作者：姜福祯
编辑：张致君 责任编辑：罗志飞 校对：林小龙 翻译：刘芳
编者按
自1998年中国民主党在浙江首发组党以来，已有27年光景。在这段历史中，早期组党者或沉默不语，或身陷囹圄，或撒手人寰，或选择低调躺平，甚至有人背叛或被招安。今天，当我们回顾那段岁月，既是对历史的梳理，也是对勇气与信念的致敬。
本刊通过朱虞夫与姜福祯的对话，首次较为完整地呈现了浙江民主党组党全过程的细节与秘辛。朱虞夫坦言，王有才最初主张“精英政党”，但浙江组党实践最终形成了“下里巴人”的路线，即坚持实际行动、广泛唤醒民众。正是在他与王炳章、王东海、林牧等人的推动下，民主党的火种在浙江重新点燃，并逐步蔓延至全国。
组党过程中，浙江民主党人直面高压政治环境，冒着被抓捕的风险坚持行动，从上街散发传单、联络老友，到编辑发行《在野党》刊物，每一步都充满艰辛。海外势力的关注与支持，特别是王炳章的启发与推动，成为组党初期不可或缺的动力。
同时，本刊也呈现了民主党成立的复杂渊源：历史上虽有多次名为“中国民主党”的组织尝试，但1998年的组党是独立的历史事件，其意义不仅在于挑战党禁，更在于推动公民政治权利的发展与实践。浙江民主党以行动开路，不以个人职位争斗为先，而是坚持全国联络与群众动员，这种务实精神值得铭记。
这段历史中，不仅有勇敢直前的人，也有选择低调避祸的人；不仅有积极参与的文学青年与民运人士，也有至今不得公开姓名的参与者。他们的经历与选择，构成了中国民主党成立初期真实而丰富的历史画面。
通过本刊，我们希望打捞记忆，还原历史现场，让读者理解：每一段社会进步都源于冒险与坚持，每一份信念都值得被铭记。
姜福祯：我们都是98年中国民主党的组党者，27年过去了，当年组党者或沉默不语，或仍在牢里，或撒手人间，或消极躺平，甚至也有人背叛和被招安。你是浙江首倡组党的重要推手，希望你尽可能讲一下你所知道的浙江组党情况，也算打捞记忆，还原现场吧。
朱虞夫：好的，8月24日我们在刘连军、苏雨桐主持的网上座谈会上几位创党同道有机会一起回忆当年组党情况，今天很高兴继续与你谈谈这件事情。
“下里巴人”朱虞夫
朱虞夫：实际上王有才当年组党是想搞精英政治，“象牙塔”“陽春白雪”，结果被我搞成了“下里巴人”。他主张搞一个有門槛，有文化，有财产的精英政党。
姜福祯：我知道，近年他在民主党海委会当主席时，他也还是这样主张。他说：“我们这些人就算了，以后发展党员沒有几十万收入的不要”。
朱虞夫：当年通过朋友关系，王有才搞了一张浙江处级干部的“花名册”。他主张将联合国《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》和《中国民主党成立宣言》用信件形式发给他们，劝他们参加中国民主党。我劝阻他：“这些人刚爬出泥潭，身上的泥水还沒甩干净，怎么能再跳进泥潭，这太不现实了”
精英政党我们不可能建立，唤醒民众也不是容易的事，但总要有人做。在注册后的第二天，王有才被抓，放回家后被国保监控在家，民主党活动停顿了，王炳章先生非常着急，每天给我来电话，催促我良机莫失。
王有才曾让祝正明印了2000多份《中国民主党成立宣言》，有才被抓后，形势紧张，祝正明认为放我这儿比较安全。正好王炳章建议我上街去发展民主党员，“见一个发展一个”。这做不到，因为大家都害怕，不敢加入。6月30日没人与我一起上街散发传单，我一个人上街发送传单时，也是心里没底的。但是我想事情总要有人做，我能做多少就做多少，而我也有了让中共来抓我的心理准备。那天，我果然就被抓起来了。
“行为艺术”成真
姜福祯：98年公开筹组中国民主党从浙江首发到蔓延全国成势就是一个奇跡，当时浙江的具体情形如何？
朱虞夫：当时浙江省委书记李泽民认为，注册是开玩笑的，不要理他们，过几天就没戏了。
中国民主党公开注册可能吗？一就靠那几个人可能吗？就算只有50个人的名单，也拿不出来的，就只有那么几个热心的人。在注册以前，我已经很明确的讲了，我们和这只猛兽关在一个笼子里，它欺骗国际社会，说它不吃人了，国际社会居然相信了它，但是中国的政治生态没有改善，我们推它一把：要么它退一下，增加我们的生存空间，要么张口吃人，将它的本质暴露给国际社会。他不吃我还不放心。所以当时把我抓起来，我说我就怕你不抓，抓了才有动静啊，抓了才有分量。我们是“哀兵求胜”。
姜福祯：当时的政治环境相对宽松是因为中共要搭乘全球化快车，中共已签署《公民权利与政治权利国际公约》，即便如此，公开注册申请也是一个政治姿态，意在促进公民政治权利，冲击党禁，也就是李泽民认为的“开玩笑”，你说的“行为艺术”。
朱虞夫：还有，如果不是借重国际舆论，如果不是借重克林顿访华，也不会有这次注册。
6月25号中午，王有才一行人出发之前，我正好在王东海家。王东海的太太程云惠挺着个大肚子，马上就要生了，我问王东海如果他今天万一回不来了，他太太谁来照顾？我说把他的名字换成我的。他无论如何不肯换，他说“虞夫啊，阿惠交给你照顾，我放心”。
王有才也对我讲，“虞夫啊，如果我们进去，外面也是需要人的。我们不希望他们把我们一网全部弄到里面去了。”“你们在外面发声营救、接着干。”
我们民主党6月25号去注册，王有才已经安排海外媒体予以关注了，当时王炳章及很多海外民运圈的朋友，他们听到了这个消息以后非常振奋。
6月25号注册大家全身而退，第二天王有才就被抓起来了，8个小时以后回到家里，然后国保就把他封在家里不准他出门了。有一个小警察就坐在他门口监控，阻止他出去。这个时候的民主党组党活动处于停滯状态，因为原来的那些知识分子的朋友，几乎都避祸隐匿了，形势不明朗，谁不怕抓人啊？组党这个是很严重的事情。在这个时候，我“篡党夺权”把民主党的事继续搞下去，改变了王有才的初衷，中共又将我招兵买马，撒豆成兵的“颠覆”行为强加到王有才身上，让他判了重刑。我招来民主墙旧部，群策群力，各尽其能，将火种重新点燃、蔓延，王炳章策应各地兴风作浪，一时间风生水起。要发展民主党的党员，需要到外地去，每个省市都去宣传，都去成立中国民主党，尽量地扩大影响。所以后来我判刑的时候，检控方说海外势力的介入，海外势力就指的是王炳章，清清楚楚。
“海外势力”王炳章
姜福祯：王炳章二月回国推动组党，国内外一些人也都闻声而动。浙江注册申请后海外高度关注，特别是王炳章。我们山东的情况是，我刚出狱不久，还在剥权期，所以我相对低调。听说浙江申请后有人曾计划每月都有一个省市(直辖市)去申请，上海是第二个，可是二个多月过去了，上海沒有申请。八月下旬王炳章急忙给谢万軍打电话催促并嘱庄彦与谢联糸组党事宜，谢答应9月去注册，山东9月6日去注册被允许，鼓舞了各省，引发全国公开组党潮。
朱虞夫：在注册后的第二天，王有才被抓，放回家后被国保监控在家，民主党活动停顿了，王炳章先生非常着急，每天给我来电话，催促我良机莫失。
二月王炳章来浙江时我沒省见到，王炳章是六月注册后与我联系的，当时王炳章、王希哲和林牧都知道民主党是我在实操。
王炳章是行动派，我也是行动派，我们一拍即合，就这样我担负起了浙江民主党继续筹组的工作。林牧先生担忧我的安全，写信让王东海劝我低调。
当时王炳章先生说，趁着这个时间你不要再等待，尽量把它做大做强，他说：“虞夫啊，你到马路上去，这个看到一个就发展一个，像滚雪球一样，你形成势了，他们一下子就不能消除，不能把你们消灭掉。如果你们这几个人他能回过手来把你们弄掉，就没这个戏了，做不下去，没这回事了。”他说的很对。所以我在他的启发之下，在没有人手的情况下，我自己拿了传单到马路上去散发，然后我又去找到我当年就是民主墙时候的老朋友，因为杭州的民主墙1978年，1979年初，是我和我几个朋友一起搞起来。当时加入的很多朋友大家都保持着很好的关系，我就去把这些他们都拉进来。因为当时我们也是公开的、理性的、合理的。当时我告诉你，没什么秘密，你共产党要知道我们什么都告诉你，我们都向你注册了，还要怎么样。
所以王炳章先生是我们中国民主党的孕育者，他是海外民主运动的奠基人，这个他是功不可没的。我非常怀念他。我和王炳章先生打交道是1998年6月组党伊始，他在二月来杭州时就提出来要求我们国内的人组党，但是国内朋友对组党有疑虑，这一点我可以讲，中国民主党的成立和他是分不开的，组党的种子是他播下的。就我个人来说，就是在他的影响之下，才豁出去的。当时海外有很多人在围攻他，我感到非常非常的遗憾。
我当时赞成他这样搞，有我个人的看法：中共一贯欺骗国际社会，我们公开筹组民主党就是要撕开它们的画皮，冲击党禁，就是要冒险试一下深浅，也算以身试法吧。社会的每一个进步都是“犯险”而来的。
姜福祯：我们山东也是这么想，不试，怎么知道能走多远，也已做好做牢准备。
“广交友，缓结社”紧箍咒
姜福祯：我有个問題，你们浙江民主党组党是一个筹委会，还是先后有两个筹委会？一开始是王有才、王东海、林辉三人。
朱虞夫：一个筹委会。有人退出，更多的加入。我和王荣清、毛庆祥、戚惠民、李锡安、吴义龙、祝正明搭起框架，再后来聂敏之、杨建民、池建伟、来金彪、李坝根、朱伟勇等和大量热心朋友也加入了，我们进去了，王荣清、吕耿松、陈树庆等人在撑着，浙江这儿是前赴后继，自组党来浙江的监狱里没有间断过民主党人。可是，由于浙江的民运团队不善炒作，况且受到民运大佬的封杀，一直没有得到应有的关注。他们更关注的是律师和公知群体。
姜福祯：是啊，是这样。浙江当年真是英勇悲壮，前后许多人勇敢投入，公开活动，不懈坚持，一直是前边抓了，后边还一直举着旗子。你们还办了一个《在野党》刊物，这个刊物办了几期？我们山东王金波几次去你们浙江“取经”，你们见过吧？
朱虞夫：见过，他还在我家住过几天。王金波是深度介入浙江民主党的，他写的回忆录关于浙江的 部分非常翔实，得到大家的一致称赞。《在野党》由毛庆祥主编，在他手上办了九期，毛庆祥被抓后，由其他朋友又接下去编辑发行了几期，从1998年9月始发到1999年6月我们被捕，以后的情况有待狱中朋友以后补充了。
姜福祯：从王有才等人6月注册民主党到我和谢万军等9月第二波组党，不仅冲击了中共政权的党禁，也打破了国内民运当年的主流语境：“良性互动，双胜双赢”。牟传珩“广交友，不结社”。徐文立当年很推崇这个理论，略做修改为“广交友，缓结社。”
朱虞夫：他也不能叫不结社了，因为我们已经结社了，这种提法起阻碍的作用，后来他在11月又急转弯成立了中国民主党京津党部，一步到位。这在当时被称为“摘桃子”。
姜福祯：记得在北京是任畹町先于徐文立成立了北京筹委会，并倡导各省一起成立全国筹委会。全国筹委会的事你可以讲一下吗？也有一个说法是全国筹委会主要在上海筹备。
朱虞夫：我们当时的做法就是连络全国大家一起做，不占山为王，浙江不当老大，在最初设计名称的时候就作了考量，王有才可能有这样那样的不足之处，但是，他从本质上讲是个好人，他没有个人野心，不心心念念做老大，他鄙夷野心人物。他多次对我说，我们是搭个平台，（让大家都来唱戏）。若浙江一步注册全国民主党，也就沒有山东组党了，更不会组党蔚成风气。也正是这样，浙江不像某些地方，一上来先抢位子，封交椅。浙江在很长时间内，没有“主席”。由于我和其他人上班沒有时間，我们委托吴义龙（由姚振宪一路陪同）沿京广线到各省鼓励组党，到北京找到某大佬，某大佬首先说：“你们要我搞可以，我的位置怎么放？”吴傻在那儿了，他沒法回答，也不能回答。因为沒有授权请一个主席。某大佬说：‘’你走吧，我不參加。‘’。吴义龙不知如何是好，拿出连络图看到任畹町的名字就给他打电话，任畹町说：你过来吧。吴义龙说了情况任畹町痛快答应了。马上就成立了中国民主党北京筹委会（当时有报道）。任宛町很快提出注册申请，后来他也倡导成立全国筹备委员会。
当时全国各省刘贤斌、车宏年、谢长发、傅升、唐元隽和冷万宝、姚振宪等许多人都到了杭州了解组党过程，推动了各地组党进程。戚惠民的房子借给民主党做联络站，为此，在当局出手镇压后，戚惠民蒙受了巨大的经济损失。
11月9日中国民主党全国筹委会宣告成立，并于8日已向国务院递交注册申请。早于全国筹委会一天，徐文立也成立了京津党部。此时，他发现身边已无人可用，啟用了二名沒有民运经历的素人。
为民主党筹备和发展，姚振宪将卖掉上海房子的20几万钱交给了吴义龙，吴将钱私下交给女友单称峰，对我说，姚遵宪出国的时候交给他一千元钱，我说你放着吧。浙江所有的人都不知道这件事。直到2011年，吴义龙出狱后向单要钱（单已组织新家），单不给，吴才告知毛庆祥此事，要毛去向单还钱。这大概是民主党的第一个腐败案吧，20万当年不是个小数目，倘若民主党当年有这笔钱，规模还会更大。
中国民主党渊源
姜福祯：中国民主党做大后，有人开始寻找根脉，有人说79民运他们就酝酿组党，也有人说更早，还有人把王若望看成中国民主党创党人。我觉得这有个名和实的問題，单讲民主党三个字，有过多次，但98年中国民主党组党是一个独立的事实。
朱虞夫：1906年清末预备立宪时一夜涌现出许多个党，其中就有一个中国民主党，那是中国历史上第一次开放党禁。1960年台湾雷震成立中国民主党后被老蒋判了十年（不是因为组党判刑）。香港李柱铭在香港回归前夕成立了中国民主党，中共严禁他与大陆有联系。王若望96年在海外建立民主党，当时他提出民主党合并，我们很意外，为他的高风亮节所感动，愿意他做领导人。除了王若望，98年组党没有根脉。
姜福祯：海外曾搞过一次民主党大整合，徐文立刚出狱不久，筹备时找过他，他拒绝了，他只做他的联合总部。此后，经一些人筹备，成立了中国民主党全国委员会，王有才、王军涛、王天成为共同主席，当时被称为“三王党”
。三王党沒维持多久，因为在一些問題上分岐，主要对政庇党员的不同看法，多数理事陆续退出，只剩下王军涛共同主席至今。2015年原部分理事筹组了中国民主党海外委员会并在荷兰注册，王有才、陈忠和任主席，王有才后来退出，前不久陈忠和也突然去世。
朱虞夫：陈忠和我知道，沒有见过。
姜福祯：当年浙江民主党组党时，有一帮文学青年，他们主张“文化复兴运动”，王有才也是这个圈子里的人，你是否熟悉这些人？
朱虞夫：了解一些。俞心樵、林辉都是。
姜福祯：听说注册三人中有二人是这个群体的。王有才、林辉？
朱虞夫：林辉是，单称峰也是。
姜福祯：噢，吴义龙夫妇也是。
姜福祯：我在青岛见过俞心樵，说起民主党组党，他很自豪地说：当年民主党、正义党，还有一个忘了。他说三个党组党都和他们有关，你怎么看这件事？
朱虞夫：怎么叫有关？一帮文学青年，在一起高谈阔论时说起过几个名字，对组党并无行动。第三个大概是爱琴海文艺复兴党吧。
朱虞夫和姜福祯还聊到一些事，可以说是中国民主党秘辛吧。从98民主党组党现在27年了，有些人有些事有些话还是不便说。不止海外民运大佬许多都曾实际或口头參与，国内也有包括鲍彤、刘晓波等人先后不同程度介入，
在国內不同时間段，深度介入的还有杨天水、谢长发、胡石根等人，更有一些参与的人至今也不能公开姓名，一直把自己深埋在远离政治的厚土里。
Zhu Yufu Looks Back on the Founding Process of the China Democracy Party ———— Jiang Fuzhen Interviews Zhu Yufu
Author: Jiang Fuzhen
Editor: Zhang Zhijun Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Lin Xiaolong Translator: Liu Fang
Abstract: This interview reviews the founding of the China Democracy Party in Zhejiang in 1998. Zhu Yufu recounts how the party grew from grassroots actions and public registration to nationwide expansion, highlighting the crucial role played by Wang Bingzhang and others. He also reveals internal disagreements, international influence, and the personal risks borne by participants. The conversation restores a little-known chapter of China’s democracy movement and reflects on its legacy and challenges.
Editor’s Note：Since the China Democracy Party first initiated its founding in Zhejiang in 1998, twenty-seven years have passed. During this history, the early organizers have either fallen silent, been imprisoned, passed away, chosen to lie low, or even betrayed the cause or been co-opted. Today, as we revisit those years, it is both a sorting of history and a tribute to courage and conviction.Through this conversation between Zhu Yufu and Jiang Fuzhen, this publication presents for the first time a relatively complete account of the details and hidden stories of the founding of the Zhejiang branch of the China Democracy Party. Zhu Yufu admits that Wang Youcai initially advocated an “elite party,” but the actual organizing practice in Zhejiang eventually formed a “commoner’s path,” emphasizing concrete action and broad public awakening. Through the efforts of Zhu Yufu together with Wang Bingzhang, Wang Donghai, Lin Mu and others, the sparks of the Democracy Party were reignited in Zhejiang and gradually spread nationwide.During the founding process, Zhejiang activists faced a highly repressive political environment and continued their actions despite the risk of arrest—from distributing leaflets in the streets, contacting old friends, to editing and publishing the journal The Opposition Party—each step was full of hardship. The attention and support from overseas, especially the inspiration and push from Wang Bingzhang, became indispensable forces in the early stage of party founding.This issue also presents the complex origins of the Democracy Party: although organizations named “China Democracy Party” appeared several times in history, the 1998 founding was an independent historical event. Its significance lies not only in challenging the party ban, but also in promoting the development and practice of citizens’ political rights. Zhejiang’s approach emphasized action over internal power struggles, insisting on nationwide coordination and public mobilization—an attitude worthy of remembrance.In this history, there were not only those who marched forward bravely, but also those who chose caution; not only literary youth and pro-democracy activists who took part openly, but also individuals who still cannot reveal their names today. Their experiences and decisions together form a vivid and authentic picture of the early days of the China Democracy Party.Through this publication, we hope to retrieve memories and restore the historical scene, allowing readers to understand that every step forward in society comes from risk-taking and persistence, and every conviction deserves to be remembered.
Jiang Fuzhen: We were both founders of the China Democracy Party in 1998. Twenty-seven years have passed, and those early organizers have either fallen silent, remained in prison, passed away, lain flat in discouragement, or in some cases betrayed the cause or been co-opted. You were a major driving force behind the first call to organize in Zhejiang. I hope you can describe as fully as possible what you know about the founding process in Zhejiang—both as an act of retrieving memory and restoring the scene.
Zhu Yufu: Certainly. On August 24, at an online forum hosted by Liu Lianjun and Su Yutong, several of us founding colleagues had the opportunity to recall the events of that year. I’m glad to continue discussing this with you today.
“Commoner-Style Organizer” Zhu Yufu
Zhu Yufu: In fact, when Wang Youcai promoted party founding back then, he intended to build an elite political party—an “ivory tower,” refined and exclusive. In the end, I turned it into something for the common people. He advocated creating a party with thresholds—based on education, status, and property.
Jiang Fuzhen: I know. In recent years, when he served as chairman of the CDP Overseas Committee, he still held this view. He said, “People like us don’t matter, but in the future, those who earn less than several hundred thousand shouldn’t be admitted as party members.”
Zhu Yufu: Back then, through personal connections, Wang Youcai obtained a “roster” of Zhejiang’s department-level officials. He proposed mailing them the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Declaration on the Founding of the China Democracy Party to persuade them to join. I tried to stop him: “These people have just climbed out of the swamp—the mud on their bodies isn’t even dry yet. How can they jump back in? This is completely unrealistic.”
We could not possibly build an elite party, and awakening the public was no easy task—but someone had to do it. The day after registration, Wang Youcai was arrested. After his release he was confined at home under state security surveillance, and party activities came to a halt. Dr. Wang Bingzhang became very anxious, calling me every day and urging me not to miss the opportunity.Wang Youcai had previously asked Zhu Zhengming to print over 2,000 copies of the Declaration on the Founding of the China Democracy Party. After Wang was arrested, the situation became tense, and Zhu thought it was safer to leave the copies with me. At the same time, Wang Bingzhang encouraged me to go out into the streets to recruit members—“recruit one whenever you meet one.” This was impossible; everyone was afraid and dared not join. On June 30, no one would accompany me to distribute leaflets, so I went alone, unsure of myself. But I thought someone had to do the job; whatever I could do, I would do. I was mentally prepared to be arrested by the CCP. And indeed, that very day, I was taken away.
“When Performance Art Becomes Reality”
Jiang Fuzhen: It was a miracle that the public effort to found the China Democracy Party in 1998 started in Zhejiang and quickly spread nationwide. What exactly was the situation in Zhejiang at that time?
Zhu Yufu: At the time, Zhejiang Provincial Party Secretary Li Zemin thought the registration was a joke. “Don’t bother with them; in a few days it will be over,” he said.Could the China Democracy Party really be publicly registered? Could it rely on just those few people? Even a list of fifty names could not be produced; there were only a handful of dedicated individuals. Before registration, I had already said clearly: we were locked in a cage with a beast. It deceived the international community by claiming it no longer ate people, and the world actually believed it. But China’s political ecosystem had not improved. So we gave it a push: either it would retreat a step and give us more room to survive, or it would open its mouth and eat us, exposing its true nature to the international community. If it didn’t “eat” us, I wouldn’t feel safe. So when I was arrested, I said I was only afraid they wouldn’t arrest me. Being arrested created noise, gave weight to our actions. We were “the mournful army seeking victory.”
Jiang Fuzhen: The political environment was relatively relaxed because the CCP wanted to board the express train of globalization, and it had already signed the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Even so, publicly applying for registration was a political gesture intended to promote citizens’ political rights and challenge the party ban—what Li Zemin saw as a “joke,” and what you call “performance art.”
Zhu Yufu: Also, if we had not relied on international opinion, if we had not ridden the momentum of Clinton’s visit to China, this registration would not have happened. At noon on June 25, before Wang Youcai and the others set off, I happened to be at Wang Donghai’s home. His wife, Cheng Yunhui, was heavily pregnant and about to give birth. I asked Wang Donghai who would take care of her if he didn’t return that day. I suggested replacing his name with mine. He absolutely refused and said, “Yufu, if Ahui is left in your care, I’m at ease.” Wang Youcai also told me, “Yufu, if we go in, people are still needed outside. We don’t want all of us to be taken in one net. You should speak up, rescue us, and keep things going on the outside.”
On June 25, when we went to register the Democracy Party, Wang Youcai had already arranged for overseas media to pay attention. After hearing the news, Wang Bingzhang and many friends in the overseas democracy movement were greatly encouraged.Although all of us returned safely on June 25 after the registration attempt, Wang Youcai was arrested the next day. Eight hours later he was released, but state security then sealed him in his home, forbidding him from leaving. A young police officer sat at his door monitoring him. At that moment, all CDP founding activities were stalled, because the intellectual friends who had supported us initially had all gone into hiding. The situation was unclear; who wouldn’t fear arrests? Organizing a political party was a serious matter. At that point, I “usurped the party command,” continuing the CDP work and deviating from Wang Youcai’s original approach. The CCP then attributed my mobilizing actions—recruiting people, turning “scattered beans into soldiers”—to Wang Youcai and used it to impose a heavy sentence on him.I rallied the veterans of the Democracy Wall era; we pooled ideas, each contributing what we could, rekindling the flame and spreading it again. Wang Bingzhang coordinated and stirred up momentum across various regions, and for a time things surged vigorously. To grow the party, we had to travel outside Zhejiang—going to every province and city to promote and establish CDP branches, expanding the influence as much as possible. So when I was sentenced later, the prosecution said there was “overseas interference”—and that overseas force referred specifically and explicitly to Wang Bingzhang.
“The ‘Overseas Force’: Wang Bingzhang”
Jiang Fuzhen: Wang Bingzhang returned to China in February to promote party formation, and many people inside and outside the country responded. After Zhejiang submitted the registration application, overseas attention surged, especially from Wang. In Shandong, I had just been released from prison and was still deprived of political rights, so I kept a low profile. After Zhejiang applied, some people planned for one province or municipality to apply each month. Shanghai was supposed to be the second, but after more than two months, it still hadn’t applied. In late August, Wang Bingzhang urgently called Xie Wanjun, urging him and also instructing Zhuang Yan to coordinate with Xie on party founding. Xie agreed to register in September. Shandong’s registration on September 6 was accepted, which inspired other provinces and triggered a nationwide wave of public party formation.
Zhu Yufu: The day after registration, Wang Youcai was arrested. After he was sent home and placed under state security monitoring, all CDP activities halted. Dr. Wang Bingzhang became extremely anxious and called me every day, urging me not to miss the moment.When Wang Bingzhang came to Zhejiang in February, I didn’t get to meet him. He contacted me after the June registration attempt. At that time, Wang Bingzhang, Wang Xizhe, and Lin Mu all knew that I was the one carrying out the CDP operations in practice.Wang Bingzhang was a man of action; I was a man of action. We clicked immediately. That’s how I took on the responsibility of continuing the CDP organizing work in Zhejiang. Mr. Lin Mu, worried for my safety, even wrote a letter asking Wang Donghai to persuade me to keep a low profile.
At that time, Dr. Wang Bingzhang told me: “Don’t wait anymore—use this opportunity to grow it big and strong. Yufu, go to the streets, recruit one whenever you meet one. Build momentum like a snowball. Once you form momentum, they won’t be able to erase you; they can’t wipe you out. If they can easily get rid of just a few of you, then there’s no real movement and nothing will succeed.” He was absolutely right.So under his inspiration, with no manpower available, I took the leaflets myself and went out to the streets to distribute them. Then I contacted my old friends from the Democracy Wall era—because in 1978 and early 1979, the Hangzhou Democracy Wall was started by me and a few friends. Many of those who joined back then maintained good relations, so I pulled them back in. At that time, our activities were open, rational, and legitimate. I told them, “There are no secrets. If the Communist Party wants to know, we’ll tell them everything. We are openly registering, so what more is there?”
Therefore, Dr. Wang Bingzhang is the one who nurtured the China Democracy Party; he is the founder of the overseas democracy movement, and his contribution is undeniable. I miss him deeply. My interactions with him began in June 1998 at the start of party formation. When he came to Hangzhou in February, he had already proposed that we inside China should form a party, but domestic friends still had doubts. I can say clearly that the founding of the CDP cannot be separated from him—the seed of party formation was planted by him. As for me personally, it was under his influence that I was willing to risk everything. At that time, many overseas people were attacking him, and I felt extremely regretful about that.
At the time, I supported his approach, and I had my own reasoning: the CCP has always deceived the international community. Our public effort to found the Democracy Party was meant to rip away their mask, to challenge the party ban, to take a risk and test the waters—it was, in a sense, trying the law on ourselves. Every step forward in society comes from someone taking risks.
Jiang Fuzhen: We felt the same way in Shandong. If you don’t try, how can you know how far you can go? We were also prepared to go to prison.
The Tightening Spell of “Making Friends Widely, Postponing Association-Building”
Jiang Fuzhen: I have a question. For the founding of the Democracy Party in Zhejiang, did you have one preparatory committee or two in succession? It started with three people: Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and Lin Hui.
Zhu Yufu: There was only one preparatory committee. Some withdrew, but more joined. I worked with Wang Rongqing, Mao Qingxiang, Qi Huimin, Li Xian, Wu Yilong, and Zhu Zhengming to build the framework. Later, Nie Minzhi, Yang Jianmin, Chi Jianwei, Lai Jinbiao, Li Bageng, Zhu Weiyong, and many other enthusiastic friends also joined. After we were imprisoned, Wang Rongqing, Lü Gengsong, Chen Shuqing and others held things up. In Zhejiang, people came forward one after another; since the founding effort, the prisons here have never lacked CDP members.However, because Zhejiang’s democracy circles were not good at self-promotion, and because we were suppressed by certain “big names” in the democracy movement, we never received the attention we deserved. Their attention focused more on lawyers and public intellectuals.
Jiang Fuzhen: Yes, that’s true. Zhejiang’s efforts back then were truly heroic and tragic—so many people joined bravely, acted publicly, and persisted without giving up. Whenever the front group was arrested, those behind continued holding up the banner. You also published a journal, The Opposition Party. How many issues did it run? Wang Jinbo from Shandong visited Zhejiang several times to “learn from your experience.” You met him, right?
Zhu Yufu: Yes, I met him—he even stayed at my home for a few days. Wang Jinbo was deeply involved in the CDP’s Zhejiang chapter. The Zhejiang section of his memoir is very detailed and widely praised. The Opposition Party was edited by Mao Qingxiang, who published nine issues. After he was arrested, other friends took up the task and published several more. It began in September 1998 and continued until June 1999 when we were arrested. What happened after that will have to be supplemented by friends who were imprisoned later.
Jiang Fuzhen: From the June registration attempt by Wang Youcai and others to the second wave of party founding by Xie Wanjun and me in September, we not only challenged the CCP’s party ban, but also broke through the mainstream discourse of the domestic democracy movement at that time—ideas such as “positive interaction” and “win–win outcomes.” Mou Chuanheng advocated “making friends widely but not forming associations.” Xu Wenli strongly endorsed this theory back then, modifying it slightly into “making friends widely, postponing association-building.”
Zhu Yufu: He could no longer call it “not forming associations,” because we had already formed one. That kind of slogan only created obstacles. Yet in November, he made a sudden turn and established the China Democracy Party Beijing–Tianjin Branch in one step. At the time, this was called “picking the peach.”
Jiang Fuzhen: I remember that in Beijing, Ren Wanting established the Beijing preparatory committee before Xu Wenli did, and he advocated for all provinces to form a national preparatory committee. Could you talk about the national preparatory committee? There was also talk that it was mainly prepared in Shanghai.
Zhu Yufu: Our approach was to coordinate with everyone nationwide and not to claim dominance. Zhejiang did not try to be the “leader.” When we initially designed the party’s name, we had already considered this. Wang Youcai may have had various shortcomings, but fundamentally he was a good person. He had no personal ambition and had no desire to be the top leader; he despised overly ambitious people. He repeatedly told me, “We are only building a platform for everyone to perform on.”If Zhejiang had directly registered a national CDP, then Shandong would never have had the opportunity to register, and the movement would not have spread across the country. Because of this, Zhejiang did not scramble for positions or titles like some places did. For a long time, Zhejiang had no “chairman.”Because I and others had full-time jobs and lacked time, we entrusted Wu Yilong (accompanied by Yao Zhenxian) to travel along the Beijing–Guangzhou line to various provinces to encourage party formation. When he reached Beijing and approached a certain “big figure,” the first thing that figure asked was: “If I am to participate, what position will I have?” Wu was stunned and unable to answer, because he had no authorization to appoint a chairman. The figure said, “Then leave. I won’t participate.”Not knowing what to do, Wu checked the contact list, saw Ren Wanting’s name, and called him. Ren said, “Come over.” After hearing the situation, Ren readily agreed. The Beijing Preparatory Committee of the CDP was immediately established (it was reported at the time). Ren soon submitted a registration application and later advocated forming a National Preparatory Committee.At that time, many people from various provinces—Liu Xianbin, Che Hongnian, Xie Changfa, Fu Sheng, Tang Yuanjuan, Leng Wanbao, Yao Zhenxian, and others—came to Hangzhou to learn about the party-founding process, which accelerated the formation of CDP branches elsewhere.Qi Huimin lent his house for use as a CDN liaison station. As a result, after the authorities launched their crackdown, he suffered tremendous financial losses.
On November 9, the National Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party was officially announced, and on the previous day, November 8, it had already submitted a registration application to the State Council. One day earlier than the national committee, Xu Wenli also established the Beijing–Tianjin Party Branch. At that time, he realized he had no experienced people around him and appointed two complete newcomers with no democracy movement background.For the preparation and development of the CDP, Yao Zhenxian gave more than 200,000 yuan—the proceeds from selling his apartment in Shanghai—to Wu Yilong. Wu privately handed the money to his girlfriend, Shan Chengfeng. He told me that Yao had given him 1,000 yuan when leaving the country, and I said, “Just keep it.” No one in Zhejiang knew the truth.It wasn’t until 2011, when Wu was released and asked Shan for the money (Shan had since formed a new family), and she refused, that Wu told Mao Qingxiang about it and asked Mao to get the money back from her. This was probably the first corruption case in the CDP. Two hundred thousand yuan was not a small amount at the time—if the CDP had possessed that money, its scale could have grown much larger.
The Origins of the China Democracy Party
Jiang Fuzhen: After the CDP grew, some people began searching for its roots. Some said that during the ’79 Democracy Movement they already contemplated forming a party; some claimed even earlier origins; others regarded Wang Ruowang as the founder of the CDP. I think there is a distinction between the name and the substance. The three characters “Democracy Party” have appeared many times in history, but the 1998 founding of the China Democracy Party is an independent historical fact.
Zhu Yufu: In 1906, during the late Qing constitutional preparations, many parties emerged overnight, including one called the China Democracy Party—the first time in Chinese history that the party ban was lifted. In 1960, Lei Zhen founded the China Democracy Party in Taiwan and was sentenced by Chiang Kai-shek to ten years (not for party founding itself). In Hong Kong, Martin Lee founded a China Democracy Party on the eve of the handover; the CCP strictly forbade him from having contact with the mainland. Wang Ruowang established a Democracy Party overseas in 1996. At the time, he proposed merging all Democracy Parties, which surprised us. We were moved by his integrity and were willing for him to be the leader. Aside from Wang Ruowang, the 1998 CDP founding had no historical lineage.
Jiang Fuzhen: There was once an attempt overseas to integrate all Democracy Parties. Shortly after Xu Wenli was released from prison, organizers approached him, but he refused and insisted on running only his own “Joint Headquarters.” Later, after further preparation, the China Democracy Party National Committee was established, with Wang Youcai, Wang Juntao, and Wang Tiancheng as co-chairmen—called the “Three-Wang Party” at the time. It didn’t last long due to disagreements, mainly over attitudes toward asylum-seeking members. Most board members gradually withdrew, leaving only Wang Juntao as co-chairman to this day. In 2015, some former board members formed the CDP Overseas Committee, registered in the Netherlands, with Wang Youcai and Chen Zhonghe as chairmen. Wang Youcai later withdrew, and recently Chen Zhonghe unexpectedly passed away.
Zhu Yufu: I know of Chen Zhonghe, but I have never met him.
Jiang Fuzhen: When the CDP was founded in Zhejiang, there was a group of literary youths who advocated a “Cultural Renaissance Movement.” Wang Youcai was among them. Are you familiar with those people?
Zhu Yufu: I know some of them. Yu Xinqiao and Lin Hui were among them.
Jiang Fuzhen: I heard that among the three people who filed the registration, two were from that group—Wang Youcai and Lin Hui?
Zhu Yufu: Lin Hui was, and Shan Chengfeng as well.
Jiang Fuzhen: Oh, Wu Yilong and his wife as well.
Jiang Fuzhen: I once met Yu Xinqiao in Qingdao. When speaking of the CDP founding, he proudly said: back then the Democracy Party, the Justice Party, and another one—he forgot the name—were all related to them. What do you think of that?
Zhu Yufu: How can that be considered “related”? They were a group of literary youths who tossed around a few names while chatting, but took no action toward founding any party. The third one he mentioned was probably the Aegean Cultural Renaissance Party.
Zhu Yufu and Jiang Fuzhen also talked about other matters—one could call them the inside stories of the China Democracy Party. Twenty-seven years have passed since the 1998 founding, and some people, some events, and some words cannot yet be openly discussed. Not only many overseas democracy leaders were involved, in action or in spirit, but inside China figures like Bao Tong and Liu Xiaobo also took part to varying degrees. At different times domestically, others such as Yang Tianshui, Xie Changfa, and Hu Shigen were deeply involved. And there are still individuals who participated but whose names cannot be revealed even today, remaining buried in the thick soil far away from politics.
