作者：祝正明
编辑：李聪玲 翻译：戈冰
内容提要
本书共十二章，探讨了政府应该发挥的作用，政府与百姓的相互关系，专制政权的特征，民主政治体制的思想理论和民主政治活动的具体做法，剖析了民主政治所特有的政府结构模式，分析了中国社会的民族性和社会发生政府重组的各种途径。相信在百姓对政治问题普遍不甚关心和了解的状况下，对增强百姓的参政议政意识能起到积极的作用。对如何促进社会的民主与法治建设，促进政府高效廉洁地为人民服务进行了充分的理论探讨。
民主政治的内容
集权统治者认为，社会离不开他们，是他们为社会提供了安定和秩序，没有他们就会天下大乱。无政府主义者认为，社会不需要有政府，政府不仅向人民征收苛捐重税，还制定大量的惩罚条例来约束民众，没有他们，人民可以更自由幸福地生活。民主主义者认为，民众本身并不须要政府，只是因为民众有一些共同需要，才须要建立起一个公共服务机构来满足民众的这些需要，民众据此授予他们一定的权力，但权限仅限于使他们能服务于民众而不能加害于民众，这是民主政治的基本思想原理。
民主政治是建立在对人的不信任基础之上的，认为人只要拥有权力，就存在滥用权力的趋势，因此，必须严格限制政府权力的使用，不给政府官员留下任何滥用权力的空间，以充分完善的法律制度建设，来保证社会时刻有一批优秀分子在为人民提供服务，同时，还有其他一批同样优秀的社会精英分子时刻在监督与提防着他们，一旦发现这些人中有人不称职或滥用职权、贪污腐化，任何一位都会随时被撤离职位，受到惩罚，从而保证了国家的政治权力在被使用时能够满足百姓的苛刻要求。除了周期性的选举以外，绝大多数民众都可以尽管放心地去从事他们的工商业活动，改善自己的生活条件，所需做的只是偶尔看看这些人提供的述职报告，健全的制度建设会使政府自动地像仆人一样照顾着自己的利益，为自己提供着最好的服务。而周期性的选举，即是防止这些人形成新的阶级的手段，也是显示人民始终是权力的主人的表现，人民可以随时收回交给这些人代为行使的权力，交给新的一批人去行使。
民主运动是一场深刻的社会变革，它不同于历代的任何一次改朝换代，形成打天下者坐天下的格局。它首先是将国家的政治权力收回到人民手中，然后运用一种科学的机制，建立、控制与监督政府，使民众始终保有这种权力。民主运动是一场以增进全民利益为目的的运动，全体国民是其受益者，因此，所有的公民都有义务和责任参加这项运动，促进民主政治的早日实现。
政府及其作用
在我们生活的这个世界，你可能已经发觉：不论你生在何时，身处何地，都会受到别人的管制，不论你是一贫如洗的平头百姓，或者是腰缠万贯、被人前呼后拥，都同样无法摆脱这种管制。有人总是规定你必须做什么，不能做什么，你必须服从他们，如果你不服从，就会受到他们严厉的对待和残酷的打击。他们无时不在，无处不在，无法架避，这就是政府和它的雇员。
多少年来，我们祖祖辈辈已经习惯了这样一种现实，认为人降生到这个世界上，就象必然就会伴随有山水草木一样，自然就有朝廷或政府，它是人们生活中必不可少的一部分，无法摆脱。
这种概念已经变成我们社会的一种遗产，代代相传，以致于当突然没有皇帝朝廷或政府时，人们便会惊惶失措，坐立不安，赶紧要立一个新皇帝，即便他非常的年幼无知。否则，就认为一定会天下大乱。
政府跟百姓是一种什么关系呢？它在起什么作用呢？
首先，它要人们向它进贡纳税。任何人，不管是个体摊贩、私营业主还是收入稍高的工薪阶级，任何形式的厂矿、企业、公司等，都要将自己辛苦经营出来的一部分利润或个人收入上缴给他们。这是强制性的，不管你是否愿意。其次，他们制定出很多的法律、条例，规定人们哪些是允许做的，哪些是不允许做的。如果你不避从他们的规定，与他们对抗，他们就会对你进行罚款，没收你的财产，甚至拘禁你的人身，扼杀你的生命。他们依靠广泛的税收，养活着一支庞大的警察队伍和武装部队，随时准备击溃任何来自民间的反抗。它们中的许多人不从事任何劳动就能享受到荣华富贵，无任何特长仍能花天酒地。它们在内部划分势力范围，规定层层等级，享受各类特权。它们有时贪污腐化，恣意妄为，甚至敲诈勒索。在人类历史上，几乎所有耸人听闻的事件都与它们有关。
既然如此，干吗还要政府呢？没有它们，人们不是可以生活得更好吗？
回答是：也不行，有很多事情，还必须要由政府来做。
在现代社会，我们需要政府来维持社会治安、保障经济合同的履行，需要政府来修筑道路、管理交通、兴办教育、医疗、管理老年人的退休保障，需要政府来监督食品卫生、控制环境污染，建立应急医护消防力量。所有这些问题都无法依靠公民个人的力量去解决，即便是很有组织能力、很有威望、经济实力非常强大的富豪或公司。
显然，社会还是存在着各种公共和社会福利问题，需要有一个强有力的公共机构也就是被称为政府的机构来解决和管理的。如果一个社会真的没有政府，人们也将很难过上正常的生活。
但是，显而易见，社会真正需要的，是一个根据民意设立，受民众的控制，为民众利益服务、以满足民众需要为其存在目的的政府，而不是一个脱离民意，漠视百姓利益，依靠自己的暴力工具强制征收税款、暴力镇压反抗而维持其存在的强权政府。
但是，既然需要设立政府，不管其建立的基础是依靠暴力或依靠民意，都无法避免这样一个事实：政府必然是一个庞大的组织，拥有广泛的权力，政府官员大权在握，在政府官员以这种权力社会安定提供某种保障的同时，这种权力也给他们侵犯百姓的利益提供了种种机会。他们可能忠心耿耿地为大众服务，也可能会滥用职权。结果，人民大众得到社会安定的好处的同时，往往也有可能付出过重的经济代价甚至是惨重的人身自由代价。
那么，难道民众非得在享受政府提供的益处的同时，也必须忍受它对民众可能会有的种种伤害吗？
人类有充分的智慧去战胜自然，追求幸福美好的生活。但是，人类社会自身的这个问题，却成了人类追求幸福的一大障碍。人类有能力和智慧去解决它吗？这是无数仁人志士思考过、并进行过种种探索和尝试的问题。现在，它再一次摆到我们面前。所幸的是，我们已经可以从前人进行的大量成功和不成功的实践中总结经验教训，选择最佳方案，少走弯路。
实际上，政府及其组织结构也和人类社会的其他许多事物一样，是由人类自己创造的，因此人类完全有能力对它进行设计、改造。探讨理想的政治模式，对各种社会问题及弊端的起因进行研究，以寻求最佳的解决办法，是人类完全有能力做到的事，这也正是政治学的研究内容。像其它自然学科一样，政治学同样是人类长期积累的智慧结晶，是为人们自身的利益服务的。人类有能力对政治模式和政府结构进行不断的实践、总结与改进。
但是现在，当我们还很年幼，尚未具备独立的思维能力之前，我们就被灌输了某种思维方式和意识形态。我们已经习惯于以该种思维方式在这种意识形态的范围内去思考问题，以致于我们在做任何事情的时候，都要在这种思想理论中寻找依据，或者打上它的旗号才会感到放心。这就产生了一种悲剧，本来是人们掌握了一种思想理论，结果反而却是这种思想理论控制了我们的思维方式，我们成了这种理论的仆人，不是它在为我们服务，而是我们在为它服务。
人类改造自然的能力是没有止境的。人类社会的生活方式是在不断发展进步的，就像各种自然科学和工程技术科学在不断发展一样。对任何一种社会制度进行仔细而公正的研究而不发现其缺点是不可能的。试图把任何一种思想理论与社会制度当作完美无缺的真理而不允许触动是荒谬的，停留在某种社会体制而自认为已经达到了顶峰，只能是极端愚蠢的表现。
但是，没有一个统治阶级会愿意主动交出权力，自愿退出政治舞台。因此，在专制统治时代，研究政治与社会问题常常具有危险性。因为这会触及少数大权在握的人的既得利益，从而可能给探索者带来灾难性的后果。这也正是极少有人敢于或愿意进行这种探索的原因。尽管社会非常需要有人去做这项工作，却很少有人会去做。
但是，有充分的理由使我们认识到，一种健全的政治制度是促进社会福祉的最有效工具，而一个腐败的政治制度是社会进步的最可怕敌人。那么，相对任何其它科学而言，政治科学就应该是人们最值得花精力去研究的科学。
地球上曾经存在及目前正在运作的政府中，没有一个是没有缺点的。政治制度的现代化需要与社会的经济与科技发展同步进行。任何政权也不应该坚持不改自己的制度，尤其不应对探索人类社会各种问题及解决办法的行为进行惩罚，限制富于创造性的探索。正是因为有了思想的自由地探索，科学与技术才能发展到今天的程度，只有让思想自由地探索，人类社会才能继续发展到更美好的境界。（下期待续）
祝正明简历
祝正明，男，汉族，浙江江山人，工程师，1962年10月2 日生，1982年7月毕业于浙江大学化学工程系，分配在江苏仪征化纤工业联合公司，曾任团支部书记，被评为联合公司先进生产者，1988年调入杭州，从事过工程设计、施工安装、设备调试等技术性工作，并担任车间主要负责人。1998年春被选拔参加省经委举办的全省大中企业管理人员工商管理培训班，为期三个月。
具有强烈的正义感和社会责任感，痛恨专制不平等现象。
89年学运期间，曾在北京天安门发表演说，并向天安门学运领袖递交过十条政治运作建议，“六四”后回杭潜心从事西方历史、政治思想史研究，遍阅各主要图书馆的大部分有关民主的中外文书籍，95年开始，从基本民主观念入手，写成《政治民主》一书，98年1月完稿，联系近十家出版社无人敢接印，4月进行自费印刷，遭查封。
98年6月初，分析了国内社会现状和政治时局，积极筹划建党活动，起草《中国民主党浙江筹备委员会成立公开宣言》和《中国民主党章程（草案）》，并进行印刷、散发，联络诸位民运朋友于6月25日前往注册，从而掀起了一轮冲击党禁的全国民运浪潮。1月10日，遭抄家，被抄走电脑、打印机、数字收音机、数千页文稿、通讯录、大量《公开宣言》和《章程（草案）》等三十一种物品，被关押十六天，监视居住五十天。于11月8日经选举为中国民主党浙江筹委会常务工作组负责人，全国筹委会筹委。
祝正明于99年初被捕，同年年底因中国民主党案，以颠覆国家政权罪判处有期徒刑十年。
Political Democracy (Serialized Novel)
Abstract: Democratic politics asserts that power originates from the people, imposes strict constraints on government, employs institutional oversight to prevent abuse of authority, ensures government serves the public interest, and advances social welfare and the development of freedom.
Author: Zhu Zhengming
Editor: Li Congling Translator: Ge Bing
Synopsis
This twelve-chapter work explores the proper role of government, the relationship between government and citizens, the characteristics of authoritarian regimes, the theoretical foundations of democratic political systems, and practical approaches to democratic political activities. It dissects the unique governmental structures inherent to democratic politics and analyzes the distinct national character of Chinese society alongside various pathways for societal transformation leading to governmental restructuring. It is believed that in a context where citizens generally lack interest in or understanding of political issues, this work can play a positive role in enhancing public awareness of political participation and deliberation. It offers thorough theoretical exploration on how to advance social democracy and the rule of law, and promote efficient and clean government service for the people.
The Content of Democratic Politics
Authoritarian rulers assert that society cannot function without them, claiming they provide stability and order—without them, chaos would ensue. Anarchists contend that society requires no government, arguing that governments not only impose heavy taxes on the people but also enact numerous punitive regulations to constrain them. Without governments, they maintain, people could live more freely and happily. Democrats contend that the people themselves do not inherently require government. Rather, because the people share certain common needs, it becomes necessary to establish a public service institution to meet these needs. The people thereby grant them certain powers, but these powers are strictly limited to enabling them to serve the people and not to harm them. This is the fundamental principle of democratic politics.
Democratic governance is founded on a distrust of human nature, recognizing that power tends to corrupt. Therefore, the exercise of governmental authority must be strictly constrained, leaving no room for abuse. A comprehensive and well-developed legal system ensures that society is perpetually served by a cohort of capable individuals. Simultaneously, another group of equally capable social elites constantly monitors and guards against them. Should any official prove incompetent, abuse authority, or engage in corruption, they can be removed from office and punished at any time. This ensures that when political power is exercised, it meets the exacting demands of the populace. Beyond periodic elections, the vast majority of citizens can confidently pursue their commercial and industrial activities to improve their living conditions. All they need do is occasionally review the performance reports submitted by these officials. A robust institutional framework ensures the government automatically serves as a steward of their interests, providing the best possible service. Periodic elections serve both to prevent these officials from forming a new privileged class and to demonstrate that the people remain the ultimate masters of power. Citizens can at any time reclaim the authority they entrusted to these representatives and delegate it to a new group.
The democratic movement represents a profound social transformation distinct from any historical dynastic change that established a pattern of “those who conquer the realm rule the realm.” It first reclaims the nation’s political power into the hands of the people, then employs a scientific mechanism to establish, control, and oversee the government, ensuring the populace perpetually retains this authority. The democratic movement is a campaign aimed at advancing the interests of all citizens, with the entire nation as its beneficiaries. Therefore, every citizen bears the obligation and responsibility to participate in this movement, accelerating the realization of democratic governance.
Government and Its Role
In the world we inhabit, you may have noticed: regardless of when or where you were born, you are subject to regulation by others. Whether you are a penniless commoner or a wealthy individual surrounded by attendants, you cannot escape this regulation. Some always dictate what you must do and what you must not do. You must obey them; if you disobey, you will face their harsh treatment and cruel punishment. They are ever-present, inescapable—this is the government and its employees.
For generations, our ancestors have grown accustomed to this reality, viewing the existence of a court or government as as natural and inevitable as the presence of mountains, rivers, and vegetation. It has become an indispensable part of human life, impossible to evade.
This concept has become a legacy of our society, passed down through generations. Consequently, when an emperor, court, or government suddenly vanishes, people panic, become restless, and rush to install a new ruler—even if he is young and ignorant. Otherwise, they believe chaos will inevitably ensue.
What kind of relationship exists between the government and the people? What role does it play?
First, it demands tribute and taxes from the people. Everyone—whether individual vendors, private business owners, or salaried workers with slightly higher incomes—along with all forms of factories, mines, enterprises, companies, and so forth, must surrender a portion of their hard-earned profits or personal income to them. This is compulsory, regardless of willingness. Second, they enact numerous laws and regulations dictating what people are permitted to do and what is forbidden. If you fail to comply with their rules or resist them, they will impose fines, confiscate your property, or even detain you, threatening your very life. They rely on extensive taxation to sustain a vast police force and armed military, ever ready to crush any popular resistance. Many among them enjoy opulent lifestyles without performing any labor, living in luxury despite lacking any special skills. Internally, they carve out spheres of influence, establish rigid hierarchies, and enjoy various privileges. They sometimes engage in corruption, act arbitrarily, and even resort to extortion. Throughout human history, nearly every shocking event has been linked to them.
Given this, why do we need governments at all? Wouldn’t people live better without them?
The answer is: No, they wouldn’t. There are many things that must be done by governments.
In modern society, we need governments to maintain public order and ensure the fulfillment of economic contracts. We need governments to build roads, manage traffic, provide education and healthcare, and administer retirement security for the elderly. We need governments to oversee food safety, control environmental pollution, and establish emergency medical and firefighting services. None of these issues can be resolved by individual citizens alone—not even by the most organized, influential, or financially powerful individuals or corporations.
Clearly, society still faces various public and welfare challenges that require a robust public institution—the government—to address and manage. Without a government, people would struggle to lead normal lives.
However, it is evident that what society truly requires is a government established according to the will of the people, controlled by the populace, serving the interests of the citizens, and existing to meet their needs—not a coercive authority detached from public sentiment, indifferent to the welfare of its subjects, and relying on its instruments of violence to forcibly collect taxes and suppress dissent to maintain its existence.
Yet, since government is necessary—whether founded on force or consent—it inevitably becomes a vast organization wielding extensive power. Government officials hold considerable authority. While this power provides some assurance of social stability, it also creates numerous opportunities for them to infringe upon the people’s interests. They may serve the public faithfully or abuse their authority. Consequently, while the populace reaps the benefits of social stability, they often pay an excessive economic price—or even suffer severe losses of personal liberty.
Must the people endure potential harm from the government while enjoying its benefits?
Humanity possesses sufficient wisdom to conquer nature and pursue a happy, fulfilling life. Yet this inherent problem within human society itself has become a major obstacle to that pursuit. Do we have the capacity and wisdom to resolve it? This is a question pondered by countless visionaries, who have undertaken diverse explorations and experiments. Now, it confronts us once more. Fortunately, we can draw lessons from the vast array of successful and unsuccessful practices of our predecessors, select the optimal solutions, and avoid unnecessary detours.
In truth, governments and their organizational structures, like many other aspects of human society, are creations of humanity itself. Therefore, humanity possesses the full capacity to design and transform them. Exploring ideal political models, researching the root causes of various social problems and ills, and seeking optimal solutions are tasks well within humanity’s capabilities—and precisely the domain of political science. Like other natural sciences, political science is the crystallization of humanity’s accumulated wisdom, serving the interests of people themselves. Humanity possesses the capacity to continuously experiment with, evaluate, and refine political models and governmental structures.
But now, while we are still young and have not yet developed independent thinking abilities, we are indoctrinated with a certain mindset and ideology. We have grown accustomed to thinking within the confines of this ideology, to the extent that we feel uneasy unless we can find justification for our actions within its theoretical framework or claim its banner as our own. This has led to a tragedy: instead of people mastering a theory, the theory has come to control our thinking. We have become its servants—not serving it, but being served by it.
Humanity’s capacity to transform nature knows no bounds. Human society’s way of life evolves and advances continuously, just as the natural sciences and engineering disciplines do. It is impossible to study any social system with care and impartiality without uncovering its flaws. It is absurd to treat any ideology or social system as flawless truth beyond challenge. To cling to a particular social structure while believing it represents the pinnacle of achievement is an act of extreme folly.
Yet no ruling class willingly relinquishes power or voluntarily exits the political stage. Thus, in eras of autocratic rule, studying political and social issues often carries danger. Such inquiry threatens the vested interests of those wielding power, potentially bringing catastrophic consequences upon the explorer. This is precisely why few dare or choose to undertake such exploration. Though society desperately needs such work done, few step forward.
Yet compelling reasons compel us to recognize that a sound political system is the most effective instrument for advancing social welfare, while a corrupt political system is the most formidable enemy of societal progress. Thus, relative to any other science, political science ought to be the discipline most worthy of human effort.
No government that has ever existed or currently operates on Earth is without flaws. The modernization of political systems must advance in tandem with a society’s economic and technological development. No regime should stubbornly cling to its own institutions, especially by punishing the exploration of humanity’s problems and solutions or stifling creative inquiry. It is precisely through the free exploration of ideas that science and technology have reached their present heights. Only by allowing thoughts to roam freely can human society continue advancing toward a more splendid future. (To be continued)
Zhu Zhengming’s Resume
Zhu Zhengming, male, Han ethnicity, born October 2, 1962, in Jiangshan, Zhejiang Province. Engineer. Graduated from the Department of Chemical Engineering at Zhejiang University in July 1982. Assigned to the Yizheng Chemical Fiber Industrial Joint Company in Jiangsu Province, where he served as Youth League Branch Secretary and was recognized as an Advanced Producer. Transferred to Hangzhou in 1988, engaging in technical work including engineering design, construction installation, and equipment commissioning, while also serving as primary workshop supervisor. In the spring of 1998, he was selected to participate in a three-month provincial-level business management training program for managers of large and medium-sized enterprises, organized by the Provincial Economic Commission.
He possesses a strong sense of justice and social responsibility, detesting authoritarianism and inequality.
During the 1989 student movement, he delivered a speech at Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and submitted ten political operational recommendations to the student movement leaders there. After the June Fourth incident, he returned to Hangzhou and devoted himself to researching Western history and the history of political thought. He extensively studied most relevant Chinese and foreign books on democracy in major libraries. Beginning in 1995, starting from fundamental democratic concepts, he wrote the book Political Democracy, completing it in January 1998. After contacting nearly ten publishers, none dared to print it. In April, he self-funded its printing, only to have it confiscated.
In early June 1998, analyzing China’s social conditions and political climate, he actively planned party-building activities. He drafted the “Public Declaration on the Establishment of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democratic Party” and the “Draft Constitution of the China Democratic Party,” which were printed and distributed. He coordinated with fellow democracy activists to register the party on June 25, sparking a nationwide wave of democracy movements challenging the ban on political parties. On January 10, his home was raided. Thirty-one items were confiscated, including a computer, printer, digital radio, thousands of pages of manuscripts, address books, and large quantities of copies of the “Public Declaration” and “Draft Charter.” He was detained for sixteen days and placed under residential surveillance for fifty days. On November 8, he was elected as the head of the Standing Working Group of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democratic Party and as a member of the National Preparatory Committee.
Zhu Zhengming was arrested in early 1999 and sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for subversion of state power in the China Democratic Party case later that year.
