迫害实录 铁幕之下

铁幕之下

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一个人的三十六年

一段亲历者关于1989年以后政治迫害、监控与人生改变的真实记述

作者:王立君

2025年11月:三十多年后的再次监控

2025年11月的一天,三十多年过去了,吴俊再次被当地国保带走。

他没有想到,自己年轻时经历的那场政治风波,已经过去三十多年,那个曾经让他失去自由的政治标签,却仍然没有从他的生命中消失。

他被重新拍照、采集指纹、录制声音,并被要求写下三十多年来的经历。警察告诉他,这是因为他的身份档案需要重新建立。

三十多年过去了,一个人已经从青年变成老人,但是那只看不见的手,似乎仍然没有离开。

这让我再次想起1989年,以及后来发生在我们身边的那些人和那些事。

这不是一段历史教科书里的故事。

这是我亲身经历、亲眼见证的一段人生。

一、1989年的春天

1989年春夏之交,我在湖北汽车工业学院科研处工作。

那一年,学校发生了很大的变化。校园里到处都是学生、教师和外来人员。大字报、小字报、辩论、广播和各种讨论充斥着校园。年轻人对国家的未来充满憧憬,也开始认真思考中国应该走向哪里。

我认识了吴俊。吴俊是武汉大学数学系毕业的高材生,也是湖北省松滋县当年的高考状元。大学毕业后,他来到湖北汽车工业学院基础课部教数学。

我过去并不是一个特别关心政治的人。我的父母也一再告诫我,不要参与政治活动。但是,当整个社会都处在巨大的变化之中时,一个普通人很难完全置身事外。

我和一些青年教师开始讨论北京发生的事情。年轻人希望国家能够改变,希望反腐败,希望中国有一个更加美好的未来。

而我因为从小经历过“文化大革命”,对政治运动带来的后果有着不同于年轻人的恐惧。我的父亲曾经参加过革命,也经历过多次政治运动。他告诫我,不要参加政治活动,因为政治运动可能带来严重后果。

直到后来发生的一切,我才真正理解了父亲当年的担忧。

二、一次站上主席台的讲话

有一天,我来到学校礼堂附近。里面有很多学生。一个认识我的学生看见我以后叫我:“王老师,你来了,进来吧。”

我就这样被学生簇拥着走进礼堂,甚至被推到了主席台上。他们让我讲几句话。

我没有准备,也没有想到会有那么多摄影机和照相机。

我站在那里,看着年轻的学生,对他们说:你们的愿望也许是好的,你们希望反腐败,希望国家变得更好。但是,你们还年轻,你们有没有想过参加政治运动的后果?

我告诉他们,根据我过去的经历和我父辈的经验,政治运动的后果可能非常严重。

我甚至问他们:“你们有没有想过死亡?”

现场一下安静了。

我告诉他们,如果他们没有做好牺牲的准备,就应该回去完成自己的学业。如果已经决定继续,就必须知道自己可能面对什么。

我当时说这些话,并不是因为我希望他们受到伤害,而恰恰是希望这些年轻人能够保护自己。

但是,我没有想到,那些摄影机已经把这一切记录了下来。后来,这些影像和我的讲话,成为我人生中无法摆脱的一部分。

三、六月之后,校园突然安静了

1989年6月以后,校园完全变了。

我再次来到青年教师宿舍时,过去的喧闹已经消失。走廊里非常安静。我敲开一个又一个房门,却发现许多年轻教师已经离开。

后来,我被捕,并被判处有期徒刑。

在审讯过程中,公安人员问我:“你怎么知道北京会开枪?”

我回答:“因为事情已经发生了。”

他们继续问我和北京什么人有联系。我说,我没有和什么人联系。他们甚至问我是否认识赵紫阳、邓小平、李鹏。我说:“我认识他们的名字,但是他们不认识我。”

审讯中有人对我说:“我们没有秋后算账,我们是冬天跟你算账。”

直到今天,我仍然记得这句话。

四、吴俊的选择

我和吴俊关系比较近。1989年那段时间,我们经常在他的宿舍里讨论国家和北京的局势。他知道我的观点,我也知道他的想法。

后来,北京发生武力镇压的消息传来,吴俊非常震惊。当他听说我被捕以后,他做了一件事情。

1990年6月4日,他在学校门口张贴了一张大字报,要求政府释放我。

这张大字报很快引起了公安部门的注意。后来,吴俊也被捕。根据我的了解,他最终被以“反革命煽动罪”判处有期徒刑一年,并被剥夺政治权利。

五、监狱里的折磨

吴俊身材矮小,身体并不强壮。后来我了解到,他在看守所和监狱里经历了严重的折磨。

一次,他因为身体原因无法继续劳动,管教人员没有真正让他休息,而是让其他犯人把他捆绑起来,吊在树上,让他看着其他人劳动。

他还曾因为身体弱、没有能力保护自己的食物,而长期吃不饱。

这些经历不是一个人的政治观点能够解释的。对于一个普通人来说,进入监狱以后,他已经失去了正常生活中最基本的选择权。

我出狱以后,亲自去接吴俊。他已经不是当年那个充满理想、在大学里教数学的年轻教师。

但是,我没有放弃他。因为他没有其他谋生技能,我让他到我的小团队里工作,负责采购和一些日常事务。后来到了北京,我又把他带到北京,在我的公司里工作。

我这样做,只是希望他能够重新开始生活。可是,对他来说,真正的“重新开始”,似乎一直没有到来。

六、出狱,不等于获得自由

吴俊后来到过很多地方:北京、青岛、深圳、珠海、广州、桂林……

他曾经做生意,也曾经写作,也曾经教书。但是,据我长期了解到的情况,他无论走到哪里,都担心受到国家安全机关的关注和监控。

他曾经因为生活困难而不断改变工作和居住地点。

一个大学毕业的数学高材生,一个本来可以正常生活、教书、养家的人,却因为几十年前的一场政治运动,长期生活在恐惧之中。

这让我越来越明白:

真正可怕的,并不只是一次逮捕。

真正可怕的是,一个人的过去可能永远跟着他。

七、三十多年以后

2025年11月,事情再次发生。

据吴俊后来向我讲述,当地国保人员把他带走。他被带到一个房间里重新拍照、采集指纹,并要求重新留下个人信息。

他们还让他朗读大量文字,进行录音,并要求他写下过去几十年来的经历。他从白天一直写到晚上十点多。期间,他没有喝水,也没有吃饭。

后来警察告诉他,他们是接到上级通知执行公务。理由是:因为当年的案件已经过去三十多年,他的容貌发生了变化,所以需要重新建立档案。

他们还告诉他:“你的案情,无论走到哪里都会转到哪里。”

并警告他,不准乱说乱动,不准与国外所谓的“敌对势力”联系。最后,他们告诉他:“你的一言一行、一举一动都在我们的监控之下。”

八、一个人究竟要被追踪多久?

我常常在想:

一个人已经为自己的过去付出了代价,为什么几十年以后仍然不能获得真正的自由?

如果一个国家的法律已经作出了判决,那么刑期结束以后,一个人是不是应该重新获得正常生活的权利?

如果一个人已经年老,几十年前的事情仍然被重新翻出来,重新建立档案,重新进行监控,那么这种控制究竟什么时候才会结束?

这些问题,我没有答案。

但是,我知道我自己亲眼看到过什么。

我知道吴俊经历过什么。

我也知道,在那个年代,有很多人因为说了一句话、写了一张大字报、参加了一次讨论,甚至只是因为与某个人认识,就改变了自己一生的命运。

九、我为什么要把它写下来

我写这些,不是为了仇恨。

恰恰相反,我认为一个民族如果真正希望走向未来,就必须敢于面对自己的历史。

历史不是为了报复。历史是为了记住。

一个社会如果忘记了曾经发生过什么,那么同样的悲剧就可能再次发生。

我不是历史学家,也不是政治学者。我只是一个亲身经历过那个年代的人。

我的文化程度并不高,我没有华丽的语言,也没有能力把这些事情写得非常漂亮。

但是,我愿意把自己知道的事情讲出来。

因为我相信:

真实本身,就有力量。

有些伤口已经过去三十多年,表面上也许已经愈合。但是,在那些曾经经历过的人心里,它们可能从来没有真正消失。

这就是我为什么要记录这段历史。

不是为了让下一代生活在仇恨里,而是希望下一代能够生活在一个不再因为思想、言论和政治观点而失去自由的世界里。

让历史被看见,让受难者被记住,让自由更加珍贵。

这,就是我写下这段故事的意义。

编辑:张致君 校对:孔祥庆 翻译:戈冰

Under the Iron Curtain

Thirty-Six Years of a Single Life

A First-Hand Account of Political Persecution, Surveillance, and Transformed Fate After 1989

By Wang Lijun

November 2025: Surveillance Resurfaces After More Than Three Decades

On a day in November 2025, more than thirty years later, Wu Jun was once again taken away by local domestic security officers.

He never expected that the political storm of his youth, though more than three decades past, had left him with a political label that still failed to vanish from his life.

He was photographed anew, his fingerprints were collected, his voice was recorded, and he was required to write out a full account of his experiences over the past thirty-plus years. The police told him that this was necessary because his identity dossier needed to be re-established.

More than thirty years have passed, turning a young man into an elder, yet that invisible hand appears never to have let go.

This brings back memories of 1989, and of the people and events around us in the years that followed.

This is no mere tale from a history textbook.

This is a life I personally experienced and witnessed with my own eyes.

I. The Spring of 1989

At the turn of spring and summer in 1989, I was working in the Research Office of Hubei University of Automotive Technology.

That year, great changes took place on campus. Students, teachers, and visitors from outside were everywhere. Big-character posters, small-character posters, debates, broadcasts, and various discussions filled the campus. Young people were full of hope for the nation’s future and began to reflect earnestly on where China should head.

I got to know Wu Jun. Wu Jun was an outstanding graduate from the Department of Mathematics at Wuhan University and had been the top scorer in the National College Entrance Examination for Songzi County, Hubei Province that year. After graduating from university, he came to the Department of Basic Courses at Hubei University of Automotive Technology to teach mathematics.

In the past, I was not someone who cared particularly about politics. My parents had also repeatedly warned me not to take part in political activities. However, when society as a whole is undergoing monumental changes, it is difficult for an ordinary person to remain entirely uninvolved.

Some young teachers and I began discussing what was happening in Beijing. The young people hoped that the country would change, that corruption would be fought, and that China would have a better future.

Yet, having experienced the “Cultural Revolution” since childhood, I harbored a fear of the consequences brought by political movements—a fear distinct from that of the younger generation. My father had once taken part in the revolution and had also been through multiple political movements. He warned me not to participate in political activities because political movements could bring severe consequences.

It was not until everything that subsequently unfolded took place that I truly came to understand my father’s worries from back then.

II. A Speech from the Rostrum

One day, I arrived near the school auditorium. Inside, there were many students. A student who recognized me saw me and called out, “Teacher Wang, you are here. Come on in.”

Surrounded by the students in this manner, I walked into the auditorium and was even pushed onto the rostrum. They asked me to say a few words.

I was unprepared, nor did I expect there to be so many video cameras and photo cameras.

I stood there, looked at the young students, and said to them: Your intentions may be good, and you hope to combat corruption and wish for the country to become better. However, you are still young; have you ever thought about the consequences of participating in a political movement?

I told them that based on my past experiences and the experience of my parents’ generation, the consequences of a political movement could be extremely severe.

I even asked them, “Have you ever thought about death?”

The venue suddenly fell silent.

I told them that if they had not prepared themselves for sacrifice, they should go back and complete their studies. If they had already decided to continue, they must know what they might face.

When I spoke those words at the time, it was not because I wished for them to come to harm, but precisely because I hoped these young people could protect themselves.

However, I never imagined that those video cameras had already recorded it all. Later, these video images and my speech became an inescapable part of my life.

III. After June, the Campus Suddenly Fell Silent

After June 1989, the campus changed completely.

When I visited the young faculty dormitories again, the past hustle and bustle had vanished. The hallways were extraordinarily quiet. I knocked on one door after another, only to find that many young teachers had already left.

Later, I was arrested and sentenced to fixed-term imprisonment.

During the interrogations, public security officers asked me, “How did you know that shots would be fired in Beijing?”

I replied, “Because it had already happened.”

They continued to ask me who I had contact with in Beijing. I said that I had no contact with anyone. They even asked me whether I knew Zhao Ziyang, Deng Xiaoping, or Li Peng. I said, “I know their names, but they do not know me.”

During one interrogation, someone told me, “We are not settling accounts with you after the autumn harvest; we are settling accounts with you in the winter.”

To this day, I still remember those words.

IV. Wu Jun’s Choice

Wu Jun and I were quite close. During that period in 1989, we often discussed the state of the nation and the situation in Beijing in his dormitory room. He knew my viewpoints, and I knew his thoughts.

Later, when news of the armed crackdown in Beijing arrived, Wu Jun was deeply shocked. When he heard that I had been arrested, he did a certain thing.

On June 4, 1990, he posted a big-character poster at the school gate, demanding that the government release me.

This big-character poster quickly drew the attention of the public security departments. Later, Wu Jun was also arrested. According to my understanding, he was ultimately sentenced to one year of fixed-term imprisonment on charges of “counter-revolutionary incitement” and deprived of his political rights.

V. Torment in Prison

Wu Jun was short of stature and physically far from strong. Later, I learned that he endured severe torture and abuse in the detention center and prison.

On one occasion, when he was unable to continue manual labor due to his physical condition, the prison officers did not truly allow him to rest; instead, they had other inmates tie him up and hang him from a tree, forcing him to watch the others work.

He also suffered long-term hunger because he was physically weak and lacked the ability to protect his own food.

These experiences cannot be explained merely by an individual’s political views. For an ordinary person, once entering prison, they have already lost the most basic rights of choice in normal life.

After my release from prison, I personally went to pick up Wu Jun. He was no longer that young teacher of university mathematics, once brimming with ideals.

However, I did not abandon him. Because he possessed no other skills to earn a living, I had him join my small team to work, placing him in charge of procurement and certain routine affairs. Later, when moving to Beijing, I brought him along to work in my company.

I did so simply hoping that he could begin his life anew. Yet, for him, a true “fresh start” seemed never to arrive.

VI. Being Released from Prison Does Not Mean Gaining Freedom

Wu Jun later went to many places: Beijing, Qingdao, Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Guangzhou, Guilin…

He once did business, once engaged in writing, and once taught. However, based on what I have long known of his situation, no matter where he went, he lived in fear of being targeted and monitored by national security agencies.

He repeatedly changed his jobs and places of residence due to financial hardship.

An outstanding university mathematics graduate—a man who could have lived a normal life, taught, and provided for a family—was forced to live in constant fear for decades because of a political movement that took place long ago.

This has made me realize more and more clearly:

What is truly terrifying is not merely a single arrest.

What is truly terrifying is that a person’s past may follow them forever.

VII. More Than Thirty Years Later

In November 2025, it happened again.

According to what Wu Jun later told me, local domestic security officers took him away. He was brought into a room to be photographed again, have his fingerprints collected, and be required to leave his personal information anew.

They also made him read a large amount of text aloud to record his voice, and required him to write out his life experiences over the past few decades. He wrote continuously from daytime until past ten o’clock at night. During this time, he had nothing to drink and nothing to eat.

Later, the police told him that they were executing official duties upon receiving orders from higher authorities. The reason given was: because more than thirty years had passed since the original case and his appearance had changed, it was necessary to re-establish his file.

They also told him: “Wherever you go, your case file will follow.”

They warned him not to talk or act out of turn, and not to make contact with so-called “hostile forces” overseas. Finally, they told him: “Your every word, every action, and every move are under our surveillance.”

VIII. Just How Long Must a Person Be Tracked?

I often ponder:

When a person has already paid the price for their past, why can they still not attain true freedom decades later?

If the laws of a country have already handed down a sentence, then after the term of imprisonment ends, shouldn’t a person regain the right to a normal life?

If a person has already grown old, yet events from decades ago are still dug up anew, with dossiers re-established and surveillance resumed, then when exactly will this kind of control ever end?

To these questions, I have no answers.

However, I know what I have seen with my own eyes.

I know what Wu Jun has gone through.

I also know that in that era, many people had the destiny of their entire lives changed simply because they uttered a sentence, posted a big-character poster, joined a discussion, or even merely knew a certain individual.

IX. Why I Write This Down

I write these things not out of hatred.

Quite the contrary, I believe that if a nation truly hopes to move toward the future, it must dare to confront its own history.

History is not for revenge. History is for remembering.

If a society forgets what once happened, the same tragedies may occur all over again.

I am not a historian, nor am I a political scholar. I am simply a person who personally lived through that era.

My level of education is not high, I do not possess florid language, nor do I have the ability to write these matters down with great beauty.

However, I am willing to speak out about the things I know.

Because I believe:

Truth itself possesses power.

Though some wounds are more than thirty years past and may appear healed on the surface, in the hearts of those who lived through them, they may never have truly vanished.

This is why I record this history.

Not to cause the next generation to live in hatred, but in the hope that the next generation may live in a world where freedom is no longer lost on account of thoughts, speech, and political viewpoints.

Let history be seen, let the sufferers be remembered, and let freedom be cherished all the more.

This is the true meaning of why I wrote down this story.

Edited by: Zhang Zhijun Proofread by: Kong Xiangqing Translated by: Ge Bing

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