The China Democracy Party Story (VI): A Surprise Signal from Our Friends in Shandong
作者：朱虞夫
编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰
六、山东朋友突放卫星
1998年9月5日网上传来中国民主党山东筹委会成立的消息，当时传说是已经注册成功了，我们浙江知道这事的可能性不大，因为浙江当时去注册，民政厅也是这么讲的，但是山东朋友“善良的谎言”给许多彷徨中的民运人士带来了勇气，一下子各地的民主党如雨后春笋般亮出旗号来。我们很欣慰，感到“德不孤，必有邻”，从此，我们不再孤军奋战。紧接着，其它省市也纷纷宣布成立，一时蔚为壮观。民间的强力推进给当局造成一定的压力，他们又将王有才抓起来了。
我印象很深刻的是，那天吴义龙来我家，他见到我，兴致勃勃地对我说：“老朱，我带来一个好消息。”我说：“什么好消息啊？”吴说：“我们最想解决的问题，共产党帮助我们解决了：王有才被抓起来了！”我不禁打了一个寒颤，这真是玩政治的高手啊！
12月17日，杭州中级人民法院在少年宫开庭审理王有才，我被上城区政保科，指令闸口派出所将我关在八卦田旅社，到晚上才放回家。我想起王有才7月被抓后放回家时，我叫上王荣清一起去翠苑新村看他，当时我知道，王有才回家是因为国际社会的压力，这个既得利益集团是不会允许任何监督制约他们的社团存在的，他或我们都迟早还会进去的，就提出大家各与王有才一起拍几张照片做个纪念，以后可能没有机会了。
图为朱虞夫探望短暂释放回家的王有才；
果然没多久王策来杭州，记得那天陈光铭给我打电话，邀我去玉泉茶室喝茶，恰巧那天我有事，跑不开，事后就传来消息，王有才、王策和陈光铭在玉泉茶室被警察抓走了。
据说那天王策给了王有才一千美元，这是当局非常忌讳的事情，当年维经斯基就是拿了大把的卢布来中国建立的共产党。江干区政保专门对王荣清说过，要他及时告诉他们这里是不是收到海外的汇款，如果王荣清拿到钱了，他们出面全部没收，事后会把他的钱还给他。王荣清还套出了政保的话：那些没收的钱，办案的警察可以拿到60%的回扣。知道这个情况后，我让王希哲转告《民主论坛》的洪哲胜先生，不要把我的文章稿费（其中有朋友托我投稿的）寄给我，就寄给我日本的四妹。
2008年海外有个姓魏的写了一本书《一众精英，十年历史：我看中国民主党》，在书中说：“海外把支持浙江民主党的经费都寄给了朱虞夫在日本妹妹的账号”，我看到以后，托陈立群向洪先生证实一下，还来不及知道结果，我又关进去了，想必没有此事吧。陈立群是个很正派的人，容不得促狹的事，我如真有这卑污行为，她恐怕早就与我割席了。
当年浙江民主党应该收到过一笔较大的款项：上海姚遵宪在赴美前，将上海的房子卖了，将钱交给吴义龙，当时吴对我说，姚给他一千元钱，我说你先保管着，到时候需要用的时候再说。吴义龙刑释后，找单称峰要这笔钱，单不给，说用掉了。吴义龙一怒之下告诉了毛庆祥，希望毛去找单要。那绝对不会是“一千元”，（2024年8月24日，刘连军召集了一次网上座谈会，上海当年民主党组党人蔡桂华谈起，姚遵宪把卖房子后的20多万元钱捐给了浙江组党）。
人性很难经受金钱的考验，但是浙江同仁前赴后继勇敢向前，几乎都不是为了金钱。特别是聂敏之先生，他把每一笔款项都仔仔细细记录下来，自己不拿半分，却被政保将账本搜走，政保拷问不得，老聂遭遇牢狱之灾，以致殒命。这笔姚遵宪所捐给浙江用于中国民主党运作的巨款（1998年），成为中国民主党组建后的第一个腐败案件，我记录在此，只能留给历史解决了。
1999年春节来了，王东海来我家，邀我大年初二早上去临安。江棋生先生说想见见祝正明和我，地点就在吕耿松的临安亲戚家里。在那里江棋生详细了解了杭州民主党成立发展的过程，江棋生先生是甩掉了跟踪尾巴突然从无锡南下的。他向我们介绍了北京民运的大概情况和他们自由公民运动的情况。下午分手前，我提议去钱王陵游览一下，在那里摄影留念。
图为1999年春节期间，吕耿松安排江棋生与朱虞夫、王东海、祝正明见面，在临安钱王陵留影。
A Surprise Signal from Our Friends in Shandong
Author: Zhu YufuEditor: Hu LiliExecutive Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslation: Lyu Feng
On September 5, 1998, news circulated online that the Shandong Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP) had been established. At the time, there were even rumors that it had successfully registered. Those of us in Zhejiang knew this was unlikely, as the Civil Affairs Department had already rejected our registration attempts. But our friends in Shandong offered what might be called a “benevolent lie,” which nonetheless gave courage to many democracy activists who had been hesitant or disoriented. Almost overnight, CDP branches began to emerge across the country like mushrooms after a rain. We were heartened, feeling that “virtue is never solitary; it is bound to attract companionship.” From that moment, we no longer fought alone.
Soon afterward, other provinces and cities also announced the formation of their own committees, creating a truly spectacular scene. This grassroots momentum placed significant pressure on the authorities, who responded by re-arresting Wang Youcai.
I remember vividly that day when Wu Yilong came to my house. He greeted me with great excitement and said, “Zhu Yufu, I bring good news.” I asked, “What good news?” He replied, “The problem we most wanted to solve, the Communist Party has solved it for us: Wang Youcai has been arrested again!” A chill ran down my spine—what a masterstroke in political maneuvering!
On December 17, the Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court held a trial for Wang Youcai at the Youth Palace. I was detained by the political security unit of Shangcheng District and held at the Bagua Field Hotel under orders from the Zhagkou Police Station. I was not released until that evening. I recalled when Wang Youcai was released home after his initial arrest in July—I had invited Wang Rongqing to visit him with me in Cuiyuan New Village. At that time, I knew his release was due to international pressure. This entrenched interest group would never permit the existence of any organization that could supervise or check their power. I believed that both he and we would eventually be imprisoned again. So, I proposed we all take some photographs with him for posterity, as there might not be another chance.
The photo shows Zhu Yufu visiting Wang Youcai, who had been briefly released home.
Indeed, not long after, Wang Ce came to Hangzhou. I remember that day well—Chen Guangming called to invite me for tea at Yuquan Tea House. Unfortunately, I was tied up with other matters and couldn’t go. Later that day, news came that Wang Youcai, Wang Ce, and Chen Guangming had been arrested at the tea house.
Reportedly, Wang Ce had given Wang Youcai a thousand U.S. dollars—a gesture the authorities found particularly alarming. After all, it was with wads of rubles from Victor Kopp that the Chinese Communist Party had first been founded. The Political Security Office of Jianggan District even warned Wang Rongqing directly, instructing him to inform them immediately if he received remittances from abroad. They said that if he did, they would confiscate the money but reimburse him afterward. Wang Rongqing managed to coax another revelation from them: the officers involved in confiscating such funds could pocket up to 60% as a bonus.
After learning this, I asked Wang Xizhe to pass a message to Mr. Hong Zheshen of Democratic Forum, asking him not to send my article fees (some of which were from submissions by friends) directly to me, but instead to my younger sister in Japan.
In 2008, a man surnamed Wei overseas published a book titled An Elite Group, Ten Years of History: My View of the China Democracy Party. In it, he claimed: “Funds supporting the Zhejiang CDP from overseas were sent to Zhu Yufu’s sister’s account in Japan.” When I read this, I asked Chen Liqun to verify with Mr. Hong, but before I received any response, I was imprisoned again. I assume there was no such transaction. Chen Liqun is a person of integrity and would not tolerate anything underhanded—had I truly engaged in such shameful conduct, I suspect she would have already severed all ties with me.
That said, the Zhejiang branch of the CDP did likely receive a sizable donation: before emigrating to the U.S., Shanghai activist Yao Zunxian sold his house in Shanghai and entrusted the money to Wu Yilong. Wu Yilong once told me that Yao Zunxian had given him 1,000 yuan. I said he should hold onto it until needed. After his release, Wu Yilong sought to retrieve the money from Shan Chengfeng, who refused, claiming it had been spent. Enraged, Wu Yilong informed Mao Qingxiang, hoping Mao Qingxiang would help recover the funds. It’s almost certain the sum was not merely “1,000 yuan.” (In an online forum held on August 24, 2024, organized by Liu Lianjun, Shanghai CDP founding member Cai Guihua stated that Yao Zunxian had donated over 200,000 yuan—the proceeds from selling his house—to the Zhejiang CDP.)
Human nature struggles to withstand the test of money. However, my comrades in Zhejiang pressed forward with courage and self-sacrifice, largely untouched by personal gain. Mr. Nie Minzhi, in particular, meticulously recorded every transaction, never taking a single cent for himself. Tragically, the Political Security officers confiscated his ledger and, unable to extract a confession, imprisoned him—leading to his untimely death. This generous donation from Yao Zunxian, intended to support the operation of the CDP in Zhejiang (1998), became the first corruption case in the party’s history. I record it here and leave it for history to judge.
As the 1999 Spring Festival approached, Wang Donghai visited me and invited me to Lin’an on the second day of the Lunar New Year. Mr. Jiang Qisheng wished to meet Zhu Zhengming and me. We met at the home of one of Lü Gengsong’s relatives in Lin’an. There, Mr. Jiang Qisheng received a detailed briefing on the founding and development of the CDP in Hangzhou. Jiang Qisheng had shaken off surveillance and made a sudden trip south from Wuxi. He shared with us the situation of the pro-democracy movement in Beijing and their “Free Citizens Movement.” Before parting that afternoon, I suggested we visit the tomb of King Qian. We took commemorative photographs there.
The photo was taken during the 1999 Spring Festival, when Lü Gengsong arranged a meeting between Jiang Qisheng, Zhu Yufu, Wang Donghai, and Zhu Zhengming at the Tomb of King Qian in Lin’an.
