作者：卢超

时间如白驹过隙，转眼间，“八九六四”已经过去了三十七个年头。三十七年，足以让当年的热血青年步入两鬓苍苍的暮年，也足以让整整两代人在极权刻意制造的信息黑洞中长大。然而，历史的奇妙之处在于，记忆或许会被高墙暂时封锁，但人类对自由的本能渴望却如同地底的岩浆，总会在最意想不到的时刻破土而出。

回顾这三十七年，民间的反抗其实从未真正中断。虽然天安门广场上的枪声曾换来过长期的表面高压，但从上世纪九十年代前赴后继的民间组党尝试，到2010年前后兴起的“茉莉花行动”与新公民运动，中国知识分子与普通民众一直在威权的缝隙中寻找微光。

而到了近年来，这种长期的压抑终于迎来了全方位的爆发。

作为一名身在美国的中国民主党人，在纪念六四三十七周年的这一刻，坐在键盘前，我脑海中不断交织着几幅画面：一幅是1989年天安门广场上那些头裹红布条、高呼“要自由”的年轻面孔；一幅是中共二十大前夕，在北京四通桥上冲天而起的滚滚浓烟，以及彭立发孤身一人挂出的那两副振聋发聩的横幅；还有一幅，则是随后在上海、北京、洛杉矶和纽约街头，无数年轻人手举白纸、眼神坚定的身影。

这些人和事，在时空上看似零散，但当他们为了同胞的尊严、为了重获自由的权利而呐喊时，那一刻，六四的精神已经完成了一次跨越三十七年的无声共振。

这种共振，首先体现在抗争诉求的底层逻辑上。八九民运的核心，是年轻人对一个公义社会的追求，是对权力和体制黑箱的质问。而四通桥上的那句“要自由，要民主，要选票”，则直接揭开了三十七年来被掩盖的脓包，用最直白的方式将政治诉求重新带回公众视野。随后爆发的白纸运动，正是将四通桥上的政治口号变成了成千上万人的集体呐喊。从三十七年前的广场，到四通桥，再到遍地白纸，追求宪政民主的底层逻辑从未改变。

其次，抗争的形态在残酷的维稳机器下演变出了新的坚韧。八九民运发生在相对集中的空间，依赖于大型集会；而在当代，面对无孔不入的数字监控，反抗化为了四通桥式的“孤勇者”一击，随后又演变成白纸运动中“去中心化”的网络快闪。这种形态的进化让 强大的维稳机器一度措手不及，证明了即便是高墙耸立，民间的智慧与勇气依然能找到突破口。

然而，作为后来者和观察者，我们也必须在共振中看到局限。无论是四通桥的孤胆义举，还是白纸运动的自发泄洪，抗争者在事后都面临着严酷的秋后算账。这恰恰提醒了我们：自发的、去中心化的情绪爆发，如果无法走向长期的、组织化的理性抗争，诉求就很难变成持久的政体改变。

身在美国这片自由的土地上，作为中国民主党的一员，我们不仅是历史记忆的守护者，更应当成为抗争者之间的桥梁。我们拥有发声的自由与组党的空间，这就要求我们不能仅仅停留在悲愤的悼念中。我们要把这种时空共振转化为切实的行动，向新一代的年轻抗争者提供经验与后盾，探讨如何在海外承接这些火种，凝聚成更有韧性、更具建制性的民间力量。

三十七年过去了，天安门广场上的枪声似乎早已远去，但它留下的精神遗产，在四通桥的风烟里，在每一个举起白纸的夜晚，都被赋予了全新的生命力。

反抗的火炬从未熄灭。从1989年到今天，一代人有一代人的长征，但这条通往自由与宪政的路，我们的方向从未改变。

编辑：周志刚 校对：周敏 翻译：戈冰

Thirty-Seven Years of the Torch of Democracy: Passed Down from Tiananmen to Contemporary Civil Resistance

By Lu Chao

Abstract: The article points out that the Chinese democracy movement has never been interrupted, stretching from the “Eighty-Nine June Fourth” to the “Jasmine Action” and to the White Paper Movement. However, resistance faces the issue of a lack of organization. The author calls upon overseas Chinese to shoulder their role.

Time flies like a white horse passing a crevice, and in the blink of an eye, thirty-seven years have already passed since “Eighty-Nine June Fourth.” Thirty-seven years are enough to let the passionate youth of those years step into their twilight years with graying hair at their temples, and enough to allow two entire generations to grow up inside an information black hole deliberately manufactured by totalitarianism. However, the wonder of history lies in the fact that while memories may be temporarily blocked by high walls, the instinctive human desire for freedom is like subterranean magma, always breaking through the soil at the most unexpected moments.

Looking back at these thirty-seven years, civil resistance has actually never truly ceased. Although the gunfire in Tiananmen Square once brought about long-term, superficial high pressure, from the succession of civil attempts to form political parties in the 1990s to the rise of the “Jasmine Action” and the New Citizens’ Movement around 2010, Chinese intellectuals and ordinary people have constantly been searching for a glimmer of light within the cracks of authoritarianism.

And in recent years, this long-term suppression has finally ushered in an all-around outbreak.

As a member of the China Democratic Party based in the United States, at this moment of commemorating the thirty-seventh anniversary of June Fourth, sitting in front of my keyboard, several images constantly interweave in my mind: one is the young faces in Tiananmen Square in 1989, their heads wrapped in red cloth strips, shouting loudly “We want freedom”; one is the billowing smoke rising into the sky on the Sitong Bridge in Beijing on the eve of the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, along with the two deafening banners hung up by Peng Lifa all by himself; and another is the silhouettes of countless young people holding up white sheets of paper with firm eyes on the streets of Shanghai, Beijing, Los Angeles, and New York that followed.

These people and events appear scattered in time and space, but when they cry out for the dignity of their compatriots and for the right to regain freedom, at that very moment, the spirit of June Fourth has completed a silent resonance spanning thirty-seven years.

This resonance manifests itself, first of all, in the underlying logic of the demands of the resistance. The core of the 1989 Democracy Movement was the pursuit of a just society by young people, and their questioning of power and institutional black boxes. Meanwhile, the phrase “We want freedom, we want democracy, we want votes” on Sitong Bridge directly tore open the abscess that had been covered up for thirty-seven years, bringing political demands back into the public eye in the most straightforward manner. The White Paper Movement that subsequently erupted was precisely what turned the political slogans on Sitong Bridge into the collective shouting of thousands upon thousands of people. From the square thirty-seven years ago, to Sitong Bridge, and then to the white paper everywhere, the underlying logic of pursuing constitutional democracy has never changed.

Furthermore, under the ruthless stability maintenance apparatus, the form of resistance has evolved into a new resilience. The 1989 Democracy Movement took place in a relatively concentrated space and relied on large-scale rallies; whereas in the contemporary era, facing ubiquitous digital surveillance, resistance has transformed into the single blow of a Sitong Bridge-style “lone brave soul,” and subsequently evolved into the “decentralized” cyber-flash mobs of the White Paper Movement. This evolution in form once caught the powerful stability maintenance apparatus unprepared, proving that even when high walls stand tall, civil wisdom and courage can still find a breakthrough.

However, as successors and observers, we must also recognize the limitations within this resonance. Whether it was the solitary courageous feat on Sitong Bridge or the spontaneous venting of the White Paper Movement, the resisters all faced a harsh reckoning and retaliation after the events. This precisely reminds us that if spontaneous, decentralized emotional outbursts cannot move toward long-term, organized, and rational resistance, it will be very difficult for these demands to transform into lasting regime change.

Standing on this free soil of the United States, as members of the China Democratic Party, we are not only the guardians of historical memory, but should furthermore become a bridge among resisters. We possess the freedom to speak out and the space to form political parties, which requires that we cannot merely stop at sorrowful and indignant commemorations. We must transform this resonance across time and space into tangible actions, provide experience and backing to the new generation of young resisters, and explore how to receive and sustain these sparks overseas, condensing them into a civil force that is more resilient and more institutionalized.

Thirty-seven years have passed, and the gunfire in Tiananmen Square seems to have long receded, but the spiritual legacy it left behind has been endowed with a completely new vitality in the wind and smoke of Sitong Bridge, and in every night when white paper was held up.

The torch of resistance has never been extinguished. From 1989 to today, each generation has its own Long March, but along this path leading to freedom and constitutionalism, our direction has never changed.

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Ge Bing