——反对独裁更要警惕自己成为独裁者
作者：赵雪峰
我们为什么反共？这是一个看似简单，却值得每一位参与民主运动的人认真思考的问题。
有人因为遭受过不公而反共；有人因为个人利益受到侵害而反共；也有人因为看到了中国社会的种种问题而选择反共；也有人为了留在文明社会而反共等等。这些原因都可以理解，但我始终认为，真正有意义的反共，不应该仅仅源于对某个政党的仇恨，而应该源于我们对民主、自由、人权与法治的认同。
我们反对共产党，是因为我们不认同其独裁统治，不认同其权力不受约束，更不认同人民缺乏自由表达和选择政府的权利。我们希望中国人民能够生活在一个自由、民主、法治的社会，能够有尊严地生活，有权利决定自己的未来。因此，我们反对的，不应该只是共产党，而应该是一切形式的独裁与暴政。
如果我们反对中共的反人类罪行，却对普京对乌克兰人民的屠杀视而不见；如果我们反对中共的个人崇拜，却对金正恩的世袭统治保持沉默，那么，我们所坚持的民主原则究竟是什么？
民主价值观不应该有双重标准。不能因为某个独裁者与我们有共同的政治敌人，就选择原谅他的反民主行为。令人遗憾的是，世界上的独裁政权往往能够为了共同利益相互支持，而我在现实中看到的民运人士，却常常因为观点分歧而四分五裂。
现实中我们经常看到一些令人困惑的现象：有人高喊言论自由，却无法容忍不同意见；有人反对政治迫害，却热衷于辱骂、抹黑与自己立场不同的人；有人批评中共制造仇恨，自己却在网络上使用污秽语言，肆意攻击他人。只要别人提出不同观点，就被视为敌人；只要有人提出批评，就被怀疑动机，甚至被扣上“特务”的帽子。很多人即使到了海外，但其思维逻辑还是受“文革”思想残害至今。
当然，每个人都有选择交往对象的自由，也有权利屏蔽不愿接触的人。但如果一个人一边要求言论自由，一边又试图通过羞辱和抹黑让不同意见者闭嘴，那么，他所追求的自由，恐怕只是属于自己的自由。这让我不禁思考：有些人的反共，究竟是出于对民主价值观的认同，还是仅仅因为与共产党存在个人恩怨？
如果一个人反共，仅仅是因为自己不是共产党，那么他的反抗究竟是为了结束暴政，还是为了取而代之？斯大林反纳粹，但这依然不妨碍他大量屠杀苏联人民。
如果一个人在尚未拥有权力时，就已经无法容忍不同意见，那么当他真正掌握权力时，我们又凭什么相信他会尊重民主？中国历史已经给过我们太多这样的教训。历代农民起义，往往始于对暴政与不公的反抗，但旧政权被推翻之后，新建立的政权却常常重新走向专制。朱元璋出身贫寒，深知底层人民的苦难，但建立明朝之后，依然采取严厉的政治控制。太平天国以反抗清朝统治为起点，最终却建立起等级森严、高度集权的统治体系。
历史一次次提醒我们：推翻一个独裁者，并不意味着民主的到来。如果没有民主价值观和制度约束，今天的反抗者，明天也可能成为新的压迫者。因此，我认为海外民主运动不仅需要反对中共，更需要认真反思自身。
我们是否真正理解民主？是否能够尊重不同意见？是否愿意接受批评？是否能够放下个人恩怨，在共同的价值观下寻求合作？民主不是一句口号，而是一种需要身体力行的信念。它意味着宽容、克制、平等，也意味着即使面对自己不喜欢的人，依然愿意尊重他的基本权利。我们可以争论，可以批评，也可以彼此不认同，但不应该因为观点不同，就忘记了最初的理想。
我们追求的，不应该只是一个没有共产党的中国，而应该是一个没有独裁、没有政治迫害、人民能够自由表达、权力受到法律约束的中国。如果缺少民主价值观的支撑，即使有一天共产党不再执政，中国也未必能够迎来真正的自由。因此我认为真正希望改变的，不仅是掌权的人，更是那个让暴政不断重演的历史循环。
编辑：Geoffrey Jin 校对：程筱筱 翻译：周敏
Why Do We Oppose the Communist Party?
— Opposing Dictatorship Requires Even Greater Vigilance Against Becoming a Dictator Oneself
Author: Zhao Xuefeng
Abstract: Truly meaningful opposition to the Communist Party should not stop at hatred toward a specific political party, but should stem from a firm belief in democracy, freedom, human rights, and the rule of law. To oppose dictatorship, one must be even more vigilant against one’s own despotic mindset. Only by respecting different opinions, adhering to democratic principles, and casting aside double standards can we avoid repeating history and ensure that efforts to resist tyranny genuinely lead to freedom rather than another form of despotism.
Why do we oppose the Communist Party? This is a question that seems simple, yet deserves serious reflection from every person participating in the democratic movement.
Some oppose the Communist Party because they have suffered injustices; some oppose it because their personal interests have been harmed; others choose to oppose it because they see various problems in Chinese society; still others oppose it in order to remain in the civilized world, and so on. All these reasons are understandable, but I have always believed that truly meaningful opposition to the Communist Party should not stem merely from hatred toward a particular political party, but should originate from our identification with democracy, freedom, human rights, and the rule of law.
We oppose the Communist Party because we do not identify with its authoritarian rule, we do not identify with its power being free from checks and balances, and even less do we identify with the people lacking the freedom of expression and the right to choose their government. We hope that the Chinese people can live in a society of freedom, democracy, and the rule of law, and that they can live with dignity and the right to determine their own future. Therefore, what we oppose should not be just the Communist Party, but all forms of dictatorship and tyranny.
If we oppose the crimes against humanity committed by the CCP, yet turn a blind eye to Putin’s massacre of the Ukrainian people; if we oppose the cult of personality under the CCP, yet remain silent regarding Kim Jong-un’s hereditary rule, then what on earth are the democratic principles that we uphold?
Democratic values should not have double standards. We cannot choose to excuse a dictator’s anti-democratic behavior simply because he shares a common political enemy with us. Regrettably, the dictatorial regimes of the world are often able to support one another for mutual interests, whereas the pro-democracy figures I see in reality are often torn apart by differences in viewpoints.
In reality, we frequently observe some puzzling phenomena: some people shout slogans for freedom of speech yet cannot tolerate differing opinions; some oppose political persecution yet are keen on hurling abuse, smearing, and defaming those whose stances differ from their own; some criticize the CCP for manufacturing hatred, yet use foul language on the internet and wantonly attack others. As long as someone else puts forward a different viewpoint, they are treated as an enemy; as long as someone offers criticism, their motives are doubted, or they are even labeled as “secret agents.” Even after arriving overseas, the thinking and logic of many people remain corrupted by the “Cultural Revolution” to this day.
Of course, everyone has the freedom to choose their associates and the right to block people they do not wish to contact. However, if a person simultaneously demands freedom of freedom of speech while attempting to force those with different opinions to shut up through humiliation and smearing, then the freedom they pursue is probably only freedom for themselves. This cannot help but make me wonder: is the anti-communist stance of some people born out of an identification with democratic values, or is it merely due to a personal grievance against the Communist Party?
If a person opposes the Communist Party simply because they are not communists themselves, is their resistance aimed at ending tyranny, or at replacing it? Stalin opposed the Nazis, but that still did not prevent him from massacring the Soviet people on a massive scale.
If a person, before yet possessing power, is already incapable of tolerating different opinions, then when they truly grasp power, by what logic should we believe that they will respect democracy? Chinese history has already given us far too many such lessons. Successive peasant uprisings often began with resistance against tyranny and injustice, but after the old regime was overthrown, the newly established regime frequently walked back toward despotism. Zhu Yuanzhang came from an impoverished background and deeply understood the suffering of the people at the bottom, yet after founding the Ming Dynasty, he still adopted strict political controls. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom started out by resisting Qing rule, but ultimately established an autocracy characterized by rigid hierarchies and high centralization.
History reminds us time and again: overthrowing a dictator does not signify the arrival of democracy. Without democratic values and institutional constraints, today’s resisters may well become tomorrow’s new oppressors. Therefore, I believe the overseas democratic movement not only needs to oppose the CCP, but also needs to earnestly reflect upon itself.
Do we truly understand democracy? Can we respect different opinions? Are we willing to accept criticism? Can we put aside personal grievances and seek cooperation under shared values? Democracy is not a mere slogan, but a conviction that must be practiced with one’s body. It signifies tolerance, restraint, and equality; it also means that even when facing people we do not like, we remain willing to respect their basic rights. We can debate, we can criticize, and we can disagree with one another, but we should not forget our original ideals simply because of differing viewpoints.
What we pursue should not merely be a China without the Communist Party, but a China without dictatorship and without political persecution, where the people can express themselves freely and power is constrained by the rule of law. If supported by a lack of democratic values, even if the Communist Party were to step down from power one day, China might still fail to usher in true freedom. Therefore, I believe what truly needs to change is not just the people in power, but the historical cycle that continually makes tyranny repeat itself.
Editor: Geoffrey Jin Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Zhou Min
