作者：周兰英
【现场报道】2026年9月13日，中国民主党全国联合总部召开特别会议。会议围绕组织建设、部门职能、人员分工以及下一阶段工作安排等事项进行了讨论和部署。中国民主党全国联合总部主席郑存柱发表讲话，中国民主党创党人之一朱虞夫、顾问王希哲分别在会上发言。
执委会主席郭岚、执委会副主席唐立春、李之洋、秘书长韩磊也分别发言，就各自负责的工作及下一阶段计划表达意见。会议同时听取了王希哲顾问关于日前赴香港“投案”、声援香港支联会李卓人等人的情况介绍。王希哲详细讲述了自己从美国启程前往香港，抵达香港国际机场后遭入境部门盘查、留置，并最终被拒绝入境的整个过程。
郑存柱：进一步完善组织架构和责任分工
中国民主党全国联合总部主席郑存柱在讲话中，围绕组织发展、部门协调、人员职责以及下一阶段工作安排等问题作出说明。会议进一步完善了相关部门人员的职能分配和工作安排，对各部门职责范围、工作重点以及相互之间的协调机制进行了梳理。
郑存柱谈到，要把中国民主党全联总建设成为一个真正能够发挥作用的反对党，需要建立更加明确的职能体系和责任分工，同时形成有效的组织协调机制。随着各项工作的推进，各职能部门之间应进一步加强沟通与配合，明确各自职责，使具体工作落实到人、相关责任落实到位，有助于理顺内部工作关系、明确责任，并为今后各项工作的开展建立更加清晰的组织和协调机制。
朱虞夫：坚持民主理念，加强组织建设
中国民主党创党人士朱虞夫先生随后发表讲话。朱虞夫谈到，中国民主运动经历了长期而曲折的发展过程，不少参与者曾因此遭受监禁、打压以及其他压力。如何保存历史记忆、坚持民主理念，并推动组织持续发展，是中国民主运动需要长期面对和思考的问题。
朱虞夫同时谈到组织建设的重要性。他认为，一个政治组织除了需要明确的理念和目标之外，还需要稳定的组织机制、清晰的责任分工，以及成员之间持续有效的沟通与合作。
随后，执委会主席郭岚、执委会副主席唐立春、李之洋、秘书长韩磊分别发言，就相关工作提出自己的意见，并介绍了各自下一阶段的工作计划。
王希哲讲述赴港“投案”经过
会议期间，王希哲顾问重点介绍了自己日前赴香港“投案”、声援香港支联会及李卓人等人的整个过程。王希哲介绍，他于9月7日启程前往香港。此次香港之行之所以称为“投案”，与李卓人此前谈及自己受到“李一哲大字报”启蒙有关。王希哲是“李一哲大字报”的作者之一。王希哲说，既然李卓人表示受到“李一哲大字报”的思想启蒙，那么从这种意义上讲，他认为自己也可以算是李卓人民主思想道路上的启蒙者之一。如果李卓人因为自己的政治活动而被认定有罪，那么作为曾经对其产生思想启蒙影响的人，他愿意公开站出来，承担相应责任。因此，他此次前往香港，希望主动向香港有关司法机构“投案”，以这种具有象征意义的行动表达对李卓人等人的声援。
王希哲抵达香港国际机场后，在办理入境手续过程中受到香港入境部门人员盘查，随后被带往机场入境部门的管控区域。香港有关部门最终通知他不获准进入香港。
面对拒绝入境的决定，王希哲要求香港方面说明理由，并提出希望与有关人员取得联系。他表示，自己此次赴港并非普通旅游，而是希望通过“投案”的方式表达对李卓人等人的关注和声援。此后，他被继续留置在香港机场入境部门的封闭区域内，无法正式进入香港。
遭拒绝入境后与有关方面交涉
王希哲在会议上详细讲述了自己被拒绝入境后，与香港入境部门人员交涉的经过。他表示，在被留置期间，自己曾设法与美国领事方面以及香港有关人士取得联系，希望外界能够了解自己当时所处的情况，并继续表达此次赴港的目的。
在确认香港方面不会允许其入境后，王希哲采取书面方式表达自己的诉求，并将相关材料从香港入境处寄出。最终，香港方面仍拒绝王希哲入境，并安排其乘坐航班返回美国。
王希哲：以“投案”方式表达声援
王希哲认为，香港支联会长期以来所提出的“结束一党专政”等政治诉求，并不是李卓人、邹幸彤、何俊仁等少数几个人的个人行为，而是过去许多年里，大量参加香港六四纪念活动的香港市民曾经共同表达过的政治诉求。因此，在王希哲看来，如果李卓人等人因为这些政治主张和相关活动被认定有罪，那么过去曾经参加相关活动、喊过相同口号的人，从这个逻辑上讲，也面临同样的问题。
王希哲呼吁，八九六四的亲历者以及曾经参加过香港支联会六四纪念活动的香港人士，可以以这种“投案”的方式表达对李卓人、邹幸彤、何俊仁等人的声援，把他此次赴港“投案”的个人行动，进一步发展成为“共罪投案”运动，从而让更多人关注香港民主和法制问题。
他同时提出，中国民主党全国联合总部今后还可以与国际特赦组织以及其他国际人权组织建立联系，争取国际社会对中国民主人士被迫害案件的更多关注。
编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：吕峰
China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters Holds Special Meeting
By Zhou Lanying
On-the-scene report — On September 13, 2026, the China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters held a special meeting. The meeting discussed and made arrangements on organizational development, departmental functions, division of personnel responsibilities, and work plans for the next stage. Zheng Cunzhu, chairman of the China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters, delivered remarks. Zhu Yufu, one of the party’s founders, and adviser Wang Xizhe also spoke.
Executive Committee Chair Guo Lan, Vice Chairs Tang Lichun and Li Zhiyang, and Secretary-General Han Lei also spoke in turn, commenting on the work under their charge and plans for the next stage. The meeting also heard from adviser Wang Xizhe on his recent trip to Hong Kong to “turn himself in” and to express solidarity with Lee Cheuk-yan and others of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China. Wang described in detail his departure from the United States, his arrival at Hong Kong International Airport, questioning and detention by immigration authorities, and his eventual refusal of entry.
Zheng Cunzhu: Further improve the organizational structure and division of responsibility
Zheng Cunzhu focused on organizational development, departmental coordination, personnel duties, and arrangements for the next stage. The meeting further refined the assignment of functions and work plans among relevant departments, and reviewed the scope of each department’s duties, work priorities, and mechanisms for coordination among them.
Zheng said that to build the National Joint Headquarters into an opposition party that can actually function, it is necessary to establish a clearer system of functions and division of responsibility, and to form an effective mechanism for organizational coordination. As work advances, functional departments should strengthen communication and cooperation, clarify their respective duties, assign concrete tasks to specific people, and place corresponding responsibility where it belongs. This will help straighten internal working relationships, clarify accountability, and establish a clearer organizational and coordinating mechanism for future work.
Zhu Yufu: Uphold democratic ideals and strengthen organization-building
Founding figure Zhu Yufu then spoke. He said the Chinese democracy movement has gone through a long and winding course, and that many participants have suffered imprisonment, suppression, and other pressures as a result. How to preserve historical memory, hold to democratic ideals, and keep the organization developing is a question the movement must face over the long term.
Zhu also stressed the importance of organization-building. In his view, a political organization needs not only clear ideals and goals, but also stable organizational mechanisms, a clear division of responsibility, and ongoing effective communication and cooperation among members.
Executive Committee Chair Guo Lan, Vice Chairs Tang Lichun and Li Zhiyang, and Secretary-General Han Lei then spoke in turn, offering views on related work and outlining their plans for the next stage.
Wang Xizhe recounts his Hong Kong “surrender” trip
During the meeting, adviser Wang Xizhe focused on his recent trip to Hong Kong to “turn himself in” and to show solidarity with the Hong Kong Alliance and Lee Cheuk-yan and others. Wang said he set out for Hong Kong on September 7. He called the trip a “surrender” because of remarks Lee Cheuk-yan had previously made about being inspired by the “Li Yizhe big-character poster.” Wang is one of the authors of that poster. Since Lee said he had been intellectually awakened by it, Wang argued that, in that sense, he could also be regarded as one of the people who set Lee on his democratic path. If Lee were judged guilty because of his political activities, then as someone who had once influenced him intellectually, Wang was willing to come forward publicly and accept corresponding responsibility. He therefore went to Hong Kong hoping to “turn himself in” to the relevant Hong Kong judicial authorities, using that symbolic act to express solidarity with Lee and others.
After arriving at Hong Kong International Airport, Wang was questioned by immigration officers while completing entry formalities and was then taken to a restricted area of the airport immigration department. The authorities ultimately informed him that he would not be allowed to enter Hong Kong.
Faced with the refusal of entry, Wang asked Hong Kong authorities to explain the reasons and said he hoped to contact relevant people. He stated that this trip was not ordinary tourism, but an attempt to express concern and solidarity with Lee Cheuk-yan and others by “turning himself in.” He remained detained in the closed immigration area at the airport and was not allowed to enter Hong Kong formally.
Negotiations after being refused entry
Wang described in detail his exchanges with Hong Kong immigration officers after being refused entry. While detained, he said, he tried to contact the U.S. consular side and people in Hong Kong, hoping the outside world would know his situation and that he could continue to state the purpose of his trip.
After it became clear that Hong Kong would not allow him to enter, Wang put his demands in writing and mailed the materials from the immigration office. In the end, Hong Kong still refused him entry and arranged for him to take a flight back to the United States.
Wang Xizhe: Using “surrender” as a form of solidarity
Wang argued that political demands long put forward by the Hong Kong Alliance, such as “end one-party dictatorship,” were not merely the personal acts of a few people such as Lee Cheuk-yan, Chow Hang-tung, and Albert Ho, but demands that large numbers of Hong Kong residents who took part in June Fourth commemorations over many years had jointly expressed. Therefore, in his view, if Lee and others were found guilty because of those political positions and related activities, then people who had taken part in those activities and shouted the same slogans would, by the same logic, face the same problem.
Wang called on those who lived through 1989 and June Fourth, as well as Hong Kong people who had taken part in Alliance June Fourth commemorations, to use this form of “surrender” to express solidarity with Lee Cheuk-yan, Chow Hang-tung, Albert Ho, and others, and to develop his individual “surrender” trip into a “shared-guilt surrender” campaign, so that more people would pay attention to democracy and the rule of law in Hong Kong.
He also proposed that the China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters could in the future establish contact with Amnesty International and other international human rights organizations, and seek greater international attention for cases of persecution of Chinese democracy activists.
Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Lyu Feng
