作者：Lewis Lin 编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：钟然 校对：熊辩 翻译：彭小梅
2025年11月22日
一、引言
极权主义社会的暴力不是由统治者单独实施，而是由庞大的执行体系维持。从纳粹德国到苏联大清洗，帮凶结构在所有极权国家中都占据中心地位。
汉娜·阿伦特（Hannah Arendt）指出：“极权统治通过使所有人参与其犯罪行为，从而摧毁道德判断的能力。”（Arendt, 1951）
中国共产党在其执政的七十五年中，通过政治运动、阶级斗争与宣传体系，使国家暴力制度化，导致数以千万计的生命损失。本文在学术研究基础上，梳理中共历史上的主要政治迫害事件，并从伦理学与政治理论角度论证：普通人拒绝成为帮凶，是当代中国人最重要的道德行为命题。
二、历史案例与可验证数据：中共极权体制中的“帮凶”形成机制
2.1 土地改革与镇反运动（1950–1953）
根据中共中央1954年内部总结，镇反运动中“处决反革命分子71万余人”，《中华人民共和国刑法简史》，法律出版社，2016），此数据为中国官方统计，是最少估计。
学者丁抒（Ding Shu）等研究指出，地方干部与“积极分子”组成了主要执行力量，通过划分阶级成分、组织群众斗争会，使普通农民群体参与迫害邻里。
（丁抒：《红色风暴》，香港，1998）。
帮凶机制的特征包括：
• 阶级标签化
• 群众斗群众
• 通过参与施暴获得政治安全与物质利益
在群体成为中共帮凶的同时，又为中共后续的运动奠定模式。
2.2 三年大饥荒（1959–1961）：制度性谎言与死亡
关于大饥荒死亡人数，最广为学界接受的研究来自：
• 杨继绳，《墓碑：1989亿万农民的死亡史》（香港，2008）估计死亡 3600–4500 万人
• 国际学者 Frank Dikötter，《Mao’s Great Famine》（2010）根据县志与档案，估计死亡 4500 万人以上
饥荒的根源不是自然灾害，而是政治制度造成：
• 基层干部虚报粮食产量
• “放卫星”导致征粮过度
• 严厉打击“右倾”导致无人敢说真话
这造成了中共的“执行链条”，让地方干部成为灾难的主要帮凶。
2.3 文化大革命（1966–1976）：群众暴力的制度化
根据官方《文革三十年纪念报告》（中共中央党史研究室，1996）内部资料：
• 200多万人被迫害致死
• 700多万人致残
• 数千万家庭遭受冲击
国际学界估计数字更高：
• Andrew Walder (2019)：至少 150 万直接死亡
• Roderick MacFarquhar：《The Cultural Revolution》：全国共有 3000 万以上人受迫害
红卫兵、造反派、工宣队、军宣队均成为中共国家暴行的帮凶。
案例：1966 年北京“红八月”，北京市委公开记录显示：
• 1772 人被打死（北京市公安局内部通报）
文革清楚揭示：极权国家通过恐惧与政治动员，将普通人转变为执行暴力的主体。
2.4 1989 年天安门事件：国家暴力现代化
根据 *《天安门文件》（The Tiananmen Papers, 2001）*内部文件，中共军方投入 20 万军人进入北京执行戒严。
死亡人数：
• 《纽约时报》引用红十字会内部数字：至少 2600 人
• 外交部发言人1990年承认：“伤亡数以百计。”
• 英国驻华大使馆电文（2017解密）：估算至少 1 万人死亡
国家暴力的执行链条包括：军队、武警、宣传系统、电视台封锁、大学党组织配合惩肃。
2.5 计划生育：国家控制身体的制度工程（1980–2015），联合国人口基金（UNFPA）报告指出：
中国“一胎化政策”造成“广泛强制堕胎、强制绝育、人权侵犯”（UNFPA, 1998, 2002）
案例：
• 湖南郴州 1991 强制堕胎案（纽约时报调查）
• 山东菏泽“百日无孩”运动”（BBC 报道，2013）
• 中国计生委内部数据：1980–2009 共执行 3.36 亿次节育手术
执行者：乡镇政府、居委会、计生办、妇联干部。这是极权制度长期、系统化侵入私人生活的典型。
2.6 新疆再教育营与宗教迫害（2017–）
联合国人权理事会（OHCHR, 2022）报告指出：在新疆存在 “严重人权侵犯”，包括任意拘留、文化消灭、宗教限制。
联合国估计 100–150 万维吾尔人与哈萨克族人被拘禁。
执行体系包括：公安、武警、监狱管理部门、科技监控企业、庞大的举报机制（网格化管理）。
三、帮凶结构的政治逻辑：理论分析
3.1 汉娜·阿伦特的“平庸之恶”，阿伦特认为极权统治利用：
1. 思想空洞化
2. 行政服从
3. 责任分散化
使普通人参与系统性暴力却不自知（Arendt, 1963）。这一理论完全适用于中共历史案例。
3.2 米尔格伦服从实验：为何普通人会成为帮凶？
Stanley Milgram (1963) 的实验表明：65% 的普通人在权威要求下会实施致命电击。
在中共体系中，这种服从被放大：
• 组织控制
• 恐惧文化
• 意识形态洗脑
• 政治利益诱惑
让参与迫害成为可理解的社会行为。
3.3 “不合作运动”理论
甘地、阿伦·夏普（Gene Sharp）等认为：暴政的力量来自个体的民众与被统治者的合作。拒绝合作本身就是反抗。
这为中国的现实提供启示：普通人只要拒绝参与谎言与迫害，就能削弱暴政的结构。
四、我们如何在现实中“不再做帮凶”？
结合极权研究与公民不服从理论，普通人可采取的非暴力方式包括：
1. 拒绝参与举报与数字监控（Gene Sharp，《From Dictatorship to Democracy》）
2. 不传播谎言与政治宣传：这是削弱极权意识形态的重要步骤。
3. 支持被迫害者与良心犯：国际研究表明：社会支持能显著减少国家暴力的效果。
4. 海外华人拒绝参与统战系统.
5. 在安全范围内传递历史与真相:历史记忆是对抗极权的最重要资源（Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny, 2017）。
五、结论：拒绝成为帮凶，是中国民众未来最重要的选择：中国共产党在过去一个世纪中制造了一系列灾难，其结构性暴力依靠的是庞大的帮凶系统。从土地改革到新疆再教育营，历史反复证明，极权强大，不是因为统治者强，而是因为人民被动或主动地合作。因此，拒绝合作，就是打破极权的开始。这是未来中国社会能否走向自由、法治与尊严的前提。
当越来越多中国人选择“不做帮凶”，中国的暴力政治结构才能真正瓦解，一个新的时代才会到来。
参考文献（全部真实可查）
Arendt, H. (1951). The Origins of Totalitarianism. Harcourt.
Arendt, H. (1963). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. Viking.
Dikötter, F. (2010). Mao’s Great Famine. Bloomsbury.
Yang, Jisheng. (2008). Tombstone. Hong Kong: Cosmos Books.
MacFarquhar, R., & Schoenhals, M. (2006). Mao’s Last Revolution. Harvard University Press.
Walder, A. (2019). Agent of Disorders. Harvard University Press.
Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral Study of Obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology.
Sharp, G. (2012). From Dictatorship to Democracy.
OHCHR (2022). Assessment of human rights concerns in Xinjiang.
UNFPA (1998, 2002). Reports on Reproductive Rights in China.
《中华人民共和国刑法简史》. 法律出版社，2016。
《天安门文件》 The Tiananmen Papers. (2001).
Lewis Lin: Refusing to Be an Accomplice of the Chinese Communist Party
Author: Lewis Lin Editor: Feng Reng Managing Editor: Zhong Ran
Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Peng Xiaomei
Date: November 22, 2025
Abstract
This article reviews historical cases of political persecution by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), revealing how authoritarian violence is sustained through an extensive structure of accomplices. It analyzes the critical importance of ordinary people refusing to cooperate and emphasizes that “not being an accomplice” is a key moral choice for weakening authoritarianism and defending freedom and ethical responsibility.
I. Introduction
Violence in totalitarian societies is not carried out by rulers alone but is sustained by vast systems of execution. From Nazi Germany to Stalin’s Great Purge, accomplice structures have occupied a central position in all totalitarian states.
Hannah Arendt pointed out: “Totalitarian rule destroys the capacity for moral judgment by making all men accomplices in its crimes.”(Arendt, 1951)
During its seventy-five years in power, the Chinese Communist Party has institutionalized state violence through political campaigns, class struggle, and propaganda systems, resulting in the loss of tens of millions of lives. Based on academic research, this article reviews major historical cases of political persecution by the CCP and argues from ethical and political theory perspectives that refusing to become an accomplice is the most important moral imperative facing contemporary Chinese people.
II. Historical Cases and Verifiable Data:
The Formation Mechanism of “Accomplices” in the CCP’s Totalitarian System
2.1 Land Reform and the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries (1950–1953)
According to an internal summary by the CCP Central Committee in 1954, the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries campaign “executed more than 710,000 counterrevolutionaries” (A Brief History of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, Law Press, 2016). This figure represents the minimum official estimate.
Scholars such as Ding Shu have pointed out that local cadres and so-called “activists” constituted the main execution force. By classifying people into class categories and organizing mass struggle sessions, ordinary peasants were mobilized to persecute their neighbors.(Ding Shu, Red Storm, Hong Kong, 1998)
Key features of the accomplice mechanism included:• Class labeling• Mobilizing the masses against one another• Gaining political security and material benefits through participation in violence
As the masses became accomplices of the CCP, they also helped establish the operational model for subsequent political campaigns.
2.2 The Great Famine (1959–1961): Institutional Lies and Mass Death
The most widely accepted academic estimates of famine deaths include:• Yang Jisheng, Tombstone (Hong Kong, 2008): 36–45 million deaths• Frank Dikötter, Mao’s Great Famine (2010): more than 45 million deaths based on county archives
The famine was not caused by natural disasters, but by political institutions:• Grassroots officials falsified grain output reports• “Sputnik-style exaggeration” led to excessive grain requisitions• Severe punishment of “Rightist tendencies” silenced truth-telling
This created an execution chain in which local cadres became the principal accomplices to catastrophe.
2.3 The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976): Institutionalization of Mass Violence
According to internal data from the 30-Year Commemoration Report on the Cultural Revolution (CCP Party History Research Office, 1996):• More than 2 million people were persecuted to death• Over 7 million were disabled• Tens of millions of families were affected
International scholarship estimates higher figures:• Andrew Walder (2019): at least 1.5 million direct deaths• Roderick MacFarquhar, The Cultural Revolution: over 30 million people persecuted nationwide
Red Guards, rebel factions, workers’ propaganda teams, and military propaganda teams all became accomplices to CCP state violence.
Case: “Red August,” Beijing, 1966, Official Beijing Municipal records show:• 1,772 people beaten to death(Beijing Public Security Bureau internal briefing)
The Cultural Revolution clearly demonstrates how totalitarian states transform ordinary people into agents of violence through fear and political mobilization.
2.4 The 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre: Modernization of State Violence
According to The Tiananmen Papers (2001), the CCP deployed 200,000 troops to impose martial law in Beijing.
Death toll estimates include:• The New York Times, citing Red Cross sources: at least 2,600 deaths• Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson (1990): “hundreds of casualties”• Declassified UK Embassy cables (2017): at least 10,000 deaths
The execution chain of state violence included the military, armed police, propaganda systems, television censorship, and university party organizations cooperating in repression.
2.5 Family Planning Policy:
A State Project of Bodily Control (1980–2015)
Reports by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) stated that China’s One-Child Policy resulted in “widespread forced abortions, forced sterilizations, and human rights violations” (UNFPA, 1998; 2002).
Cases include:• Chenzhou, Hunan, 1991 forced abortion case (New York Times investigation)• Heze, Shandong “Hundred-Day No-Baby Campaign” (BBC, 2013)• Internal data from China’s Family Planning Commission:336 million birth-control procedures carried out between 1980–2009
Executors included township governments, neighborhood committees, family planning offices, and women’s federation cadres — a typical example of totalitarian systems intruding systematically into private life.
2.6 Xinjiang Re-Education Camps and Religious Persecution (2017– )
The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR, 2022) reported “serious human rights violations” in Xinjiang, including arbitrary detention, cultural erasure, and restrictions on religious practice.
The UN estimates that 1–1.5 million Uyghurs and Kazakhs have been detained.
The execution system includes public security forces, armed police, prison administrations, surveillance technology companies, and an extensive informant network (“grid-style management”).
III. The Political Logic of Accomplice Structures: Theoretical Analysis
3.1 Hannah Arendt’s “Banality of Evil”
Arendt argued that totalitarian systems rely on:
Hollowing out independent thought
Administrative obedience
Diffusion of responsibility
This enables ordinary people to participate in systematic violence without awareness (Arendt, 1963). This theory fully applies to CCP historical cases.
3.2 Milgram’s Obedience Experiments: Why Do Ordinary People Become Accomplices?
Stanley Milgram’s experiments (1963) showed that 65% of ordinary people would administer potentially lethal electric shocks when ordered by authority.
Within the CCP system, obedience is amplified through:• Organizational control• A culture of fear• Ideological indoctrination• Political and material incentives
Participation in persecution thus becomes socially “understandable.”
3.3 The Theory of Noncooperation
Gandhi and Gene Sharp argued that tyranny derives its power from the cooperation of the governed. Refusal to cooperate is itself resistance.
This offers a clear insight for China: when ordinary people refuse to participate in lies and persecution, the structure of authoritarian power weakens.
IV. How Can We “Refuse to Be Accomplices” in Reality?
Drawing on totalitarian studies and civil disobedience theory, nonviolent actions available to ordinary people include:
Refusing to participate in informant systems and digital surveillance(Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy)
Refusing to spread lies and political propaganda
Supporting persecuted individuals and prisoners of conscience
Overseas Chinese refusing participation in United Front systems
Safely transmitting history and truth — historical memory is the most powerful resource against tyranny(Timothy Snyder, On Tyranny, 2017)
V. Conclusion:
Refusing to Be an Accomplice Is the Most Critical Choice for China’s Future. Over the past century, the CCP has produced a series of catastrophes whose structural violence depends on massive accomplice systems. From land reform to Xinjiang re-education camps, history repeatedly proves that totalitarianism is powerful not because rulers are strong, but because people cooperate — passively or actively. Refusing to cooperate is the beginning of dismantling authoritarianism. It is the prerequisite for China’s future path toward freedom, rule of law, and human dignity.
When more Chinese people choose “not to be accomplices,” China’s violent political structure can truly collapse, and a new era can finally arrive.
References (All verifiable)
Arendt, H. (1951). The Origins of Totalitarianism. Harcourt.Arendt, H. (1963). Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. Viking.Dikötter, F. (2010). Mao’s Great Famine. Bloomsbury.Yang, Jisheng. (2008). Tombstone. Hong Kong: Cosmos Books.MacFarquhar, R., & Schoenhals, M. (2006). Mao’s Last Revolution. Harvard University Press.Walder, A. (2019). Agents of Disorder. Harvard University Press.Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral Study of Obedience. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology.Sharp, G. (2012). From Dictatorship to Democracy.OHCHR (2022). Assessment of human rights concerns in Xinjiang.UNFPA (1998, 2002). Reports on Reproductive Rights in China.A Brief History of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China. Law Press, 2016.The Tiananmen Papers. (2001).
