—群体性事件揭示独裁者软肋与民主机遇
作者：马雪峰
编辑：李晶 校对：熊辩 翻译：吕峰
中共自血腥镇压“六·四”学生运动以来，对群体性事件的恐惧从未消散，中国人民的抗议更是此起彼伏。三十多年过去，从街头抗议到网络动员，从白纸运动到张雪峰去世后的自发悼念，一个清晰的现实浮现：长期高压、言论管控与社会压抑，让中国社会正逼近临界点。中共最害怕的，不是事件本身，而是人民的共鸣和聚集。
在这个被中共特权阶级压迫的社会中，悲剧、公共事件甚至公众人物去世，都可能成为触发共鸣的导火索。即便没有政治或经济诉求，零散事件也能引发自发的线下聚集。
历朝历代的独裁者都清楚：防民之口甚于防川，但独裁者如果真能够接受人民的批评，他们的特权就得不到维持。因此，面对这种人心的汇聚，中共只能沿用暴力清场镇压、舆论降温、信息封锁表面解决问题，但这些手段只能延缓爆发，无法消除社会内部压力。
每经历一次镇压，人民的积怨便会再深一层，下一场抗议便会来得更加激烈，事件的起因也会越来越微小。
对“六·四”学生运动的血腥镇压，奠定了中共治国的底层逻辑，从此，东洲事件、瓮安暴乱、乌鲁木齐骚乱、乌坎事件，每一次群众聚集，无论规模大小，回应方式始终一致——迅速镇压、封锁信息、统一叙事。
中共害怕，如果放任，会再次演变成“六·四”那样跨越地缘，形成共鸣的全国性危机，这种恐惧，是中共维稳的核心动力。
习近平上台后，社会高压与言论封锁进一步加强。信息渠道被封，个人情绪长期积压，社会表达空间被极度压缩。
2022年的“白纸运动”证明，即便没有明确政治纲领，仅象征性的行动也能跨城市形成共鸣。长期压抑使社会情绪越积越深，每一个微小触发点都有可能引发公共关注与行动。
“白纸运动”以来，中国社会随着经济的下行，对习近平和共产党的不满与日俱增，如果说镇压“六·四”使得中共仅剩绩效合法性的话，那么当今中共仅存的绩效合法性也在逐渐丧失，这使得中共不得不加强高压统治和言论管控，压缩人民的自由空间，同时经济的低迷也在压缩人民的生存空间，社会怨气积累迅速，根据“China Dissent Monitor”等数据，2025年抗议事件同比增长约45%–50% 全年记录约5000+起抗议事件，仅2025年第三季度就有1392起，知名事件如：
1. 甘肃天水幼儿园铅中毒事件：家长对孩子健康的恐慌迅速累积，官方通过舆论控制和现场维稳迅速遏制。
2. 四川江油校园霸凌事件：聋哑父母跪地求公道的画面被警力隔离，舆论被压制，社会愤怒难以扩散。
3. 小洛熙事件：5个月大女婴手术死亡引发家属质疑误诊与医疗过度，公众自发声援，官方通过通报问责和舆论引导迅速压制舆论热度。
4. 陕西蒲城与河南新蔡学生死亡事件：家属被阻止接近遗体，官方统一口径称“意外”，舆论空间被迅速封锁。
5. 广东信宜火葬场抗议： 居民反对火葬场选址靠近村庄，抗议与警方冲突，警力清场控制，多人受伤，多人被捕。
大大小小抗议活动虽然一如既往地被中共铁血镇压下去，社会的不公，政府的失职，法律的缺席，特权阶级的剥削，数座大山重重压在中国人民身上，挤压着中国人民的生存空间。
中国人民的反抗似乎并无效果，反抗的火种实则早已在“六·四”埋下，中国人民每一次奋起抗争产生的火苗看似被一次次扑灭，然，只要中国人民反抗中共暴政的决心不死，追求幸福生活的信念不灭，不管被镇压多少次，中国人民都能再次奋起反抗！
中共蛰伏隐忍多年并积极渗透文明世界，所幸过早暴露野心，引得西方国家孤立制裁，世界正在加紧与中共脱钩，此等千载难逢的良机，我们中国民主党一定要抓住，团结海内外反共力量，群策群力，在墙内传播普世价值，自由民主思想，培养公民文化，这是一场此消彼长的消耗战，中共会在镇压中疲于奔命，而自由民主思想会在一次次抗争中扩大传播，进而引发下一次更大规模的抗争！
当今中共就如同曹雪芹笔下那百年贾府，表面上光鲜亮丽，体量庞大，难以撼动，实则内部早已千疮百孔，烂到骨子，外强中干。中共独裁统治的倒台虽是历史的必然，但不代表我们可以静观其变坐享其成。
中国这片土地千年以来的封建制度、专制思想很难改变，正如上面提到的，我们中国民主党应该抓住中共内外交困的机遇，在墙内宣传普世价值和自由民主思想，在中国这片土地培养公民文化，树立民主观念，摒弃封建帝王思想，这样才能保障新政府不再是独裁政府，中国人民才能得到真正的解脱，国家才能在饱受中共荼毒后真正实现复兴！
China at the Critical Point, the CCP in Panic
— Mass Incidents Reveal the Dictator’s Weakness and Democratic Opportunities
Author: Ma Xuefeng
Editor: Li Jing
Proofreader: Xiong Bian
Translator: Lyu Feng
Since the bloody suppression of the “June 4th” student movement, the Chinese Communist Party’s fear of mass incidents has never disappeared, while protests by the Chinese people have continued to erupt one after another. More than thirty years have passed. From street protests to online mobilization, from the White Paper Movement to the spontaneous mourning after Zhang Xuefeng’s death, a clear reality has emerged: long-term high pressure, speech control, and social repression have pushed Chinese society to a critical tipping point. What the CCP fears most is not the incidents themselves, but the resonance and gathering of the people.
In a society oppressed by the CCP’s privileged class, tragedies, public events, or even the death of public figures can all become fuses that trigger widespread resonance. Even without clear political or economic demands, scattered incidents can spark spontaneous offline gatherings.
Dictators throughout history have understood one thing clearly: blocking the mouths of the people is more difficult than blocking a river. But if dictators truly accepted the people’s criticism, their privileges could not be maintained. Therefore, when faced with the convergence of public sentiment, the CCP can only resort to its usual methods—violent crackdowns and clearances, cooling public opinion through propaganda, and information blockades—to superficially “solve” the problem. These measures can only delay the explosion; they cannot eliminate the internal pressure building within society.
Every suppression deepens the people’s accumulated grievances, making the next protest more intense and the triggering causes increasingly minor.
The bloody suppression of the “June 4th” student movement established the underlying logic of the CCP’s governance. Since then, in incidents such as the Dongzhou incident, the Weng’an riot, the Urumqi unrest, and the Wukan incident, the response to any gathering of the masses—regardless of scale—has remained consistent: rapid suppression, information blockade, and unified official narrative.
The CCP fears that if it allows such gatherings to continue unchecked, they will once again evolve into a nationwide crisis like “June 4th,” where resonance spreads across regions. This fear is the core driving force behind the CCP’s stability maintenance system.
Since Xi Jinping came to power, social repression and speech controls have been further intensified. Information channels have been sealed off, personal emotions have been repressed for long periods, and the space for social expression has been extremely compressed.
The 2022 “White Paper Movement” proved that even without a clear political platform, purely symbolic actions could create cross-city resonance. Long-term repression has caused social emotions to accumulate ever deeper; every small trigger point now has the potential to spark public attention and action.
Since the “White Paper Movement,” as China’s economy has declined, public dissatisfaction with Xi Jinping and the Communist Party has grown day by day. If the suppression of “June 4th” left the CCP with only performance-based legitimacy, then even that remaining legitimacy is now gradually disappearing. This has forced the CCP to strengthen its high-pressure rule and speech controls, further squeezing the people’s space for freedom. At the same time, economic downturn is also compressing the people’s living space, causing social resentment to accumulate rapidly. According to data from the “China Dissent Monitor” and others, protest incidents in 2025 increased by approximately 45%–50% year-on-year, with over 5,000 protest events recorded for the entire year. In the third quarter of 2025 alone, there were 1,392 incidents. Notable cases include:
The lead poisoning incident at a kindergarten in Tianshui, Gansu: Parents’ panic over their children’s health quickly accumulated, but the authorities swiftly contained it through public opinion control and on-site stability maintenance.
The school bullying incident in Jiangyou, Sichuan: The heart-wrenching scene of deaf-mute parents kneeling to seek justice was blocked by police, public opinion was suppressed, and social anger was prevented from spreading.
The Xiao Luoxi incident: The death of a 5-month-old baby girl after surgery triggered family suspicions of misdiagnosis and excessive medical treatment. The public spontaneously voiced support, but the authorities quickly suppressed public attention through official notices, accountability measures, and opinion guidance.
Student death incidents in Pucheng, Shaanxi and Xincai, Henan: Families were prevented from approaching the bodies, and the authorities uniformly claimed the deaths were “accidents,” quickly sealing off any space for public discussion.
The protest at the crematorium in Xinyi, Guangdong: Residents opposed the crematorium being built near villages. The protest clashed with police, who cleared the scene with force. Multiple people were injured and arrested.
Although large and small protest activities continue to be ruthlessly suppressed by the CCP’s iron fist, social injustice, government negligence, the absence of the rule of law, and exploitation by the privileged class weigh heavily on the Chinese people like several mountains, squeezing their living space.
The Chinese people’s resistance may seem ineffective, but the spark of resistance was actually planted as early as “June 4th.” The flames ignited each time the Chinese people rise up appear to be extinguished again and again. However, as long as the Chinese people’s determination to resist CCP tyranny does not die, and their belief in pursuing a happy life does not fade, no matter how many times they are suppressed, the Chinese people will rise up and resist once more!
The CCP has lain low and bided its time for many years while actively infiltrating the civilized world. Fortunately, it exposed its ambitions too early, prompting Western countries to impose isolation and sanctions. The world is now accelerating its decoupling from the CCP. This is a once-in-a-millennium opportunity. We, the China Democratic Party, must seize it firmly. We must unite anti-CCP forces both inside and outside China, pool our wisdom and efforts, spread universal values and the ideas of freedom and democracy within the Great Firewall, and cultivate civic culture. This is a war of attrition in which one side’s gain is the other’s loss. The CCP will be exhausted by constant suppression, while the ideas of freedom and democracy will spread more widely with each struggle, triggering even larger-scale resistance next time!
Today’s CCP is like the Jia family mansion described by Cao Xueqin in Dream of the Red Chamber—on the surface glamorous and imposing, seemingly unshakable, but in reality already riddled with holes and rotten to the core, strong in appearance but weak inside. The collapse of the CCP’s dictatorial rule is historically inevitable, but that does not mean we can sit idly by and wait for it to happen.
For thousands of years, China’s land has been deeply shaped by feudal systems and autocratic thinking, which are difficult to change. As mentioned above, we, the China Democratic Party, should seize the opportunity while the CCP is beset with difficulties both at home and abroad. We must promote universal values and the ideas of freedom and democracy inside China, cultivate civic culture on this land, establish democratic concepts, and abandon feudal imperial thinking. Only in this way can we ensure that any new government will not become another dictatorship, that the Chinese people can achieve true liberation, and that the nation can truly achieve revival after suffering so long under the CCP’s poison!
