作者：宇宙大觀
編輯：鍾然 責任編輯：劉芳 校對：程筱筱 翻译：彭小梅
村山富市，日本前首相，出身平民，是戰後日本少有的平民政治家。他為人溫和謙遜，作風誠懇，重視多元意見和民主討論。村山富市最大的政治遺產就是他在首相任上發表的《村山談話》，反省日本在二戰中的＂植民地支配＂和＂侵略＂的歷史錯誤，對岸中共政權則表示“歡迎”，至今要求日本政府“奉守”云云。在我看來，村山大愛的純徹明朗，恰恰映襯出中共邪惡之陰黑骯髒。
《村山談話》反映了日本人對二戰的反省思考，在民主多元環境下，只是其中的一元，村山先生必須面對各種不同意見的質疑和反對。從當年新手議員高市早苗到大學生，多有當面對話辯論，村山先生溫文尔雅平和待人等優質人格溢於言表。更重要的是作為出身平民回歸平民的政治家，沒有任何對權益的執著依戀，他的居家依然是一直以來的平民小屋，我每每陪中國人造訪這位日本前首相之家，無人不感慨這連中國一個村長都不如⋯⋯我與村山先生的交往，除了感受到老人家對中國人的友善，就是內心無欲之純靜。這對我是最重要的感染所在，得以用來維護自己的獨立人格。
但與村山先生一樣，許多強調“日中友好”的日本人，注重於自己的歷史內省和良好願望，缺乏或不願對對岸中共政權邪惡本質作更多了解，以為“以心傳心”，傳達善意即可，這樣很容易落入中共的陷阱，被邪惡利用。
中共的邪惡是深不見底的，它們利用日本侵華偽裝抗日壯大自己，翅膀一硬叛亂奪權：它們高宣民主蛊惑人民一旦奪權便將人民權利剝奪殆盡，任意打殺搶掠；它們自稱“無產階級革命”、“為人民服務”，個個把自己搞成超級資產階級腐敗分子再用金錢腐化他人；它們從“謝日”到“反日”要求日本不忘歷史而它們自己殘害中國人的罪行則一律掩蓋抵賴；它們所有的承諾都是陰謀詭計，唯用不受任何制約的“超限戰”來對付它認為的障礙；由於它挾持廣大國土和龐大人口加上軍力，外部無奈它何，連對全世界發動生化戰爭的罪責也無法追究⋯⋯
我曾向村山富市先生推薦王康們的“浩氣長流”，表示中華民國才是日中戰爭時的中方，請他為“浩氣長流”畫冊題了辭；我也曾向村山先生贈送過陳破空的書籍，請他對中共多作了解；後來我也向他贈送了我的《中國人權英雄畫傳》一書，由於老先生早就了解了我的父親早年被共匪害死的事情，對我的反共表示了一定的理解⋯⋯
《村山談話》的最後一段“必須推廣和平的理念和民主主義”，中共是加以無視的，因為它們獨裁上瘾，崇尚暴力和陰謀詭計，越來越黨軍國主義，在邪惡的黑道上越發加速，進而與其它獨裁邪惡勢力狼狽為奸，成為當今文明世界的最大威脅。
《村山談話》作為一個日本官宣文件自有其歷史地位，但中共的無盡邪惡被不斷暴露，促使日本民意向反中共國的方向變動，也是民主政治的自主優化之必然。
Murayama’s Goodwill and the CCP’s Evil
Author: Yu Zhou Da Guan
Edited:Zhong Ran Managing Editor: Liu Fang Proofread: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translated: Xiaomei Peng
Abstract:Using the Murayama Statement as a point of reflection, this essay praises former Japanese Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama for his courage and moral integrity in acknowledging Japan’s wartime aggression. At the same time, it condemns the hypocrisy and malice of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which manipulates history for its own political agenda. The author calls on Japan to remain alert to the CCP’s true nature and to uphold the principles of democracy and peace.
Former Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama was one of the few postwar Japanese leaders who truly rose from among the people. Mild in temperament, humble in manner, and sincere in conduct, Murayama valued open discussion and democratic diversity. His greatest political legacy was the Murayama Statement, in which he publicly acknowledged and apologized for Japan’s “colonial rule and aggression” during World War II. The CCP government across the sea claimed to “welcome” the statement and continues to demand that Japan “adhere” to it. Yet to me, Murayama’s sincere moral courage and his transparent compassion only serve to highlight the CCP’s darkness and deceit.
The Murayama Statement reflects Japan’s pluralistic self-examination of its wartime past within a democratic society. Murayama faced questions and criticism from all sides—from new Diet members such as Sanae Takaichi to outspoken university students—and he always responded with calmness and grace. His gentlemanly demeanor and moral integrity were unmistakable.
More importantly, Murayama was a man who came from ordinary people and returned to them. He never sought privilege or wealth; his modest home remained unchanged even after serving as prime minister. Every time I accompanied Chinese visitors to his residence, they were deeply moved—many remarked that even a village chief in China lived far more lavishly.In all my interactions with Murayama, I sensed only his goodwill toward Chinese people and his inner peace born of detachment from personal gain. That purity deeply influenced me and strengthened my own sense of moral independence.
However, like Murayama, many Japanese who emphasize “Sino-Japanese friendship” focus mainly on their own historical reflection and goodwill, while neglecting—or refusing—to recognize the evil nature of the CCP. Believing that “heart-to-heart understanding” can bridge political divides, they often fall into the CCP’s trap and become instruments of its manipulation.
The CCP’s evil is unfathomable. It exploited Japan’s invasion of China to masquerade as a resistance force, then betrayed its allies and seized power through violence. It once shouted slogans of “democracy” to deceive the masses, only to strip the people of all rights once in control. It called itself “the proletarian revolution” and claimed to “serve the people,” yet its leaders became the most corrupt elite, using money to corrupt others. From “gratitude to Japan” to “anti-Japanese nationalism,” it has cynically demanded that Japan “never forget history,” while covering up its own atrocities against the Chinese people. Every promise it makes conceals a conspiracy. It practices unrestricted warfare against anything it sees as an obstacle—without moral or legal restraint.Backed by vast land, population, and military power, it faces little accountability from the outside world—not even for unleashing a global biological catastrophe.
I once recommended to Mr. Murayama the historical art collection The Flow of Heroic Spirit by Wang Kang, emphasizing that the Republic of China (Taiwan), not the CCP, was the legitimate Chinese government during the war. He kindly wrote an inscription for it. I also gifted him books by Chen Pokong to help him understand the CCP’s true nature, as well as my own work Portraits of China’s Human Rights Heroes. Knowing that my father had been killed by the communists in his youth, Mr. Murayama expressed genuine sympathy and understanding for my anti-communist position.
The closing line of the Murayama Statement— “We must spread the ideals of peace and democracy”—has been completely ignored by the CCP. Addicted to dictatorship, it glorifies violence and conspiracy, marching ever deeper into militarism and tyranny. It now conspires with other authoritarian regimes, forming an unholy alliance that threatens the civilized world.
While the Murayama Statement retains its historical value as an official declaration of Japan, the CCP’s ever-exposed crimes have gradually shifted Japanese public opinion toward rejecting the communist regime. This evolution represents the natural self-correction of a healthy democracy.
