐怖统治!严禁监控与审查,保障每一个中国人开口说话、探寻真相的绝对权力。

3. 释放英雄: 立即无条件释放乔鑫鑫!追求自由无罪,传播真理无罪。锁链锁得住肉体,锁不住渴望自由的灵魂。

我们呼吁国内外各界关注中国互联网审查现状,共同为信息自由与公正发声。

自由,始于每一处围墙的坍塌。

让我们在5月3日“世界新闻自由日”来临之际大声疾呼:

拆除防火墙!

释放乔鑫鑫!

翻墙无罪!

自由万岁!

活动召集:方政 郑云

活动策划:郭志军 周云龙 刘栋玲

活动组织:李树青 刘静涛

活动海报:陈森锋 庄帆

活动宣传:缪青 吕小静

活动主持:刘静涛

拍摄宣传:李栩 卢占强

义工:吴志创 王灵 韩震 吕小静 曾洪伟 马力 何聪 刘忱忱 杨宇新 罗凤文 惠汝涛 汪峰

活动地点:旧金山中共领事馆

活动时间:2026年5月3日(2pm—4pm)

旧金山中领馆前集会:呼吁释放良心犯与终止政治迫害

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旧金山中领馆前集会:呼吁释放良心犯与终止政治迫害

在野党记者缪青报道
编辑:Gloria Wang 校对:王滨 翻译:吕峰

旧金山中领馆前集会:呼吁释放良心犯与终止政治迫害

集会活动现场照片

【旧金山讯】2026年4月18日,中国民主党旧金山党部成员及多位海外民运人士在中国驻旧金山总领事馆前举行公开集会,呼吁中国当局立即释放所有因言论、信仰与和平表达而被拘押的“良心犯”,并停止持续性的政治打压与人权迫害。

本次集会亦发生于中国民主党旧金山党部新一届领导架构调整期间,具有一定组织重组与政治动员的延续意义。

与会者认为,在当前中国政治环境下,公共表达空间持续收缩,而海外行动空间则成为维系基本政治表达的重要场域。

二、良心犯的界定与基本权利问题

集会由中国民主党旧金山党部文宣部部长缪青主持并发表主旨讲话。他指出:“良知不应成为犯罪的理由。”

所谓“良心犯”,依据国际特赦组织的界定,是指仅因言论、信仰或和平表达而被剥夺自由的人,其核心内涵与《世界人权宣言》所确立的思想自由与表达自由原则一致。

缪青强调,在现实政治中,仍有大量人士因坚持事实表达或独立信念而被长期监禁,包括刘晓波、张展、王怡等个案。这些事件表明,在中国的政治语境中,言论边界已被高度政治化与刑事化。

他指出,将思想与表达纳入刑事惩罚体系,不仅违背现代法治基本原则,也使社会失去基本的理性纠错机制。“一个社会如果不能容纳不同意见,其制度本身就缺乏自我修正能力。”

缪青呼吁,应立即无条件释放所有良心犯,停止以模糊罪名打压公民权利,使法律回归对人的基本保护功能。

中国民主党旧金山党部文宣部部长缪青(摄影李树青)

三、制度性压制与个案结构

多位发言者在集会中提及当前仍被拘押或服刑的维权人士与政治人物,包括高智晟、黎智英、许志永、王炳章等。

与会者普遍认为,这些个案并非孤立事件,而是制度性运作的结果。在现行政治结构下,任何具有独立表达能力或社会动员潜力的个体,都可能被纳入风险治理体系之中。

因此,“良心犯”现象并非异常,而是权力结构逻辑的外在呈现。

四、制度筛选与权力逻辑:逆向选拔现象

新任中国民主党旧金山党部副秘书长张小驹在发言中指出,其在文章《极权体制中的逆向选拔》中所讨论的现象,在现实中仍在持续强化。

他认为,中共政治体制通过特定筛选机制,将具有独立思考能力与道德坚持的人排除于权力结构之外,而使高度服从与政治适应性强的个体进入核心体系。

张小驹表示:“中共用这套筛选机制,将最有良知的人送进监狱,而让最邪恶的人坐在庙堂之上。”

他进一步指出,这一机制不仅决定个体命运,也深刻塑造整个社会的价值结构与政治生态。

中国民主党旧金山党部副秘书长张小驹(摄影李树青)

五、组织者发言:崔允星的政治立场

作为本次活动组织者之一、中国民主党旧金山党部外联部部长崔允星在发言中指出:

共产党依靠欺骗、谎言和压迫维持其政治统治,它们关押并囚禁了大量记者、律师、政治犯、良心犯以及民主人士。这些人是他心中的英雄,不应被遗忘,也不应被历史沉默所覆盖。

他表示:“我们永远不会忘记他们的付出和贡献。我们会加倍努力,继承他们的事业,为了推翻共产党、审判习近平而不懈努力。”

该发言在现场引发强烈共鸣,并被多次呼应。

中国民主党旧金山党部外联部部长崔允星(摄影李树青)

六、法治与表达权利:制度性问题的持续性

多位与会者指出,在当前制度环境下,“寻衅滋事”等弹性罪名被广泛用于限制言论与公共表达,使法律功能发生结构性转变。

法律原本应当作为约束权力的工具,但在现实运行中,逐渐呈现出治理工具化趋势,使公民权利处于高度不确定状态。这一现象被认为是良心犯问题持续存在的制度基础之一。

七、国际视野与比较经验

部分发言者指出,在历史上多个国家的民主转型过程中,国际环境与外部压力均在不同阶段发挥作用。

然而,与此同时,民主制度的最终稳定仍依赖本土社会结构、公民参与与制度重建能力。

因此,中国未来的政治转型问题,仍需置于内外互动的复杂框架中加以理解,而非单一变量解释。

八、结语:从个体命运到制度结构

集会在“释放良心犯”“自由万岁”“正义必胜”等口号中结束,现场秩序整体平稳。

与会者认为,一个社会的政治成熟度,不在于经济发展水平或物质建设规模,而在于是否允许不同声音存在,是否建立可持续的制度性对话机制。良心犯问题因此不仅关乎个体命运,更关乎制度结构本身的正当性。

旧金山中领馆前的这场集会,既是对现实个案的回应,也是对制度问题的持续性追问。

参加本次活动的民运人士名单:缪青,崔允星,张小驹,庄帆,李树青,高志彬,何聪,郭鉴鑫,康嘉铭,郝剑平,高俊影,刘忱忱,郭超,张善城(排名不分先后)

Rally in Front of the San Francisco Chinese Consulate: Calling for the Release of Prisoners of Conscience and an End to Political Persecution

Reported by Miao Qing, Reporter for The Opposition
Editor: Gloria Wang | Proofreader: Wang Bin | Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract: On April 18, 2026, the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party (CDP), along with several overseas pro-democracy activists, held a rally in front of the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco. They called for the release of “prisoners of conscience” detained for their speech and beliefs and demanded an end to political crackdowns. Participants noted that as the space for free speech shrinks within China, overseas regions have become vital platforms for expression, emphasizing that freedom of thought and speech should never be criminalized.

旧金山中领馆前集会:呼吁释放良心犯与终止政治迫害

I. Event Overview

[San Francisco] On April 18, 2026, members of the CDP San Francisco Branch and various overseas activists gathered for a public rally in front of the Chinese Consulate. They urged Chinese authorities to immediately release all “prisoners of conscience” detained for their speech, faith, and peaceful expression, and to cease ongoing political suppression and human rights abuses.

This rally also coincided with the recent leadership restructuring of the CDP San Francisco Branch, carrying significance for organizational renewal and the continuity of political mobilization. Participants argued that given the current political climate in China, where public space is continuously contracting, overseas activism serves as a critical domain for maintaining fundamental political expression.

II. Defining Prisoners of Conscience and Fundamental Rights

The rally was hosted by Miao Qing, Director of the Propaganda Department of the CDP San Francisco Branch, who delivered the keynote speech. He stated: “Conscience should never be a reason for crime.”

As defined by Amnesty International, “prisoners of conscience” refers to individuals deprived of their liberty solely for their speech, beliefs, or peaceful expression—a core concept aligned with the principles of freedom of thought and expression established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Miao Qing emphasized that in current politics, many individuals remain imprisoned long-term for adhering to factual reporting or independent convictions, citing cases such as Liu Xiaobo, Zhang Zhan, and Wang Yi. He pointed out that incorporating thought and expression into the criminal punishment system not only violates the basic principles of the modern rule of law but also strips society of its rational self-correction mechanisms. “If a society cannot accommodate dissenting opinions, its system lacks the capacity for self-reform.”

III. Institutional Suppression and Structural Case Studies

Multiple speakers mentioned human rights defenders and political figures currently detained or serving sentences, including Gao Zhisheng, Jimmy Lai, Xu Zhiyong, and Wang Bingzhang. Participants generally agreed that these are not isolated incidents but the result of institutional operations. Under the current political structure, any individual with independent expressive capacity or social mobilization potential is likely to be incorporated into the “risk governance” system.

IV. Institutional Filtering and Power Logic: The Phenomenon of “Reverse Selection”

Zhang Xiaoju, the new Deputy Secretary-General of the CDP San Francisco Branch, pointed out that the phenomenon discussed in his article, Reverse Selection in Totalitarian Systems, continues to intensify. He argued that the political system of the CCP excludes individuals with independent thinking and moral integrity from the power structure, while allowing those with high obedience and political adaptability to enter the core system.

“The CCP uses this filtering mechanism to send those with the most conscience to prison while allowing the most malevolent to sit in the halls of power,” Zhang stated. He further noted that this mechanism not only decides individual fates but also profoundly shapes the value structure and political ecology of the entire society.

V. Organizer’s Remarks: Cui Yunxing’s Political Stance

Cui Yunxing, Director of the Outreach Department and one of the organizers, stated: “The Communist Party relies on deception, lies, and oppression to maintain its rule. They have imprisoned countless journalists, lawyers, political prisoners, and pro-democracy activists. These people are heroes who should not be forgotten or silenced by history.”

He added, “We will never forget their contributions. We will redouble our efforts to inherit their cause and work tirelessly toward the goal of overthrowing the Communist Party and bringing Xi Jinping to justice.”

VI. Rule of Law and Expression Rights: Persistence of Institutional Issues

Participants noted that under the current environment, elastic charges such as “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” are widely used to restrict speech. While the law should serve as a tool to restrain power, it has increasingly become instrumentalized for governance, leaving citizen rights in a state of high uncertainty.

VII. International Perspectives and Comparative Experience

Some speakers noted that in the democratic transitions of various countries throughout history, the international environment and external pressure played roles at different stages. However, the ultimate stability of a democratic system still depends on domestic social structures, civic participation, and institutional rebuilding capacity.

VIII. Conclusion: From Individual Fate to Institutional Structure

The rally concluded with chants of “Release Prisoners of Conscience,” “Long Live Freedom,” and “Justice Will Prevail.” Participants concluded that the political maturity of a society lies not in its economic scale, but in whether it permits different voices to exist. The issue of prisoners of conscience, therefore, concerns not only individual fates but the very legitimacy of the institutional structure itself.

List of Pro-democracy Activists in Attendance: Miao Qing, Cui Yunxing, Zhang Xiaoju, Zhuang Fan, Li Shuqing, Gao Zhibin, He Cong, Guo Jianxin, Kang Jiaming, Hao Jianping, Gao Junying, Liu Chenchen, Guo Chao, Zhang Shancheng (in no particular order).

《在野党》人权观察简报第26期(2026年4月17日)

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作者:张维清
校对:熊辩 翻译:吕峰

本期介绍被迫害集体:中国民主党北京党部(王石等七人)

基本信息:

成员姓名: 王石(副主席兼秘书长)、李武、赵强、李云、孙帅、李飞、于阳。

出生年月: 核心骨干多为“70后”及“80后”中坚力量。

籍贯: 主要是北京市及周边地区的维权人士与公民。

职业: 涵盖自由职业者、维权人士、独立学者及基层社会活动家。

最新近况:

2026年3月31日,北京市第二中级人民法院作出正式判决,以“颠覆国家政权罪”对该集体七名成员进行重判。副主席王石被判处有期徒刑七年六个月;其余六名成员分别被判处三年至七年不等的有期徒刑及缓刑。目前,所有获刑人员已陆续被送往监狱服刑,家属的常规探视权利受到严格限制。

一、集体简历

中国民主党北京党部(又称北京分部)成立于2025年10月8日。在主席王蕴溥(现流亡英国)和副主席王石的组织下,该组织共有8名初始党员。这是自1998年组党运动以来,罕见的在首都北京公开宣布成立的反对党分支机构。该组织在成立大会上选举了领导层,并集体步行至四通桥附近表达愿为民主献身的决心。

二、政治立场

该党部在成立仪式上公开了《中国民主党党章(临时)》,明确其政治纲领:

基本原则: 坚持“公开、理性、和平、非暴力”的转型道路。

宗旨: “公心至上,为大众服务”。

目标: 主张在宪政框架下,通过与其他政党的平等竞争与合作,将中国建设成为自由民主、社会公正、多元统一的现代化国家。

法治诉求: 要求结束“党禁”,实现真正的司法独立与基本人权保障。

三、被捕与判刑经历

被捕: 2026年1月,北京市公安局国保大队在全市范围内采取收网行动,将该组织在境内的7名核心成员全部拘捕。

定性: 此案被当局定性为“重大政治事件”,由国家610办公室直接挂牌督办。

秘密审判: 2026年3月30日,北京市第二中级人民法院进行闭门审理。庭审完全不透明,甚至禁止家属旁听。

重判细节:

王石(副主席): 因被认定为组织核心,获刑7年6个月。

其他成员: 李武、赵强、李云、孙帅、李飞、于阳分别被判处3至7年不等的实刑或缓刑。

通缉: 主席王蕴溥被以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”列入通缉名单。

四、社会评价、国际评价

社会评价: 这是北京公民对“党禁”的一次重大冲击,展现了在严密控制下追求自由的无畏精神。

国际评价: 国际人权组织认为,此次“快审重判”是对公民政治权利的系统性清理。媒体评论指出,该案反映了当局对任何具有组织雏形的异议力量的极端恐惧。

五、《在野党》人权观察部呼吁

无条件释放: 呼吁当局撤销基于政治理由的判决,立即释放所有因行使结社自由权的被捕人员。

透明司法: 要求公开案件判决书及庭审记录,保障被告人的合法申诉权。

停止骚扰: 停止对其国内家属的监控、威胁及任何形式的“株连”手段。

国际问责: 呼吁人权理事会关注此案中“秘密审判”的程序不正义问题,敦促国际社会加大对中国维权集体受迫害情况的关注。

The Opposition: Human Rights Watch Briefing

– Issue No. 26
Date: April 17, 2026

Author: Zhang Weiqing Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Lyu Feng

Subject of This Issue: Persecuted Collective – Beijing Branch of the China Democracy Party (Wang Shi and six others)

Basic Information

Members: Wang Shi (Vice Chairman and Secretary-General), Li Wu, Zhao Qiang, Li Yun, Sun Shuai, Li Fei, Yu Yang.

Date of Birth: The core leadership consists mainly of the “post-70s” and “post-80s” generations.

Native Place: Primarily human rights defenders and citizens from Beijing and surrounding areas.

Occupations: Includes freelancers, activists, independent scholars, and grassroots social activists.

Current Status

On March 31, 2026, the Beijing No. 2 Intermediate People’s Court delivered a formal verdict, handing down heavy sentences to the seven members of this collective on charges of “subversion of state power.” Vice Chairman Wang Shi was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison. The remaining six members received sentences ranging from three to seven years of imprisonment or suspended sentences. Currently, all sentenced individuals have been transferred to prison to serve their terms, and the visitation rights of their families are strictly restricted.

I. Collective Biography

The Beijing Branch (also known as the Beijing Chapter) of the China Democracy Party was founded on October 8, 2025. Organized by Chairman Wang Yunpu (currently in exile in the UK) and Vice Chairman Wang Shi, the organization consisted of eight founding members. This represents a rare instance since the 1998 Democracy Party movement of an opposition party branch being openly established in the capital, Beijing. During the founding assembly, the leadership was elected, and the group collectively walked to the vicinity of Sitong Bridge to express their commitment to the cause of democracy.

II. Political Stance

During the founding ceremony, the branch publicly released the Constitution of the China Democracy Party (Provisional), outlining its political program:

Basic Principles: Adherence to a transition path that is “open, rational, peaceful, and non-violent.”

Mission: “Prioritizing the public interest and serving the masses.”

Objectives: Advocating for the construction of China into a modern country characterized by freedom, democracy, social justice, and pluralistic unity through equal competition and cooperation with other political parties within a constitutional framework.

Legal Demands: Calling for an end to the “ban on political parties” (Dangjin) and the realization of genuine judicial independence and protection of basic human rights.

III. Arrest and Sentencing

Arrests: In January 2026, the Domestic Security Department of the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau launched a city-wide operation, detaining all seven core members present in the country.

Classification: The case was designated a “major political incident” by the authorities and was directly supervised by the National 610 Office.

Secret Trial: On March 30, 2026, the Beijing No. 2 Intermediate People’s Court held a closed-door hearing. The trial was entirely opaque, and family members were barred from attending.

Sentencing Details:

Wang Shi (Vice Chairman): Sentenced to 7 years and 6 months as the designated core of the organization.

Other Members: Li Wu, Zhao Qiang, Li Yun, Sun Shuai, Li Fei, and Yu Yang were sentenced to terms between 3 and 7 years (prison or probation).

Wanted Status: Chairman Wang Yunpu has been placed on a wanted list for “inciting subversion of state power.”

IV. Social and International Evaluation

Social Evaluation: This event is seen as a significant challenge to the “ban on political parties” by Beijing citizens, demonstrating a fearless spirit in the pursuit of freedom under strict control.

International Evaluation: International human rights organizations believe that this “swift trial and heavy sentencing” represents a systematic purge of citizens’ political rights. Media commentators noted that the case reflects the authorities’ extreme fear of any budding organized dissent.

V. Appeals by “The Opposition” Human Rights Watch Department

Unconditional Release: We call on the authorities to revoke the politically motivated verdicts and immediately release all individuals detained for exercising their right to freedom of association.

Judicial Transparency: We demand the publication of the court verdicts and trial records to ensure the defendants’ legal right to appeal.

Cease Harassment: Stop the surveillance, intimidation, and any form of “collective punishment” (guilt by association) directed at their families within China.

International Accountability: We call on the UN Human Rights Council to address the procedural injustice of the “secret trials” in this case and urge the international community to increase its focus on the persecution of human rights collectives in China.

湾区集会声援高飞:守卫生命底线

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湾区集会声援高飞:守卫生命底线

记者:关永杰

编辑:钟然    校对:熊辩 翻译:周敏

2026年4月12日,中国民主人权联盟在San Jose City Hall前举行“声援中国公民高飞,禁止非亲属器官移植”活动,湾区的几位民主人士现场参与,围绕器官移植伦理、制度透明与生命权保障展开讨论。

活动发起人李海风对本次活动的主题进行了介绍。李海风指出,高飞是一名中国大陆公民倡议者,近期因发起“暂停非亲属器官移植”的公共倡议受到关注。他主张,在器官来源自愿性、分配透明性与监督机制尚无法充分验证的情况下,应暂缓相关移植实践,并推动建立可追溯、可审计的制度框架。他同时发起“守卫生命底线”联署行动,并多次向中国多个国家机关递交函件,要求回应器官移植及医疗公平问题。

活动策划者之一的周志刚指出,美国同样存在非亲属器官捐献,但关键在于制度约束:必须基于完全自愿,禁止买卖,并通过独立评估与伦理审查,同时纳入全国统一分配系统,实现全过程可追溯与监督。他强调,高飞的“暂停”倡议并非反对医学进步,而是在基本规则不清、公众无法确认自愿与公平的前提下,要求先厘清底线。他认为,器官可以移植,但人的尊严不可被替代。

李海风表示,高飞在中国境内直接面对体制压力提出建议,风险极高。他称,社会上长期存在关于器官来源不明、失踪人口及相关现象的质疑,但信息不透明使公众难以核实真相。他强调,海外声援具有现实意义:一方面,为当事人提供一定保护;另一方面,也是为在中国的家人发声。他呼吁当局正视公众担忧,回应倡议,以消除社会恐惧与不信任。

何冬玲指出,器官移植一旦脱离“自愿”与“透明”两项基本原则,就可能演变为对生命权的侵害。她认为,非亲属且来源不公开的情况,本身已构成伦理风险。任何以发展医疗技术为理由而忽视人性底线的做法,都难以获得社会真正的认同。她强调,制度必须首先保障人的基本尊严,而非单纯追求效率或成果。

杨坤回顾自己从最初对“活摘器官”说法的怀疑,到近年来因多起失踪、异常体检及信息不透明事件而产生疑问的过程。他表示,当越来越多“异常现象”无法得到解释时,公众的不安会不断累积。在缺乏公开信息与独立监督的环境下,信任难以建立。“暂停非亲属器官移植”的呼吁,在他看来是一种理性质疑,而非情绪宣泄。他认为,即使声音微弱,也有必要持续发出。

湾区集会声援高飞:守卫生命底线

活动中还通报,截至2026年4月10日,“守卫生命底线”联署签名已累计973人次。发起方表示,将继续向更多机构递交函件,并推动“生命保障平等行动工程”,涵盖医疗保障、财政优先级及器官移植政策等多个子项目。

主办方最后强调:“守卫生命底线”不只是阶段性行动,而是一项需要持续推动的公共议题。

Bay Area Rally in Solidarity with Gao Fei: Guarding the Bottom Line of Life

Reporter: Guan Yongjie

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Zhou Min

Abstract: A rally was held in the Bay Area to support Gao Fei, calling for a moratorium on non-relative organ transplants. Participants emphasized the principles of voluntariness, transparency, and oversight, questioned institutional opacity and ethical risks, and advocated for the protection of the right to life and medical equity while continuing to promote a joint signature campaign.

On April 12, 2026, the China Democracy and Human Rights Alliance held an event in front of San Jose City Hall titled “Support Chinese Citizen Gao Fei: Prohibit Non-Relative Organ Transplants.” Several pro-democracy activists from the Bay Area participated, engaging in discussions regarding organ transplant ethics, institutional transparency, and the protection of the right to life.

Li Haifeng, the event’s initiator, introduced the theme. He noted that Gao Fei is a civic advocate in mainland China who recently gained attention for launching a public initiative to “suspend non-relative organ transplants.” Gao Fei argues that as long as the voluntariness of organ sources, transparency of allocation, and oversight mechanisms cannot be fully verified, such transplant practices should be suspended. He advocates for the establishment of a traceable and auditable institutional framework. Gao Fei has also launched the “Guarding the Bottom Line of Life” signature campaign and has repeatedly submitted letters to various state organs in China, demanding a response to issues concerning organ transplantation and medical equity.

Zhou Zhigang, one of the event organizers, pointed out that while non-relative organ donations exist in the United States, the key lies in institutional constraints: donations must be entirely voluntary, trading is strictly prohibited, and the process must undergo independent evaluation and ethical review. Furthermore, they must be integrated into a national unified allocation system to ensure full traceability and supervision. He emphasized that Gao Fei’s call for a “moratorium” is not an opposition to medical progress, but rather a demand to clarify the ethical “bottom line” when basic rules are unclear and the public cannot confirm voluntariness or fairness. “Organs can be transplanted,” he noted, “but human dignity can never be replaced.”

Li Haifeng stated that Gao Fei faces extreme risk by offering these suggestions directly within China against the systemic pressure of the regime. He mentioned that the public has long harbored doubts regarding unidentified organ sources, missing persons, and related phenomena; however, information opacity makes it difficult for the public to verify the truth. He emphasized that overseas solidarity has practical significance: it provides a measure of protection for the individual and serves as a voice for families in China. He called on the authorities to face public concerns, respond to the initiative, and eliminate social fear and mistrust.

He Dongling pointed out that once organ transplantation deviates from the two fundamental principles of “voluntariness” and “transparency,” it risks evolving into a violation of the right to life. She argued that non-relative transplants with undisclosed sources inherently constitute an ethical risk. Any approach that ignores the bottom line of humanity in the name of developing medical technology will struggle to gain genuine social recognition. She stressed that institutions must first safeguard basic human dignity rather than solely pursuing efficiency or results.

Yang Kun reflected on his own journey—from initial skepticism regarding “forced organ harvesting” claims to growing doubts in recent years fueled by numerous missing person cases, abnormal physical examinations, and informational opacity. He stated that as more “anomalies” remain unexplained, public anxiety continues to accumulate. In an environment lacking public information and independent supervision, trust is difficult to build. He views the call to “suspend non-relative organ transplants” as a rational inquiry rather than an emotional outburst, believing it is necessary to keep speaking out even if the voice is faint.

湾区集会声援高飞:守卫生命底线

During the event, it was reported that as of April 10, 2026, the “Guarding the Bottom Line of Life” joint signature campaign had accumulated 973 signatures. The organizers stated they will continue to submit letters to more institutions and promote the “Life Protection Equality Action Project,” which covers sub-projects such as medical security, fiscal priorities, and organ transplant policies.

The hosts concluded by emphasizing: “Guarding the Bottom Line of Life is not just a periodic action, but a public issue that requires sustained advocacy.”

为什么说中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织

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为什么说中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织

作者:吕洪来

编辑:张宇  校对:程筱筱 翻译:周敏

       所谓恐怖组织,按照维基百科的介绍:是指由恐怖分子组成的组织,通过极端的行为来宣扬组织的主张与理念。 被大多数国家定为恐怖组织的组织的主要特点是制造骇人听闻的重大伤亡事件。根据百度百科介绍:恐怖组织是一些反社会和反人类的人组织在一起,他们有组织有目的对人民和对社会进行惨无人道的恐怖可怕的行动。

为什么说中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织

中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织

       中国共产党是人类最大的恐怖组织,之所以说它是最大,是因为中共有一亿多党员,控制着14亿国民、控制着几百万现代化的军队和几百万警察,控制着整个国家的政治、经济、科技、军事资源,在全世界恐怖组织中绝对是最大的,其力量和资源超过了世界所有恐怖组织的总和。

中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织事实如下:

一、中共从它诞生的那一刻,其基因就是一个不折不扣的恐怖组织,大家都知道中共是一个信奉马列主义的政党,它诞生的目的就是要用暴力、靠杀人、靠打砸抢、靠恐怖、靠战争、靠流血、去砸碎所谓的旧世界,去推翻全部现存的社会制度,从肉体上消灭一切“反动派”建立乌托邦的共产主义社会,因此中共的特征和主张完全符合维基百科与百度百科对恐怖组织的定义。

二、中共诞生后,就开始在全国搞暴动,打土豪、杀乡绅、抢土地、无恶不作,在其初创时期就将自己党内的顾顺章全家灭门;1930年,刚创立不到10年的中国共产党,就在肃清所谓的AB团中,残忍的杀害了5000多自己的忠实追随者;1942年又在延安整风运动中活活整死10000多自己的党员干部;一个刚刚建立,还处在打江山阶段组织,就如此残忍、血腥,残暴,由此可见中国共产党做为恐怖组织其恐怖基因的顽固和邪恶!

中共诞生后,就开始在全国搞暴动,打土豪、杀乡绅、抢土地、无恶不作(网络图片)

三、1949年中国共产党夺取中国大陆后,更是实行惨无人道的恐怖统治,建政之初就大开杀戒,在全国进行“镇压反革命运动”,大肆屠杀民国政府遗留在大陆的党政军人员,当时仅中共官方统计的就有: 260余万人被捕、130余万人被监禁、71.2万人被处决,1996年的官方文件显示镇反运动镇压了157万多人,其中87.3万余人被判死刑,这可是近百万的鲜活生命啊!这是多么血腥恐怖的统治!

四、1960年代由于中共盲目的搞大跃进、人民公社,研发核武器,造成人为大饥荒,中共政权为了所谓的国家颜面竟然决定:保城市,牺牲农村,不许开仓放粮,不许饥民外出逃荒讨饭,活活饿死三千多万人,这比今天的加拿大或澳大利亚的总人口还要多,饥民都是被圈在家中活活饿死的、很多地方甚至发生了人吃人的现象,这在人类历史上是绝无仅有的,请问人类世界有哪个政权会如此毫无人性,惨无人道?!

五、1964年中共发动四清运动,有 77,560人被逼死、5,327,350人受到迫害,制造了大量了冤假错案。1966年中共开展的十年文革,煽动青年学生打砸抢、迫害知识分子、制造全国性的武斗,直接导致的中国大陆200万到2000万人非正常死亡,这种恐怖统治的程度,是世界上其它任何恐怖组织根本无法企及的!

六、1970年代中共政权开始进行大规模计划生育运动,造成几亿婴儿胎死腹中,无数即将出生的婴儿在母亲体内被大卸八块、无数的妇女被强制堕胎,无数育龄男女像牲畜一样被强制绝育,无数的家庭被罚款扒房,这些在人类文明社会闻所未闻的事情,却在中共的统治下每天都在上演,几亿无辜的幼小生命,还没有来到人世,就被中国共产党所残害,这种恐怖程度远超世界任何恐怖组织!

   宁可血流成河,不准超生一个 就是当年计划生育运动的真实写照(网络图片)

七、1989年中共政权公然冒天下之大不韪,在天安门广场用坦克机枪屠杀手无寸铁的市民和学生,这是法西斯政权都做不出来的事情,但是中共就敢公开用坦克机枪屠杀手无寸铁的市民和学生,更为恐怖的是在新疆维吾尔族自治区大量建立集中营,进行种族灭绝,这样的恐怖统治世界上有哪个恐怖组织做的到?

八、说完中共在国内的恐怖统治,再来看一看中共在国际上的恐怖活动,中共不仅是在国内实行恐怖统治,而且还向世界各国输出暴力革命,搞乱世界秩序,残害各国人民。向大家熟知的柬埔寨红色高棉政权,屠杀了柬埔寨三分之一的人口,其背后就是中共政权的扶持与资助!如今中共政权还在背后为朝鲜金家王朝输血和打气,打着所谓的一带一路的旗号,对外扩张,将大量毒品输往世界各地,仅在美国每年就造成10多万人死亡,成为世界的邪恶轴心,这表明中共不仅是人类最大的恐怖组织,而且是国际恐怖组织的总后台。

九、2019年新冠病毒大流行,导致世界范围的疫情大爆发,仅2020-2021年就造成了1500万人死亡;全球有超过5.42亿人感染了新型冠状病毒。究其原因,就是中共在武汉实验室研制新冠病毒,导致泄露,造成了疫情大爆发。人类研究病毒都是为了预防疾病,只有中共政权研究病毒是为了害人,这不仅是恐怖,而是邪恶至极!

中共研制新冠病毒泄露仅2020-2021年就造成了1500万人死亡(网络图片)

十、最令世人发指的就是中共政权的活摘人体器官与人体器官的买卖,从国内死囚器官的肮脏利益链到东南亚的电诈营,连中共卫生部副部长黄洁夫都公开承认器官移植“变得说不清,道不明,变成了一个特别敏感,特别复杂的区域。公然活摘人体器官,成为公认的世界人体器官移植大国,请问当今世界上还有比中共政权更恐怖、更邪恶的组织吗?

不仅如此,中共政权还公开坚持一党独裁、一党专制极权,公开否认普世价值、坚持不搞多党轮流执政、不搞政治多元化、不搞“三权分立”和两院制、不搞联邦制、不搞私有化;坚持与人类文明为敌,已经成为当今人类文明社会的最大毒瘤!

        综上,中国共产党及其政权就是一个彻头彻尾的人类最大的恐怖组织,其残害生命、屠杀人民无所不用其极,在目前世界1000多个恐怖组织中,没有哪一个像中国共产党犯下如此滔天罪行,没有哪一个比中国共产党及政权更残忍、更血腥、更恐怖,更邪恶!被中国共产党及政权所杀害、所迫害致死、所失踪、所残害的人,要远远超过全世界恐怖组织所犯罪恶的总和!

       就是这样的一个人类最大的恐怖组织,居然还占据着联合国安理会常任理事国的席位,担任着维护人类和平与安全的首要责任,握有对国际安全事务的一票否决权;一些西方自由民主国家至今仍然对中共政权采取绥靖政策,向中国共产党及政权输出科技,帮助其发展经济,所有的这一切今天都到了应该彻底结束的时候了!   

Why the Chinese Communist Party Is the World’s Largest Terrorist Organization

Author: Lyu Honglai

Editor: Zhang Yu Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Zhom Min

Abstract: The author examines the inhumane actions perpetrated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) against the people over the past century. By analyzing various historical events from multiple perspectives, the author argues that the CCP functions as the world’s largest terrorist organization.

According to Wikipedia, a terrorist organization is defined as a group composed of terrorists that promotes its ideologies and agendas through extreme behaviors. A key characteristic of such groups, as recognized by most nations, is the orchestration of horrific incidents resulting in mass casualties. According to Baidu Baike, terrorist organizations consist of anti-social and anti-human individuals who systematically carry out inhumane and terrifying actions against the public and society.

为什么说中国共产党是世界最大的恐怖组织

The CCP: The World’s Preeminent Terrorist Organization

The Chinese Communist Party is the largest terrorist organization in human history. Its scale is unparalleled: it commands over 100 million members, controls 1.4 billion citizens, oversees a multi-million-strong modern military and police force, and monopolizes the political, economic, technological, and military resources of an entire nation. Its sheer power and resources exceed the combined total of all other terrorist organizations in the world.

The evidence identifying the CCP as a global terrorist entity is as follows:

I. Violent Foundations and Ideology From its inception, the CCP’s “genetic code” has been that of a terrorist organization. Adhering to Marxism-Leninism, its stated goal was to use violence, killing, looting, and bloodshed to shatter the so-called “old world,” overthrow existing social systems, and physically liquidate all “reactionaries” to establish a Utopian communist society. These foundational tenets align precisely with standard definitions of terrorism.

II. Early Internal Purges and Cruelty In its early years, the CCP launched violent insurrections, targeting local gentry and seizing land. During its formative stage, the party exterminated the entire family of its own member, Gu Shunzhang. In 1930, during the purge of the “AB Group,” the CCP brutally murdered over 5,000 of its own loyal followers. In 1942, the Yan’an Rectification Movement saw more than 10,000 party members and cadres persecuted to death. This ingrained brutality, even before seizing national power, reveals an inherent “terrorist gene.”

Following its inception, the CCP initiated nationwide insurrections—seizing land, lynching local gentry, and committing countless atrocities.(Internet Image)

III. Post-1949 Mass Executions After seizing the mainland in 1949, the CCP initiated a reign of terror. The “Movement to Suppress Counter-revolutionaries” targeted personnel from the former Republic of China government. Official CCP statistics record over 2.6 million arrests and 712,000 executions. Later internal documents suggested the death toll exceeded 870,000. This mass slaughter of nearly a million lives established a foundation of fear.

IV. The Man-Made Great Famine In the 1960s, the “Great Leap Forward” and the forced collectivization of the People’s Communes, combined with the diversion of resources to nuclear development, triggered a catastrophic man-made famine. To maintain “national face,” the regime refused to open granaries and forbade starving peasants from fleeing. Over 30 million people starved to death—exceeding the population of major developed nations. Instances of cannibalism were reported, marking a nadir of human inhumanity.

V. The Cultural Revolution and Internal Chaos The 1964 “Four Cleans” movement saw over 77,000 driven to death and millions persecuted. This was followed by the ten-year Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), which incited students to violence and led to the unnatural deaths of an estimated 2 to 20 million people. Such a scale of state-sponsored terror is unmatched by any non-state terrorist group.

VI. Decades of Forced Family Planning Starting in the 1970s, the CCP’s mass sterilization and one-child policy resulted in hundreds of millions of forced abortions. Countless near-term infants were killed in the womb, and families were subjected to brutal fines and the destruction of their homes. This systemic assault on human life and bodily autonomy far exceeds the capabilities of conventional terrorist organizations.

Better to have rivers of blood than one unauthorized birth”—A chillingly accurate portrayal of the forced family planning era. (Internet Image)

VII. The Tiananmen Square Massacre and Xinjiang In 1989, the CCP deployed tanks and machine guns against unarmed students and citizens in Tiananmen Square. More recently, the establishment of mass detention camps in Xinjiang for the purpose of ethnic suppression and genocide has further demonstrated a level of totalitarian terror that no other organization can achieve.

VIII. Exporting Revolution and Global Instability Internationally, the CCP has consistently exported violent revolution. It was the primary sponsor of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, which slaughtered one-third of that nation’s population. Today, it sustains the North Korean regime and uses the “Belt and Road Initiative” as a front for expansion. Furthermore, the global flow of illicit precursors for drugs like fentanyl, which kills over 100,000 people annually in the U.S., identifies the CCP as a central pillar of the “Axis of Evil.”

IX. The COVID-19 Pandemic and Laboratory Negligence The COVID-19 pandemic, which originated in Wuhan, resulted in an estimated 15 million deaths globally between 2020 and 2021. Evidence suggests that the outbreak was the result of a leak from a lab researching viruses—not for the benefit of medicine, but for potentially malicious purposes. This level of negligence and subsequent cover-up constitutes a supreme evil.

The leak of the CCP-developed COVID-19 virus caused 15 million deaths in 2020-2021 alone. (Internet Image)

X. Systematic Organ Harvesting Perhaps most heinous is the state-sanctioned practice of forced organ harvesting. From the exploitation of death row inmates to the suspicious disappearance of individuals, the CCP has overseen a lucrative and opaque organ transplant industry. This commodification of human life is a hallmark of an organization devoid of moral restraint.

The Chinese Communist Party and its regime represent a totalitarian entity that persists through the systematic slaughter and persecution of people. Among the world’s terrorist organizations, none have committed crimes of such staggering magnitude or bloodiness. The number of those killed, disappeared, or ruined by the CCP far exceeds the combined casualties inflicted by all other terrorist groups in history.

It is a profound paradox of the modern age that such an organization occupies a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, wielding a veto over international security while tasked with maintaining global peace. The policy of “appeasement” adopted by Western liberal democracies—exporting technology and aiding the economic growth of this regime—has only empowered this malignancy. The time has come for the international community to recognize this reality and bring this era of complicity to a definitive end.

北城无声

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作者:王小光   

编辑:Geoffrey 校对:熊辩 翻译:周敏

北风过城墙,

灰瓦不语,灯影如旧。

七个人的名字

在纸上被反复按压,

像钉子,

敲进一段不肯低头的历史。

他们不是风暴,

却执意迎向风暴——

以中国民主党的名义,

用微弱却坚定的声音,

说出“民主”,说出“自由”,

说出一个尚未被允许的未来。

在拥挤的街口,

在昏黄的台灯下,

他们交换的不是秘密,

而是信念——

相信人可以不再沉默,

相信光不必被遮蔽。

夜却来得太快。

脚步声整齐,

门被敲响三次,

世界便换了方向。

档案替他们作证,

沉默替他们辩护,

而远方无人知晓——

连回声都被收走。

有人问:

自由为何如此沉重?

他们回答:

因为它属于每一个人。

于是铁门合拢,

时间开始变慢,

七个影子被分开,

却在黑暗中

悄悄重叠。

北城依旧喧哗,

车流如水,霓虹如潮。

只有风记得——

那一夜,有人为了明天

被带走,

天还没有亮,路依旧很长!

Silence in the Northern City

Author: Wang Xiaoguang

Editor: Geoffrey Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Zhou Min

The north wind sweeps over the city walls,

Grey tiles remain silent, lamp shadows as they were.

Seven names

Pressed repeatedly onto paper,

Like nails,

Hammered into a history that refuses to bow.

They were not the storm,

Yet they chose to face it—

In the name of the China Democracy Party,

With voices faint yet firm,

Speaking “Democracy,” speaking “Freedom,”

Speaking of a future not yet allowed.

At crowded intersections,

Under the dim glow of desk lamps,

What they exchanged were not secrets,

But convictions—

The belief that humans need no longer be silent,

The belief that light need not be obscured.

But the night came too soon.

The footsteps were rhythmic,

The door was knocked thrice,

And the world changed its course.

Archives testify for them,

Silence defends them,

While in the distance, no one knows—

Even the echoes have been confiscated.

Someone asks:

Why is freedom so heavy?

They answer:

Because it belongs to everyone.

So the iron gates swing shut,

Time begins to slow,

Seven shadows are pulled apart,

Yet in the darkness,

They quietly overlap.

The northern city remains clamorous,

Traffic flows like water, neon glows like a tide.

Only the wind remembers—

That night, for the sake of tomorrow,

Someone was taken away;

The dawn has not yet broken, and the road is still long.

洛杉矶 4月26日 《全球觉醒》第六十九期 抗议中共非法审判归国的亲民主留学生

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洛杉矶 4月26日 《全球觉醒》第六十九期 抗议中共非法审判归国的亲民主留学生
洛杉矶 4月26日 《全球觉醒》第六十九期 抗议中共非法审判归国的亲民主留学生

《全球覺醒》第六十九期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題:抗議中共非法審判歸國的親民主留學生

2026年4月,一名在澳洲雪梨大學就讀的中國留學生,在回國探親期間遭到秘密逮捕。近日,中共法院竟以「分裂國家罪」對其重判有期徒刑六年。這不僅是對一個年輕生命的殘酷摧殘,更是對每一位身在海外、嚮往自由的異見人士脊樑上刺下的一根毒針。它告訴我們:即便相隔萬裡,中共極權的陰影也從未離開。

該同學被定罪的所謂“罪證”,僅僅是因為他在悉尼求學期間,行使了生而為人的良知。他曾出現在聲援新疆維吾爾同胞的集會現場,為那些失去自由、遭受折磨的人吶喊;他曾加入西藏人權抗議,呼籲保護那片土地逐漸枯萎的文化與信仰。他以為在澳洲的陽光下發聲是安全的,卻不曾料到,自己的一言一行早已被記錄在案。他原本光明的未來,踏入國門的那一刻,變成了長達六年的鐵窗寒夢。

自2025年初失聯以來,該同學已在黑暗中被囚禁超過一年。家屬收不到判決書,律師進不去看守所,所有的正義都在「國家安全」的幌子下被絞殺。這根本不是法律的審判,而是勇氣的定罪;這根本不是法庭,而是用來恐嚇所有異議人士的秘密刑場!它在警告每一個人:中共的眼睛始終盯著你,即使在自由的土地上,你也不被允許擁有獨立的靈魂。

即便高牆厚土可以遮住他的身影,但公義的怒火不會熄滅。中共可以帶走一個學生,但帶不走天底下的良知!

我們的口號:

釋放留學生,言論自由無罪

聲援新疆,停止屠殺!

停止種族滅絕,關閉新疆集中營!

聲援西藏,停止滅絕!

真相無罪!良知無罪

時間:2026年4月26日(星期日)3:30PM (下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:廖军/劉廣賢

活動規劃: 孫曄/易勇

活動主持:张维清

組織者:

胡月明4806536918/史洪亮 9099263777

陳健 6266178615/ 王小光 6268190900

于越 6266498381/孔德翠6265588877

活動義工:于海龍 /朱明昌/楊郭軍 /穆偉 /黃思博/張健

攝影:Ji Luo /劉樂園

主辦單位:

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

舊金山中國民主黨舉行首屆換屆選舉 實踐民主機制

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舊金山中國民主黨舉行首屆換屆選舉 實踐民主機制

攝影記者:關永傑

編輯:鍾然 校对:孔祥庆 翻译:周敏

2026年4月18日(週六),中國民主黨舊金山黨部在灣區聖荷西舉行了首屆換屆選舉。大灣區黨員齊聚一堂,同時也吸引了灣區各界黨外人士,以及從洛杉磯遠道而來的中國民主黨洛杉磯黨部代表前來觀摩學習。選舉大會全程5小時,經過競選發言、投票、計票三個環節,共選出24個黨部幹部職位,以及10個支部共20個正副支部主任職位,合計44個職位。

舊金山中國民主黨舉行首屆換屆選舉 實踐民主機制

中國民主黨舊金山黨部已成立多年,但為何在2026年才舉行首屆選舉?舊金山黨部主席方政在選舉前就記者的提問作出了回應:舊金山黨部雖成立於2010年,但長期規模有限,黨員人數一直維持在三、四十人的動態平衡。自2020年起,中國國內形勢發生劇烈變化,共產黨在習近平的領導下倒行逆施,使得民眾追求自由、用腳投票的人數明顯增加,海外民運生態也隨之發生重大變化,大批逃離專制、追求自由的人士加入中國民主黨,使舊金山黨部黨員人數在2025年4月激增至60余人。在2025年4月20日的“整合大會”上,考慮到多數黨員為新近加入,彼此缺乏深入瞭解,尚不具備成熟的選舉條件,因此首屆領導層採取“任命制”,由主席、執行長及資深黨員(秘書長)任命骨幹,旨在快速規範組織框架。

經過一年的蓬勃發展,黨員人數現已再次翻倍至120余人。通過一年的運作與磨合,成員間已建立起基本的信任與熟悉度。2026年改推競選制,是為了給踴躍參與的黨員提供展現才能、代表民意的機會。這不僅有利於黨部建設、選拔優秀人才,也成為全體黨員實踐民主、學習民主規則的重要過程。

選舉大會主持人、現任舊金山黨部秘書長鄭雲向記者表示,此次選舉的候選人採用推薦與自薦相結合的形式,其中自薦候選人須獲得至少兩人聯名推薦,通過競選演講與黨員投票,以差額選舉方式產生最終人選,作為黨部實踐民主程序的重要一步。

候選人有序上台進行競選演講。各候選人準備充分、熱情高漲,在台上陳述理念、作出承諾,努力爭取更多黨員支持,整個競選發言過程持續約兩小時。

中國民主黨全委會執委耿冠軍攜觀摩學習團隊專程自洛杉磯趕赴灣區。他表示:“一年前,我與王主席共同參加了舊金山黨部的成立大會和授旗儀式。一年後的今天再次回到這裡,看到舊金山黨部正熱火朝天地開展選舉工作,我感觸頗深。這次主要是抱著參觀、觀摩和學習的心態而來。目睹現場氛圍,我對舊金山團隊展現出的凝聚力感到由衷欣慰,也十分羨慕。相比之下,我們洛杉磯黨部目前確實存在一些問題,在團隊建設和實幹精神上,需要向舊金山方面學習。”

此外,耿冠軍還就黨內現狀作出回應。他表示,目前有黨外人士對王軍濤主席多年擔任主席一職提出意見。為了推動組織民主化發展,希望聯合三個以上黨部共同提出動議,推動黨主席改選。在接下來的改選計劃中,希望方政能夠成為下一任黨主席,帶領大家繼續前進。

同時,耿冠軍攜袁崛向與會人士推廣“中國議會”項目並進行選民動員。他介紹:“當前的民主舞台不能總是民主黨一家‘唱獨角戲’。為了打破這種局面、團結更多組織,我們推出了‘中國議會’項目。希望各界朋友多多支持,並現場註冊成為選民。在支部建設中,我們不僅需要腳踏實地做實事的同志,也需要表達能力強的人才,通過積極參與,讓有能力的同志競選成為議員,確保中國民主黨在中國議會中保持優勢地位。”

中國民主黨全委會執委陳闖創則通過連線表示,中國民主運動長期存在“因人設事”的問題,即圍繞個人而非制度來組織發展,這不利於整體壯大。在與極權對抗過程中,關鍵在於提升自身實力、吸引更多參與者,並結合國際形勢推進抗爭,而不是簡單迎合外界或倉促提出不成熟方案。

關於組織制度,他認為不必因外界壓力頻繁修改憲章,例如選委會主席任期問題,在許多民主國家中也並非嚴格受限,應根據現實情況靈活處理。他強調,在流亡環境下,組織運作可以保持一定彈性,例如會議時間和任期安排可根據實際情況調整,只要程序上可行即可推進。同時,各地組織分散並非壞事,反而體現活力,但需要共同承擔責任,特別是持續關注並支持中國國內付出巨大犧牲的民主人士。

據大會提供的數據,此次換屆選舉共有53人次登記參選,按不重復姓名統計為45位候選人。投票環節結束後,由黨外人士組成的義工團隊負責唱票、計票與監督。

新一屆黨部由方政擔任主席,胡丕政、張俊傑出任副主席,鄭雲任秘書長;組織架構方面,今年新增女權部與網絡技術部,支部則增設苗必達、奧克蘭、紐瓦克、聖利安珠及特別支部等5個支部。

中國民主黨舊金山黨部主席方政,副主席胡丕政、張俊傑

秘書長鄭雲,副秘書張小駒、任夢醒

組織部部長周雲龍,副部長李樹青

宣傳部部長繆青,副部長何宜城、呂小靜

活動部部長郭志軍,副部長李小林

對外聯絡部部長崔允星,副部長汪峰

女權部部長羅艷麗,副部長高俊影

青年發展部部長耿陸弢,副部長張鵬展

生活互助部部長李凱,副部長張繼順

網絡技術部部長韋旭光,副部長陳森鋒、莊帆

舊金山支部主任郭鑒鑫,副主任郝劍平

菲利蒙支部主任劉靜濤,副主任呂小靜

苗必達支部主任範國林,副主任任夢醒

聖荷西支部主任羅鳳文,副主任邢貴

海沃支部主任董新展,副主任牛建飛

奧克蘭支部主任高志彬,副主任姚榮濤

紐瓦克支部主任張善城,副主任王戰士

聖利安珠支部主任盧佔強,副主任吳志創

沙加緬度支部主任衛仁喜,副主任張小駒

特別支部主任李賢兵,副主任林嘉傑

大會在尾聲階段,四名新黨員在執委耿冠軍的帶領下,進行了莊嚴的入黨宣誓儀式。

新黨員(左二起):唐偉逢、袁強、丁海峰、謝志城

選舉大會全部議程順利完成後,主持人與黨主席王軍濤進行連線。王軍濤表示,對舊金山黨部此次民主選舉大會的順利舉行感到鼓舞,並闡述了中國民主黨的發展思路,明確了黨的戰略核心:即通過突破常規手段,將中共暴政集團擠壓出權力中心,建立以民主憲政為目標的政治格局。他強調,民主革命本質上是一種全球化現象,單純依靠本土力量易陷入舊體制的循環,而歷史上的成功轉型往往源於海外先進規則、資本與本土政治權力的深度結合。

因此,海外民主黨人必須具備引領大局的“大氣”,將海外基地打造為政治實驗室。在自由的政治土壤中,率先進行組織體制改革和廣泛的政治表達嘗試,以此積累中國本土所缺失的憲政治理經驗。王軍濤主張,海外力量應與中國當前的經濟社會發展直接結合,通過在海外模擬和推進先進的政治嘗試,為未來中國在關鍵時期的制度對接做好人才與思想儲備,從而在轉型時刻真正代表並實現國家的民主權利。

新任黨主席方政在會後向記者透露,這次選舉在具體操作上確實存在一些不足,比如受場地、時間以及參與人數較多等客觀條件限制,整體過程在個別環節上顯得略為倉促。但無可否認,此次活動的過程本身十分重要,無論最終效果如何,都為今後類似實踐提供了經驗參考。

新任副主席張俊傑則表示,對於許多華人來說,這是一次難得的民主實踐機會。由於多數人並非美國公民,對總統選舉等制度性民主形式的參與感較弱,而這種社團內部的選舉,更容易讓人產生切身的體驗和參與感。因此,通過親身參與競選、演講、投票等環節,有助於加深對民主運作的理解。

此外,兩位受訪者一致表示,希望通過此次選舉活動,讓更多人對中國民主黨有更直觀、真實的認識,逐步消除過去的誤解與疑慮,吸引更多有志之士參與進來,共同投入到推動中國走向民主憲政的進程之中。

San Francisco Chapter of the China Democracy Party Holds Inaugural Leadership Election to Practice Democratic Mechanisms

Photojournalist: Guan Yongjie

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Kong Xiangqing Translator: Zhou Min

Summary: The San Francisco Chapter of the China Democracy Party (CDP) held its first leadership election in the Bay Area, producing a new executive team through competitive campaigning and voting. The event attracted participants from various circles, showcasing the organization’s growth and emphasizing the use of institutionalized elections to promote democratic practice and talent cultivation.

On Saturday, April 18, 2026, the San Francisco Chapter of the CDP held its inaugural leadership election in San Jose. Party members from across the Bay Area gathered for the event, which also drew non-party observers from local communities and representatives from the Los Angeles Chapter who traveled north to observe and learn. The five-hour assembly included campaign speeches, voting, and ballot counting, resulting in the election of 44 officials: 24 chapter executive positions and 20 chairpersons/vice-chairpersons for 10 local branches.

舊金山中國民主黨舉行首屆換屆選舉 實踐民主機制

Although the San Francisco Chapter was established in 2010, it remained small for many years, maintaining a steady membership of about 30 to 40 people. Fang Zheng, Chairman of the San Francisco Chapter, explained that the landscape shifted dramatically in 2020. As the CCP under Xi Jinping’s leadership regressed, an increasing number of people “voted with their feet” to seek freedom abroad. This influx led to a membership surge, reaching over 60 by April 2025.

During an “Integration Meeting” in April 2025, leadership was initially appointed to quickly establish an organizational framework, as many new members did not yet know each other well enough for a mature election. A year later, membership has doubled again to over 120. With established trust and rapport, the chapter transitioned to a competitive election system in 2026 to allow members to represent the will of the rank-and-file and practice democratic rules.

Zheng Yun, Secretary-General of the San Francisco Chapter and moderator of the event, noted that candidates were selected through a mix of recommendations and self-nominations (the latter requiring at least two co-sponsors). The “multi-candidate election” (where there are more candidates than seats) served as a vital step in practicing democratic procedures. Candidates spent two hours delivering speeches, outlining their visions, and making pledges to win support.

Geng Guanjun, an executive member of the CDP National Committee, led a delegation from Los Angeles to observe. “Seeing the cohesion and enthusiasm here in the San Francisco team makes me feel heartened and, frankly, envious,” Geng remarked, noting that the Los Angeles chapter could learn from their organizational spirit. Geng also proposed a motion for a future national chairperson election, suggesting that Fang Zheng lead the party forward.

Additionally, Geng and Yuan Jue promoted the “China Parliament” project, urging attendees to register as voters. He emphasized that the democratic stage should not be a “one-man show” for the CDP alone, but a collaborative effort to unite various organizations.

Chen Chuangchuang, another executive member of the National Committee, joined via video link. He pointed out that the Chinese democracy movement has long suffered from being organized around “personalities rather than institutions.” He argued that the key to resisting totalitarianism lies in institutional strength and international cooperation, rather than merely catering to external pressures to change party charters. He emphasized that while exile organizations require flexibility, they must remain committed to supporting those making sacrifices within China.

According to data provided by the assembly, 45 candidates ran for various positions. A volunteer team of non-party individuals handled the counting and supervision of ballots.

The newly elected leadership includes:

Chairman: Fang Zheng

Vice Chairmen: Hu Pizheng, Zhang Junjie

Secretary-General: Zheng Yun

New Departments: A Women’s Rights Department and a Network Technology Department were added this year.

New Branches: Five new branches were established in Milpitas, Oakland, Newark, San Leandro, and a Special Branch.

The ceremony concluded with four new members—Tang Weifeng, Yuan Qiang, Ding Haifeng, and Xie Zhicheng—taking their induction oaths.

In a closing video call, CDP National Chairman Wang Juntao praised the San Francisco Chapter. He articulated a strategy to push the CCP out of power and establish a constitutional democracy. He described overseas bases as “political laboratories” where members can gain experience in constitutional governance and organizational reform that is currently impossible within China.

New Vice Chairman Zhang Junjie noted that for many participants who are not yet U.S. citizens, this was a rare and tangible opportunity to participate in a democratic system. Chairman Fang Zheng acknowledged that while some parts of the five-hour process were rushed due to logistics, the experience itself provides an invaluable reference for future democratic practice.

Both expressed hope that this transparency would dispel old misunderstandings and attract more people to the cause of a democratic China.