致：中国共产党总书记习近平
申请人：彭永和，中国公民（前上海律师），76年生，江西籍，无固定住所地。
本人彭永和，希望能像前总理朱镕基那样，怀着“不管前面是地雷阵还是万丈深渊，我都将一往无前，义无反顾，鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已”的为人民服务” 的历史责任感和使命感而申请加入中国共产党。
同时，我正式邀请习近平你作为本人的入党介绍人。
我深知，以我现在可疑的政治立场，上海方面不可能接受我的入党申请，其它省份的又根本不了解我，所以，目光只能投向你！至于理由：“你懂的”！
本人申请加入中国共产党的动机和目的：
1，消除误会：
在长达九年的被维稳过程中，说本人有政治倾向问题；说本人虽然嘴上不说，可心里和所作的事情就是要推翻中国共产党的领导！
为此，前几年我特意给上海市司法局和市政府写了一封公开信，信中说“本人坚决反对专政、反对独裁、接受普世价值”——如果这是政治倾向的话———这可不是我彭永和首先提出来的，早在抗战及国共内战时期，“新华社”就向全体国人公开发表过类似的表态；毛泽东也曾在1945 年的《论联合政府》中提到，中国应实现林肯的“民有、民治、民享”原则和罗斯福的“四大自由”——这能是政治倾向有问题？这能是要推翻中国共产党的领导的意思？
之后，记得还曾经两次给上海市长龚正写公开信明确表示希望“消除误会”然，从未得到回应。
2, 害怕打击报复：
他们曾跟我说：“你我是敌对关系，…….”。
3, 可以自由去北京看升国旗、敬礼：
今年1月底，我到北京的当天就被上海的国宝带到了北京的一个派出所说:“你在公安部的黑名单里，你不能待在北京……….”。北京的那个国宝也对我说:“我是不可能让你待在北京的……”。
4, 恢复律师证：
因涉及政治倾向问题，2021年1月份我的律师证就被上海市司法局注销了，注销前的申辩书的标题是“给中共中央总书记国家主席习近平的公开信”，具体内容你去看看，国保那有。
5, 兑现对上海全体律师的承诺博取名声：
我说过要努力促成《上海市律师协会选举和罢免规则》的尽早颁布，2022年本人就制定了此规则草案发给了上海市律师协会和司法局，就在今年的3月份在给上海市委书记陈吉宁、市长龚正的公开信（二）中还提及了此事，甚至在总理李强当上海市委书记的时候借助疫情的公开信寻求过他的帮助。
6, 获得巨额赔偿：
在今年3月份给上海市委书记陈吉宁、市长龚正的公开信（一）中公开进行索赔，我估算了一下大概一百五十万元左右。
你想，如果我入了党，我们之间的关系就是同志了对吧，也就说明之前确实是个误会阿，既然是误会，那么这么多年的不能律师执业的损失就应该赔偿给我对吧？
7,被养老金分配状况刺激、担心自己十年后:
如今，公务员、事业单位退休每月平均六七千，农民和城市居民平均二百多点。而，2025年世界银行修订，联合国统计司 (UNSD)发布的国际绝对贫困标准线是“日均生活消费3美元”。折合人民币约每月630元，也就是说还不到国际贫困线的一半！
如果我今年入了党，那么，我一定会同你一道还有其他同志一起想办法把农民和城市居民的养老金到明年提高到每月一千元，后年继续提高，直至跟公务员和企业职工相当的水平。
哎！要是李克强总理还活着，我想，他一定会全力支持我们的！
8, 被医疗保障制度所刺激，担心自己和孩子看不起病：
网友总结为：不是没有免费医疗，而是免费医疗的名单里没有你！
如果我今年入党了，我就跟你一起不论前面是地雷阵还是万丈深渊，将一往无前，义无反顾，鞠躬尽瘁，死而后已”，目标是在三年内实现全民“平等基础保障的免费医疗”。
9，被（2026）沪7101行初309号行政裁定书所刺激：
一审法院裁定书表述如下：………..实际系对市司法局是否履行了对上海律协的监督管理职责的异议，明显不属于《条例》所调整的范畴，被诉告知对原告的权利义务不产生实际影响，……..故原告的起诉不符合法定起诉条件。
如果真如法院认为的那样，本人为何不去控告、投诉或者以行政不作为为由提起诉讼？又或者如给上海市委书记陈吉宁、市长龚正的公开信（二）中那样明确要求对上海市司法局相关涉案人员渎职的行为进行调查处理？反而是申请信息公开律师协会的财务审计报告和材料———到底是法院脑残还是本人脑残？
另，法院不开庭，就可以避免查明：本人立案时提交的律师执业证证据上面记载的时间和本人的实际执业年份在所申请的上海律师协会第十、十一届期间，从而关系到本人的财产权、知情权、监督权。如此，就可以装糊涂用对原告的权利义务不产生实际影响结案，从而避免上海律协每年“亿”元会费的实际支出情况被公开的可能性，从而影响到上海几万名律师的心情和律师行业的稳定！
10, 被于凯等言论自由权案件的刺激：
我的朋友于凯律师，因在司法部门前举牌反映“律协自治、会费、黑名单等问题被涉嫌寻衅滋事犯罪。
黑名单问题，我是亲历者，被明确告知上了上海市司法局黑名单。
外交部发言人反复说中国公民有言论自由权，没有任何一个公民会“因言获罪”。 我入党之后，我将更有力量与你一起和其他同志促使《新闻法》在一年之内制定和颁布。届时，将明确言论自由权的边界，避免类似如我朋友于凯案的再次发生。
我初步的设想的言论自由的边界是：非因故意制作、编造、发表或明知是虚假旨在攻击、诋毁政府及工作人员履行公职行为或现状的言论、信息而传播的，不得为罪。
前款因故意除已然造成社会功能上的停止或丧失，或已然处于紧迫状态政府不得不通过武力对公共场所和秩序所进行干预、预防和布置外的，也不得为罪。
11,对阳光法案的期盼和被巨额财产来源不明罪金额上调至300万的刺激：
《公职人员财产公示法》已然是被绝大多数国家已验证的最好的反腐败方法之一，只要该法颁布，巨额财产来源不明罪金额根本无需上调，反而可以下调甚至废除此罪。如，新加坡。如有巨额财产来源不明一律按“贪污处理”。
我入党之后，将与你并肩作战，二年内颁布《公职人员财产公示法》，如你曾说的“扎紧制度的篱笆”，自己亲自为自己带上“枷锁”、拴上锁链、筑起笼子。
12,我的兄弟丁家喜和朋友张展案件的刺激：
我的兄弟丁家喜，这次又被判刑12年；朋友张展这次又是4年。
我知道，那些办理他们案件的公检法人员也知道，他们的追求和目标其实跟你跟党是一模一样———民主、宪政、法治中国。
这激起了我强烈的对隐藏在党内的腐败份子清除欲望。届时，你我将并肩作战，对腐败份子0容忍。
13,…….
太多了，待续。
以上，或许有人会说——彭永和，你动机不纯，贪名贪财阿，你这种人怎么能入党呢？
这个问题问得非常好！
我的答复是：我是血肉之身，不是特殊材料制作的，所以，我必须直视人性尊重人性，一切从人性出发，不叫口号，事实求是，不隐瞒不欺骗组织。我想，只有这样才具备申请加入中国共产党的资格吧。你说是吧？
最后，我要说明一下为什么要以公开信的方式。原因就是：既然我决心要为人民服务，那么，本申请书涉及的信息和“服务事项”就自然应当公开接受全民的核实检验和监督，如果在本申请书中你发现或经举报核实有任何故意捏造的事实，本人将永远不再申请加入中国共产党。
习近平主席、 全体中国公民、全体中国共产党员、其他八个党派党员、川普总统、内塔尼亚胡总理、泽联斯基总统、安东尼奥·古特雷斯,联合国秘书长等所有文明的境外势力和追求文明的人们，如果你认为我彭永和更有可能真的会履行共产党的宗旨、践行共产党对十四亿中国人的承诺“全心全意为人民服务”，请支持我加入中国共产党。谢谢！
今日去北京！ 此入党申请书公开前，该不会又被上海或北京的公安控制了吧！
申请人：彭永和
电话微信：13816353773
2026年5月10日
2026年5月11日临近中午火车到北京西站，刚走出车厢即被北京警方控制，当天晚上被上海警方带回上海。
Open Letter of Application for Party Membership by Peng Yonghe, a Chinese Citizen (Former Shanghai Lawyer)
To: Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China
Applicant: Peng Yonghe, a Chinese citizen (former Shanghai lawyer), born in 1976, native of Jiangxi Province, with no fixed residence.
I, Peng Yonghe, wish to apply for membership in the Communist Party of China with the same historical sense of responsibility and mission to serve the people as former Premier Zhu Rongji, who declared: “Whether I face a minefield or a bottomless abyss, I will press forward without hesitation, devote myself wholeheartedly, and serve until my dying breath.”
At the same time, I formally invite you, Xi Jinping, to serve as my sponsor for Party membership.
I am well aware that, given my current questionable political stance, the authorities in Shanghai will not accept my application for Party membership, and those in other provinces simply do not know me. Therefore, I have no choice but to turn to you! As for the reason: “You know why!”
My motives and objectives for applying to join the Communist Party of China:
1. To clear up misunderstandings:
During the nine-year-long process of being “maintained for stability,” it was claimed that I had political leanings; that although I did not speak of it openly, my heart and my actions were aimed at overthrowing the leadership of the Communist Party of China!
To address this, a few years ago I specifically wrote an open letter to the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Justice and the Municipal Government, stating: “I firmly oppose dictatorship and autocracy, and embrace universal values”—if this constitutes a political orientation—this is not something I, Peng Yonghe, first proposed. As early as the War of Resistance and the Chinese Civil War, Xinhua News Agency had publicly issued similar statements to all Chinese citizens; Mao Zedong also mentioned in his 1945 essay “On the United Government” that China should realize Lincoln’s principle of “government of the people, by the people, for the people” and Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms”—how could this be considered a problematic political stance? How could this be interpreted as an intent to overthrow the leadership of the Communist Party of China?
Afterward, I recall writing two open letters to Shanghai Mayor Gong Zheng, explicitly expressing my hope to “clear up the misunderstanding,” yet I never received a response.
2. Fear of Retaliation:
They once told me, “We are enemies, ……”.
3. Freedom to go to Beijing to watch the flag-raising ceremony and salute:
In late January of this year, on the very day I arrived in Beijing, I was taken by a Shanghai police officer to a Beijing police station, where I was told: “You’re on the Ministry of Public Security’s blacklist; you cannot stay in Beijing…” The Beijing police officer also told me: “There’s no way I’m going to let you stay in Beijing…”
4. Restoration of my lawyer’s license:
Due to issues involving political leanings, my lawyer’s license was revoked by the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Justice in January 2021. The title of my defense statement submitted before the revocation was “Open Letter to Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee and President of the People’s Republic of China.” You can review the specific contents—they are on file with the State Security Bureau.
5. Fulfilling a promise to all Shanghai lawyers to gain a reputation:
I have stated that I would strive to facilitate the early promulgation of the “Shanghai Bar Association Rules on Election and Recall.” In 2022, I drafted these rules and submitted them to the Shanghai Bar Association and the Bureau of Justice. As recently as March of this year, I mentioned this matter in my “Open Letter (II) to Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary Chen Jining and Mayor Gong Zheng.” I even sought assistance from Premier Li Qiang via an open letter during the pandemic when he was serving as Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary.
6. Securing Substantial Compensation:
In my first open letter to Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary Chen Jining and Mayor Gong Zheng this past March, I publicly demanded compensation. I estimate the amount to be approximately 1.5 million yuan.
Just think: if I were to join the Party, our relationship would be that of comrades, right? That would mean what happened before was indeed a misunderstanding. And since it was a misunderstanding, shouldn’t I be compensated for the losses incurred over all these years during which I was unable to practice law?
7. Alarmed by the current state of pension distribution and worried about my situation ten years from now:
Today, retired civil servants and public institution employees receive an average monthly pension of 6,000 to 7,000 yuan, while farmers and urban residents receive an average of just over 200 yuan. Meanwhile, according to the World Bank’s 2025 revision and the international absolute poverty line published by the United Nations Statistics Division (UNSD), the threshold is “an average daily living expense of $3.” Converted to RMB, this amounts to approximately 630 yuan per month—meaning it is less than half the international poverty line!
If I join the Party this year, I will certainly work with you and other comrades to find ways to raise the pensions for farmers and urban residents to 1,000 yuan per month by next year, and continue to increase them the year after, until they reach a level comparable to that of civil servants and enterprise employees.
Ah! If Premier Li Keqiang were still alive, I believe he would wholeheartedly support us!
8. Provoked by the healthcare system and worried about being unable to afford medical treatment for myself and my children:
Netizens have summed it up as: “It’s not that there is no free healthcare—it’s just that you aren’t on the list for free healthcare!”
If I join the Party this year, I will stand with you, and no matter whether we face a minefield or a bottomless abyss ahead, we will press forward undaunted, without hesitation, dedicating ourselves wholeheartedly until our dying breath. Our goal is to achieve “free healthcare with equal basic coverage for all” within three years.
9. Provoked by Administrative Ruling No. (2026) Hu 7101 Xing Chu 309:
The first-instance court’s ruling states as follows: ……….. This is in fact an objection to whether the Municipal Bureau of Justice has fulfilled its supervisory and management duties over the Shanghai Bar Association, which clearly falls outside the scope of the Regulations. The contested notice has no actual impact on the plaintiff’s rights and obligations,…. …Therefore, the plaintiff’s lawsuit does not meet the statutory conditions for filing a lawsuit.
If the situation is truly as the court claims, why did I not file a criminal complaint, lodge a formal complaint, or initiate a lawsuit on the grounds of administrative inaction? Or, as explicitly requested in my Open Letter (II) to Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary Chen Jining and Mayor Gong Zheng, why did I not demand an investigation and disciplinary action against the relevant personnel at the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Justice for their dereliction of duty? Instead, I applied for the disclosure of the Bar Association’s financial audit reports and materials—is it the court that is brain-dead, or am I?
Furthermore, by refusing to hold a hearing, the court can avoid ascertaining that the date recorded on the attorney’s license I submitted upon filing the case corresponds to my actual years of practice during the 10th and 11th terms of the Shanghai Bar Association, which directly relates to my property rights, right to know, and right to oversight. In this way, they can feign ignorance and dismiss the case on the grounds that it has no practical impact on the plaintiff’s rights and obligations, thereby preventing the disclosure of the Shanghai Bar Association’s actual annual expenditure of “hundreds of millions” in membership fees—which would affect the morale of tens of thousands of lawyers in Shanghai and the stability of the legal profession!
10. Stimulated by the case involving Yu Kai and others regarding the right to freedom of speech:
My friend, Attorney Yu Kai, was suspected of committing the crime of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” for holding up a sign in front of the judicial authorities to protest issues such as “bar association autonomy, membership fees, and blacklists.”
Regarding the blacklist issue, I am a firsthand witness; I was explicitly informed that I had been placed on the Shanghai Municipal Bureau of Justice’s blacklist.
The spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has repeatedly stated that Chinese citizens have the right to freedom of speech, and that no citizen will be “punished for their words.” After I join the Party, I will have greater strength to work with you and other comrades to ensure that the “Press Law” is drafted and enacted within one year. At that time, the boundaries of the right to freedom of speech will be clearly defined, preventing the recurrence of cases similar to that of my friend Yu Kai.
My preliminary conception of the boundaries of freedom of speech is as follows: it shall not constitute a crime to produce, fabricate, publish, or disseminate speech or information that is not intentionally created, or that is knowingly false, with the intent to attack or defame the government or government officials in the performance of their official duties or regarding the current state of affairs.
Furthermore, the acts described in the preceding paragraph shall not constitute a crime if they are committed intentionally, unless they have already caused a functional halt or loss of social order, or unless the government is already in a state of emergency and is compelled to intervene, prevent, or deploy forces in public spaces and to maintain public order.
11. Expectations for the Sunshine Act and the stimulus of raising the threshold for the crime of unexplained wealth to 3 million:
The “Public Officials’ Asset Disclosure Act” is already one of the best anti-corruption methods proven effective by the vast majority of countries. Once this law is enacted, there will be no need to raise the threshold for the crime of unexplained wealth; on the contrary, it can be lowered or even abolished. For example, in Singapore, any case of unexplained wealth is uniformly treated as “corruption.”
Once I join the Party, I will fight alongside you to enact the “Public Officials’ Asset Disclosure Law” within two years. As you once said, we must “tighten the institutional fence”—personally placing “shackles” on ourselves, fastening chains, and building a cage.
12. The Impact of the Cases Involving My Brother Ding Jiaxi and My Friend Zhang Zhan:
My brother, Ding Jiaxi, has once again been sentenced to 12 years in prison; my friend, Zhang Zhan, has been sentenced to another 4 years.
I know—and the officials from the public security, procuratorial, and judicial authorities handling their cases know as well—that their aspirations and goals are actually identical to yours and those of the Party: democracy, constitutional government, and the rule of law in China.
This has sparked in me a strong desire to root out the corrupt elements hiding within the Party. When that time comes, you and I will fight side by side, with zero tolerance for corrupt officials.
13,…….
There is too much to say; to be continued.
Regarding the above, some might say—Peng Yonghe, your motives are impure; you crave fame and wealth. How could someone like you ever join the Party?
That is an excellent question!
My response is: I am made of flesh and blood, not some special material. Therefore, I must face human nature head-on and respect it. I must approach everything from the perspective of human nature, avoid empty slogans, seek truth from facts, and never conceal or deceive the organization. I believe that only in this way do I qualify to apply for membership in the Communist Party of China. Don’t you agree?
Finally, I would like to explain why I am submitting this as an open letter. The reason is this: since I am determined to serve the people, the information and “matters of service” contained in this application should naturally be made public to be verified, examined, and supervised by the entire nation. If you discover, or if it is verified through a report, that there are any intentionally fabricated facts in this application, I will never again apply to join the Communist Party of China.
President Xi Jinping, all Chinese citizens, all members of the Communist Party of China, members of the other eight political parties, President Trump, Prime Minister Netanyahu, President Zelenskyy, António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, and all civilized foreign forces and people who pursue civilization—if you believe that I, Peng Yonghe, am more likely to truly uphold the Communist Party’s principles and fulfill the Party’s commitment to 1.4 billion Chinese people to “serve the people wholeheartedly,” please support my application to join the Communist Party of China. Thank you!
Heading to Beijing today! Before this application for Party membership is made public, I hope I won’t be detained by the Shanghai or Beijing police again!
Applicant: Peng Yonghe
Phone/WeChat: 13816353773
Email: [email protected]
May 10, 2026
On May 11, 2026, shortly before noon, my train arrived at Beijing West Station. As soon as I stepped out of the carriage, I was detained by Beijing police and taken back to Shanghai by Shanghai police that same evening.
