陈树庆:民主不是突然降临的信念,而是一生逐渐坚定的选择

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——从一个普通人的社会感受,到义无反顾走上民主之路 

记者:贾嘉   沈美花    
访谈人物:陈树庆
访谈地点:《在野党》杂志社 

人物简介:陈树庆,中国民主运动著名人士、中国民主党浙江委员会副主席,长期关注中国的民主、人权与公民权利问题。

 陈树庆出生于普通家庭,早年从现实生活中对社会公平、普通民众处境以及公共权力运行的观察,逐渐形成对民主、自由与社会公正的思考。1989年“六·四”事件对其思想发展产生了重要影响,也促使他开始重新思考中国社会的民主化道路。 

此后,陈树庆参与中国民主党相关活动,并从事民主、人权理念的传播与相关刊物工作。因参与和推动民主运动,他曾多次遭遇政治打压和监禁,并经历了长达十四年六个月的牢狱生活。 

在长期的政治压力和监禁生活中,陈树庆始终坚持自己的民主理念。他认为,中国的民主化进程不可能依靠某一个人、某一个团体或某一种单一力量完成,而需要海内外不同群体长期共同努力。 

如今,陈树庆依然关注中国的民主与人权事业。他同时也呼吁海外民运人士和年轻一代:在坚持理想、关注中国社会的同时,首先照顾好自己的生活、家庭和健康,并在力所能及的范围内持续关注和支持中国的民主与人权事业。 

当谈及自己为何能够长期坚持时,他用一句简单而坚定的话概括了自己的人生: 

“我是个战士。I’m a fighter。” 

【采访导语】 

视频采访开始时,镜头中的陈树庆老师精神状态良好。

陈树庆:民主不是突然降临的信念,而是一生逐渐坚定的选择

 谈起现在的生活,他显得平静而乐观: 

“现在生活状态还可以,身体也好。有时候只要有空,就抓紧时间锻炼身体。” 

很难想象,这位如今谈笑从容的人,曾因追求民主与自由而多次遭遇政治迫害,并在监狱中度过漫长岁月。 

从普通家庭走出来,到逐渐形成民主思想;从相信社会可以在现有体制下逐步改善,到最终认识到民主必须由全体人民共同参与、共同决定——陈树庆的人生轨迹,是一代中国民主人士思想成长和现实选择的一个缩影。 

而这一切,并非始于某一个瞬间。 

“民主思想不是哪一件事情突然改变的,而是一点一滴积累起来的。” 

一、民主思想并非突然形成,而是在生活中逐渐积累 

贾嘉:您是什么时候开始接触民主思想的?有没有一件特别重要的事情改变了您的人生? 

陈树庆说,他对民主、自由以及社会公平的认识,并不是因为某一天突然发生了巨大的转变。 

“这个思想是慢慢积累起来的,一点一滴地进步、积累起来。不是哪一件事情突然完全改变了我。当然,也有几件事情对我的影响比较大。” 

他说,自己出生于普通百姓家庭,从小就能够感受到现实社会中存在的许多不公平。 

“我们普通老百姓,能够感受到社会上的很多不公平、不公正,也能看到老百姓的苦难,还有一些官僚主义、打官腔等现象。” 

这些生活中的观察,让他从很早开始便产生了一种朴素的愿望。 

“发自内心地希望中国、希望我们的社会能够更加公平,希望老百姓能够真正享受到民主。” 

但是,在早期,这种想法还并不明确,也没有形成完整、系统的政治理念。 

二、“六·四”让他重新认识共产党与民主之间的关系 

在陈树庆看来,1989年的“六·四”事件是自己思想成长过程中影响极为深刻的一件事情。 

在此之前,他并非完全否定共产党领导下进行政治改革的可能性。 

“以前甚至认为,自由、民主这些思想,和共产党表面上的宣传也是一致的。我们也曾经认为,通过共产党的领导,或者改善党的领导,中国也能够逐渐走向民主。” 

然而,“六·四”事件改变了他的看法。 

“八九年以后,我开始看清一个问题:共产党为了维护自己的政权,可以把这个政权当成自己的私产。” 

这种认识,让他开始重新思考中国民主化的道路。 

“我以前认为,也许可以和他们一起,在他们的领导下逐渐实现民主。但后来,这种想法彻底改变了。” 

陈树庆逐渐形成了一个更加坚定的信念: 

“如果中国要真正实现民主,绝对不能依靠某一个集团,包括执政党。应该是全体人民都拥有真正的、不可剥夺的、对国家命运的决定权。” 

在他看来,这才是真正意义上的民主。 

三、知道道路艰难,但仍然决定“尽力而为” 

当然,思想上的觉醒并不意味着现实中的道路会变得轻松。 

陈树庆非常清楚,中国的政治现实决定了推动民主化将是一条漫长而艰难的道路。 

“共产党从建政以来,一直垄断着全社会的各种政治、经济资源。我们要真正实现民主,当然知道这个过程会非常艰难。” 

但是,他认为,困难并不能成为放弃的理由。 

“既然认为这个方向是对的,那么不管有多少困难,就看自己能够做多少事情。尽自己的力量,尽力而为。” 

这句话听起来简单,却也成为他此后人生选择的真实写照。 

四、从提供帮助到亲自站出来 

谈到2006年前后的经历,陈树庆回忆起当时与一些民主人士共同活动的过程。 

那时,他与一些志同道合的朋友相识,并开始接触中国民主党相关活动。 

最初,陈树庆并没有计划成为主要的组织者。 

“那时候我的生意还比较好。我看到他们聚在一起,都是一些积极、有理想的人,我也愿意尽一些绵薄之力。” 

然而,随着当局不断打压,许多参与者相继被抓捕、判刑,原本参与相关活动的人越来越少。 

“后来共产党一步一步地进行打压。朱虞夫等很多朋友都被抓进去了。” 

在这样的情况下,他不得不更多地站到前面。 

陈树庆说,当时其他朋友并不需要他的金钱或者其他物质支持。 

“他们需要的不是我的钱,也不是其他东西,只是需要我这个人出来做工作。” 

于是,他开始参与《在野党》杂志的编辑工作。

然而,很快便遭到了当局的打压。

五、第一次被关押4个多月 

由于参与编辑民主党党刊《在野党》,陈树庆遭到警方调查。 

当局要求他交代刊物的印刷地点以及稿件来源。 

对此,他明确拒绝。

 weie

“他们问我在哪里印刷,稿源是哪里来的。我拒绝回答。” 

陈树庆认为,如果民主人士向警方提供其他参与者的信息,就等于帮助当局继续进行打压。 

他用一个形象的比喻表达自己的态度: 

“我说,这就像带着日本鬼子去扫荡一样。作为民主党人,怎么能带着警察去印刷的地方,或者告诉他们其他人的情况?” 

由于拒绝配合调查,他被关押了4个多月。 

最终,当局要求他写下保证书,承诺不再继续编辑出版《在野党》杂志。 

陈树庆表示,当时刊物已经遭到破坏,即使自己想继续,也很难恢复原来的工作。 

因此,在经历4个多月的关押之后,他获得释放。 

但是,这次经历并没有让他放弃。 

恰恰相反,它让他更加清楚地认识到,自己未来可能面对什么。 

六、明知可能坐牢,为什么仍然坚持? 

在第一次遭遇关押之后,陈树庆已经非常清楚,继续走下去意味着什么。 

“我很多志同道合的朋友已经被判刑了。我知道,如果继续做下去,我可能也会和他们一样,受到政治迫害,甚至坐牢。” 

但是,他认为,追求民主与自由从来都不是没有代价的。 

“从横向来看世界各国,从纵向来看历史,没有哪个国家实现民主、走向进步的过程中,不需要有人付出代价。” 

在陈树庆看来,历史上每一次社会进步,都有人承担风险,甚至付出生命。 

他提到了辛亥革命时期的革命者。 

“比如辛亥革命时期,孙中山先生身边的那些革命者,很多人明明知道可能会失败,也知道可能会失去生命,但他们仍然义无反顾。”

 因此,他并不认为自己的付出有什么特别值得夸耀的地方。 

“我只是愿意为了自己的祖国,为了保障自己的同胞能够拥有基本的人权做一点事情。如果因此需要付出一些代价,我认为也是理所应当的。”

 面对记者流露的敬佩之情,陈树庆反而显得十分谦逊。 

“我们这样的志同道合的朋友太多了。我只是其中的一个。很多人付出的牺牲比我更大,做的工作也比我更多。” 

也许正是这种朴素的信念,让一个原本拥有稳定生活的普通人,在时代的洪流中做出了自己的选择。 

而这条道路,也最终将他带入两次,总共长达十四年六个月的牢狱岁月。

面对着当局对中国民主党的残酷镇压,陈树庆这样的浙江勇士明知山有虎 ,偏向虎山行,选择的不是自保,不是激流勇退,而是坦然承受十几年的牢狱之灾,通过访谈记者深深被这些勇士们所感动。

 

下篇预告: 

《陈树庆:你可以关押我的身体,但无法改造我的信念》 

十四年六个月的监狱生活,他经历了什么? 

面对监狱所谓的“思想改造”,他为什么说:“如果是对的东西,不用你们改造,我自己会改;如果是错的东西,把我打死也不会改变。” 

在漫长的铁窗岁月中,是什么支撑着他坚持下来? 

下篇将继续讲述陈树庆的故事,以及一位民主人士如何在漫长岁月中坚守自己的信念。

编辑:李晶     校对:熊辩 翻译:沈美花

Chen Shuqing: Democracy Is Not a Belief That Arrives Suddenly, but a Choice Gradually Hardened Over a Lifetime

— From the Social Observations of an Ordinary Person to Stepping Unhesitatingly onto the Path of Democracy

Reporters: Jia Jia, Shen Meihua
Interviewee: Chen Shuqing
Location: Editorial Office of The Opposition Party Magazine

Biography: Chen Shuqing, a prominent figure in the Chinese democracy movement and Vice Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee of the Democracy Party of China, has long focused on issues concerning democracy, human rights, and civil rights in China.

Born into an ordinary family, Chen Shuqing developed his early reflections on democracy, freedom, and social justice through observations of social fairness, the plight of ordinary people, and the exercise of public power in daily life. The 1989 “June Fourth” Incident had a major impact on his ideological development, prompting him to rethink the path toward democratization in China.

Thereafter, Chen Shuqing participated in activities related to the Democracy Party of China, engaging in the dissemination of democratic and human rights concepts and working on related publications. Due to his involvement in and promotion of the democracy movement, he repeatedly suffered political suppression and imprisonment, ultimately serving a total of fourteen years and six months in prison.

Through long-term political pressure and prison life, Chen Shuqing consistently adhered to his democratic beliefs. He holds that China’s democratization process cannot rely on any single individual, single group, or single force, but requires long-term, joint efforts from different groups both at home and abroad.

Today, Chen Shuqing continues to remain concerned about the cause of democracy and human rights in China. At the same time, he appeals to overseas democracy activists and the younger generation: while staying true to ideals and caring for Chinese society, first take good care of your own lives, families, and health, and continue to pay attention to and support China’s democracy and human rights causes within your capabilities.

When discussing why he has been able to persevere over the long term, he summarized his life in a simple yet firm sentence:

“I am a fighter. I’m a fighter.”

[Interview Introduction]

When the video interview began, Teacher Chen Shuqing appeared in good spirits on camera.

陈树庆:民主不是突然降临的信念,而是一生逐渐坚定的选择

Speaking of his current life, he seemed calm and optimistic:

“My current living condition is decent, and my health is good too. Whenever I have free time, I seize the opportunity to exercise.”

It is hard to imagine that this man, now conversing and laughing with composure, suffered political persecution multiple times for pursuing democracy and freedom, spending long years behind bars.

Emerging from an ordinary family to gradually developing democratic ideas; moving from a belief that society could gradually improve under the existing system to ultimately realizing that democracy must involve the participation and decisions of all the people—Chen Shuqing’s life trajectory is a microcosm of the ideological growth and real-world choices of a generation of Chinese pro-democracy figures.

And all of this did not begin in a single moment.

“Democratic ideas do not change suddenly because of one thing; they accumulate bit by bit.”

I. Democratic Ideas Formed Gradually Over Time, Not Overnight

Jia Jia: When did you first come into contact with democratic ideas? Was there a particularly important event that changed your life?

Chen Shuqing said that his understanding of democracy, freedom, and social fairness did not undergo a sudden, dramatic transformation on a single day.

“This mindset accumulated slowly, making progress and building up bit by bit. It wasn’t one single event that suddenly changed me completely. Of course, a few events had a relatively major influence on me.”

He said that coming from an ordinary family, he could feel many of the inequalities present in real society from an early age.

“We ordinary folks can feel many of the injustices and unfairness in society, and we can also see the suffering of the common people, as well as phenomena such as bureaucracy and official posturing.”

These everyday observations sparked a simple desire within him from early on.

“From the bottom of my heart, I wished that China and our society could become fairer, and that ordinary people could truly enjoy democracy.”

However, in the early days, this idea was not yet distinct, nor had it formed a complete, systematic political ideology.

II. “June Fourth” Made Him Re-evaluate the Relationship Between the Communist Party and Democracy

In Chen Shuqing’s view, the 1989 “June Fourth” Incident was a profoundly impactful event in his ideological growth.

Prior to that, he had not entirely ruled out the possibility of political reform under the leadership of the Communist Party.

“In the past, I even thought that concepts like freedom and democracy were consistent with the superficial propaganda of the Communist Party. We also used to think that under the leadership of the Communist Party, or by improving the Party’s leadership, China could gradually move toward democracy.”

However, the “June Fourth” Incident completely changed his perspective.

“After 1989, I began to see one issue clearly: in order to maintain its regime, the Communist Party can treat this political power as its private property.”

This realization caused him to rethink the path to China’s democratization.

“I previously thought that perhaps we could work with them to gradually achieve democracy under their leadership. But later, that thought was completely abandoned.”

Chen Shuqing gradually formed a firmer conviction:

“If China is to truly achieve democracy, it absolutely cannot rely on any single group, including the ruling party. All the people must possess genuine, inalienable decision-making power over the nation’s destiny.”

In his view, this is what true democracy means.

III. Knowing the Road Is Arduous, Yet Still Deciding to “Do What I Can”

Of course, ideological awakening did not mean that the real-world path would become easy.

Chen Shuqing knew very well that China’s political reality meant promoting democratization would be a long and arduous journey.

“Since coming to power, the Communist Party has monopolized all political and economic resources in society. To truly achieve democracy, we naturally knew this process would be extremely difficult.”

However, he believed that difficulty could not be a reason to give up.

“Since I believe this direction is right, then no matter how many difficulties there are, it just comes down to how much one can do. Do one’s best and exert full effort.”

This sentence sounds simple, yet it became a true reflection of his subsequent life choices.

IV. From Offering Help to Stepping Forward Personally

Reflecting on his experiences around 2006, Chen Shuqing recalled the process of working together with other democracy activists at that time.

Back then, he met several like-minded friends and began coming into contact with activities related to the Democracy Party of China.

Initially, Chen Shuqing had no plans to become a primary organizer.

“At that time, my business was doing quite well. Seeing them gather together as active, idealistic people, I was willing to contribute what little strength I had.”

However, as the authorities intensified their suppression, many participants were successively arrested and sentenced, leaving fewer and fewer people involved in the activities.

“Later, the Communist Party cracked down step by step. Many friends, like Zhu Yufu, were arrested and put in prison.”

Under these circumstances, he had no choice but to step into a more prominent role.

Chen Shuqing said that at the time, his friends did not need his money or other material support.

“What they needed was not my money, nor other things; they just needed me as a person to step out and do the work.”

Thus, he began participating in the editorial work for The Opposition Party magazine.

However, it soon met with suppression from the authorities.

V. Imprisoned for More Than Four Months for the First Time

Due to his participation in editing the DPC publication The Opposition Party, Chen Shuqing was investigated by the police.

The authorities demanded that he disclose the printing location of the publication and the sources of the manuscripts.

To this, he explicitly refused.

“They asked me where it was printed and where the manuscripts came from. I refused to answer.”

Chen Shuqing believed that if democracy activists provided the police with information about other participants, it would be equivalent to helping the authorities continue their crackdown.

He used a vivid metaphor to express his stance:

“I said, this would be like leading the Japanese invaders on a search-and-destroy mission. As a member of the Democracy Party, how could I lead the police to the printing location, or tell them about other people’s situations?”

Because he refused to cooperate with the investigation, he was detained for more than four months.

Ultimately, the authorities demanded that he sign a letter of guarantee promising no longer to edit or publish The Opposition Party magazine.

Chen Shuqing noted that the publication had already been destroyed at that point, and even if he wanted to continue, it would have been very difficult to resume the original work.

Therefore, after undergoing more than four months of detention, he was released.

However, this experience did not make him give up.

Quite the contrary, it made him see even more clearly what he might face in the future.

VI. Knowing Imprisonment Was Likely, Why Still Persevere?

After his first experience with detention, Chen Shuqing was already acutely aware of what continuing forward entailed.

“Many of my like-minded friends had already been sentenced. I knew that if I continued doing this, I might end up like them—facing political persecution and even going to jail.”

However, he believed that the pursuit of democracy and freedom has never come without a cost.

“Looking horizontally across countries around the world, and looking vertically through history, no nation’s process of achieving democracy and moving toward progress has ever occurred without people paying a price.”

In Chen Shuqing’s view, every historical step of social progress has required people to take risks and even sacrifice their lives.

He mentioned the revolutionaries of the 1911 Xinhai Revolution era.

“For example, during the 1911 Revolution, among the revolutionaries around Dr. Sun Yat-sen, many clearly knew they might fail and knew they might lose their lives, yet they still proceeded without hesitation.”

Therefore, he did not feel there was anything particularly boastful about his own sacrifices.

“I am simply willing to do a little something for my motherland and to safeguard my compatriots’ basic human rights. If paying a price is required for this, I consider it only natural and right.”

Faced with the reporter’s expression of admiration, Chen Shuqing appeared remarkably humble instead.

“There are so many like-minded friends like us. I am just one of them. Many people have made greater sacrifices than I have and done more work than I have.”

Perhaps it was precisely this simple conviction that led an ordinary person, who originally possessed a stable life, to make his choice amidst the torrents of the era.

And this road ultimately led him into two prison terms totaling fourteen years and six months.

Faced with the regime’s brutal suppression of the Democracy Party of China, brave men from Zhejiang like Chen Shuqing knew full well the dangers ahead, yet pressed forward undeterred. They chose not self-preservation, nor a timely retreat, but to calmly endure more than a decade of imprisonment. The interviewing reporter was deeply moved by these courageous individuals.

Preview of Part II:

Chen Shuqing: You Can Imprison My Body, But You Cannot Remold My Convictions

What did he experience during his fourteen years and six months of prison life?

Facing the prison’s so-called “ideological remolding,” why did he say: “If something is correct, you don’t need to remold me—I will change myself; if something is wrong, even if you beat me to death, I will not change”?

During the long years behind bars, what sustained him to persevere?

Part II will continue the story of Chen Shuqing and how a pro-democracy figure held fast to his convictions throughout those long years.

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Shen Meihua

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