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制度的代价与发展的方向

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—— 从2024年诺贝尔经济学奖反思中国的未来

文 / 陆乾坤 《在野党》编辑部 责任编辑:鲁慧文

2024年诺贝尔经济学奖授予哈佛大学教授克劳迪娅·戈尔丁(Claudia Goldin),以表彰她通过历史数据系统性地揭示了制度、文化与家庭结构如何深刻影响女性在劳动力市场中的机会与薪酬差距。这项研究不仅拓展了我们对性别平等的理解,更深刻地指出:制度在无形之中,决定着人的命运。

这并非一项孤立的学术成果,而是在自由制度土壤上才能绽放的文明之花。在一个保障思想自由与学术自主的社会中,研究者得以追寻真实,公民得以表达意见,政府得以接受监督。“言论自由、信仰自由、免于匮乏的自由、免于恐惧的自由”——这些普世价值的实现程度,才是衡量制度优劣的真正标尺。

然而,今日中国层出不穷的社会悲剧,却从反面印证了制度失效的现实。

从“被自杀”的罗帅宇,到郑州村镇银行储户维权受阻;从“铁链女”事件真相被封锁,到异地公安跨省抓人、企业家被构陷的“远洋捕捞”式执法;从维权人士被非法截访,到外资大量撤退、青年就业失衡——这一切,并非偶发,而是中共体制内在逻辑的必然结果。

在一个权力不受监督、新闻不许质疑、司法缺乏独立、人民无法表达的体制中,不公正不是偶尔的意外,而是制度本身的日常机制。

戈尔丁的研究同时提醒我们:经济增长无法脱离制度设计而持续。当中国的宏观经济指标不断被美化,而微观现实却日益沉重;当改革承诺沦为口号,社会信任逐渐崩解;当个体因言获罪、因信仰入狱、因维权而消失……这不是现代国家的模样,更不是发展中国家应有的代价。

制度的深层代价,已在吞噬中国的未来:

外资出走,产业链重构,全球信任快速流失;

青年失业率持续高企,社会代际焦虑蔓延;

生育率断崖式下滑,人口结构陷入危机;

维稳成本激增,执政逻辑陷入恶性循环。

在这样的历史节点,中国民主党再度发声:

我们认为,中国不能靠更大的控制去维持虚假的秩序,而必须以更高的自由来唤醒真正的发展动力。我们主张:

保障言论自由,让人民说话,不再恐惧;

捍卫信仰自由,让思想多元,不再迫害;

重建法治体系,使人人在法律面前平等;

推动宪政民主,建立责任政府,制衡权力;

维护新闻独立,恢复真相的公共空间;

鼓励多党竞争,让人民拥有选择与参与权。

我们拒绝将发展仅定义为高楼林立和数据繁荣,而坚持认为:一个社会是否成功,关键在于它是否尊重个体的尊严、自由与选择。

中国的现代化不能止步于高铁和天眼,而应根植于制度文明与公民权利的深层基础之上。民主的价值,不仅是治理工具,更是一种生活方式。

我们也郑重声明:中国民主党不仅是历史记忆的守望者,更愿成为制度建设的参与者。我们不是为了推翻旧秩序而斗争,而是为了建设新中国的价值共识与政治未来。我们愿携手所有关心中国命运的公民,共同规划一个开放、自由、可持续的新方向。

“苟日新,日日新,又日新。”一个文明社会的进步,靠的不是口号,而是制度的日复一日更新。我们坚信:唯有制度归正,社会才能归心;唯有自由照耀,民族才能前行。

让我们不再沉默于恐惧,不再屈服于谎言。愿每一份声音都被倾听,每一份尊严都被尊重,每一个中国人都能在自由之光中昂首走向明天。

The Cost of Institutions and the Direction of Development

Reflections on China’s Future from the 2024 Nobel Prize in Economics

By Lu Qiankun · The Opposition Party Editorial Board

Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

In 2024, the Nobel Prize in Economics was awarded to Harvard professor Claudia Goldin in recognition of her groundbreaking work using historical data to systematically reveal how institutions, culture, and family structures have profoundly shaped women’s opportunities and wage gaps in the labor market. Her research not only deepens our understanding of gender equality but also powerfully illustrates a larger truth: institutions silently determine human destiny.

This is not an isolated academic achievement, but a blossom of civilization made possible only in the soil of free institutions. In societies where freedom of thought and academic independence are protected, researchers can pursue truth, citizens can express dissent, and governments can be held accountable.

Freedom of speech, freedom of belief, freedom from want, and freedom from fear”—these universal values are the true yardsticks for judging institutional quality.

Yet in today’s China, a torrent of social tragedies provides reverse proof of institutional failure.

From the mysterious death of whistleblower Dr. Lou Shuaiyu, to the silenced bank protests in Zhengzhou; from the censorship of the chained woman case, to trans-provincial police crackdowns and the weaponization of law against private entrepreneurs; from the illegal detention of rights defenders, to the exodus of foreign capital and youth unemployment—

None of these are isolated incidents.

They are the inevitable outcomes of the internal logic of the Chinese Communist system.

In a regime where power is unchecked, press is censored, courts are not independent, and people are silenced—

injustice is not an exception; it is the system.

Goldin’s research also reminds us: economic growth is unsustainable without sound institutional design.

When China’s macroeconomic numbers are polished, but everyday life grows increasingly grim;

When promises of reform turn into hollow slogans and social trust disintegrates;

When people are punished for speaking, imprisoned for their faith, or disappeared for defending their rights—

This is not what a modern nation should look like.

Nor is it the cost any developing country should have to bear.

China is already paying the deeper price of broken institutions:

Foreign capital fleeing, global supply chains restructured, international trust collapsing;

Youth unemployment soaring, generational anxiety spreading;

Fertility rates plummeting, demographic crisis unfolding;

Escalating “stability maintenance” costs, governance trapped in a vicious cycle.

At this critical historical juncture, the China Democracy Party once again raises its voice:

We believe China cannot rely on increasing control to maintain a false sense of order.

We must instead ignite real development through greater freedom.

We advocate:

Protecting freedom of speech, so people may speak without fear;

Defending freedom of belief, so ideas may flourish without persecution;

Rebuilding a rule-of-law system, so all are equal before the law;

Promoting constitutional democracy, so power is checked and government held accountable;

Safeguarding press independence, to reclaim a public space for truth;

Encouraging multi-party competition, so citizens may choose and participate in governance.

We reject the notion that “development” is measured solely in skyscrapers or inflated statistics.

We insist: a society’s success lies in its respect for individual dignity, freedom, and choice.

China’s modernization must not stop at high-speed rail and surveillance tech.

It must be grounded in institutional integrity and civic rights.

Democracy is not just a method of governance—it is a way of life.

We also affirm: the China Democracy Party is not merely a guardian of historical memory,

but a committed participant in the work of institutional construction.

We do not fight simply to overthrow the old order,

but to build a new political consensus for China’s future.

We stand ready to work with all citizens who care about China’s destiny—

to chart a path toward openness, freedom, and sustainability.

“If each day is made new, then let each day be newly renewed.”

The progress of a civilized society does not rely on slogans,

but on the steady renewal of its institutions.

We firmly believe:

Only when institutions are set right will hearts follow.

Only under the light of freedom can a nation truly move forward.

Let us no longer remain silent in fear, nor bow to lies.

Let every voice be heard.

Let every dignity be honored.

Let every Chinese citizen walk tall into the light of freedom.

我是袁崛,消灭中共,光复香港,义不容辞!

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我是中国民主党党员袁崛。中共统治时期,香港无民主,无法治。“五十年不变”的虚假承诺展现中共政权一如既往的流氓本性!消灭中共,光复香港,义不容辞!

作者:袁崛

编辑:赵杰

I am Yuan Jue, a member of the China Democracy Party.

Under CCP rule, Hong Kong has no democracy and no rule of law.

The so-called promise of “fifty years unchanged” has proven to be a sham, revealing the CCP’s thuggish nature as always!

Eradicating the CCP and reclaiming Hong Kong is our unshirkable duty!

By Yuan Jue

Editor: Zhao Jie

Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

我叫俞广龙,我在六四纪念馆做义工,作历史记忆的守护者

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我叫俞广龙,是一名中国民主党成员,我在“六四纪念馆”做义工——这个承载无数先烈血泪的地方,不只是为了纪念历史,更是做历史记忆的守护者。

作者:俞广龙

编辑:罗志飞

My name is Yu Guanglong, and I am a member of the China Democracy Party. I volunteer at the June 4th Memorial Hall—a place that bears the blood and tears of countless martyrs. This memorial is not only about remembering history, but also about safeguarding the memory of history itself.

By Yu Guanglong

Edited by Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

我叫熊小芳,我在自由雕塑公园发声

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我叫熊小芳,是中国民主党党员,我在南加州自由雕塑公园前发声:中共不倒,世界不安;中共不除,人类难宁。

作者:熊小芳

编辑:王尊福

My name is Xiong Xiaofang, and I am a member of the China Democracy Party.

I raised my voice in front of the Liberty Sculpture Park in Southern California:

“As long as the CCP remains, the world will not be at peace;

until the CCP is eliminated, humanity will know no rest.”

By Xiong Xiaofang

Editor: Wang Zunfu

Translator: Lu Huiwen

我是田家元,我在六四纪念馆发声

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我是中国民主党党员田家元,我在六四纪念馆(洛杉矶)发声:没有共产党才有新中国,勿忘八九六四所牺牲的每一位英雄。

作者:田家元

编辑:王尊福

I am Tian Jiayuan, a member of the China Democracy Party.

At the June 4th Memorial Hall in Los Angeles, I raised my voice:

“Only without the Communist Party can there be a new China.

Never forget every hero who sacrificed their life on June 4th, 1989.”

By Tian Jiayuan

Editor: Wang Zunfu

Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

中国民主党公开组党史(一)

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提供者:袁崛 责任编辑:鲁慧文

中国民主党组党初期,全国各地来杭州取经的朋友,回去建立各地的筹委会

一九九八年六月二十五日,在美国总统克林顿抵达中国大陆访问之前仅数小时,王有才和王东海、林辉三人向浙江省民政局提出书面申请,要求成立中国民主党浙江筹备委员会。这是中共建政五十年以来,政治异议人士首次公开申请成立反对党,这是中国民主运动史上的重大事件。

王有才等人委托中国人权民运信息中心发出筹组“中国民主党”的宣言及该党的党章,于六月二十五日下午前去浙江省民政厅递交文件申请为该党注册,这是中共建国近五十年来首次有异议人士以公开的姿态宣布筹组反对党,在中国民主运动史上有划时代的意义。这个由著名学生领袖王有才及异议人士王东海、林辉组成的“中国民主党”浙江筹备委员会,发出了“公开宣言”及党章(草案)。他们表示,一切政治权力只能来自公众,服务于公众,故政府只能根据公众的意志而产生,政府应建立于直接的民主选举之上。中国民主党的宗旨是:实现直接民主选举,建立宪政民主政体,建立政治分权机制,铲除政治独裁及政治腐败的土壤。该党也号召各地民运人士加入该党,争取早日召开全国代表大会。 王有才为八九年被通缉二十一名学生领袖之一,后判刑四年,九一年底获释,现居住杭州。王东海八九年为商场经理,“六四”后入狱三年。 林辉刚由宁波大学毕业,现为浙江作家协会成员。

海外民运人士王炳章、王希哲获悉浙江组党的消息后,立即予以密切关注,在与浙江朋友联系磋商的同时,安排各省积极响应。7月初,在得到浙江朋友的委托后成立“中国民主党海外后援会”,王希哲任第一任主席。

中国民主党创始人之一朱虞夫因向市民散发大量传单,宣传「中国民主党」宣言,三十日上午十点被公安从街上强行带走。朱虞夫为七九年民主墙时期杭州民刊「钱江潮」编辑,八九年民运时,被中共公安拘押两个月。

History of the China Democracy Party (Part I)

Submitted by: Yuan Jue | Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

In the early days of the China Democracy Party’s founding, friends from all over the country came to Hangzhou to learn from the experience, and upon returning, they established preparatory committees in their respective regions.

On June 25, 1998, just hours before U.S. President Bill Clinton arrived in mainland China for a state visit, Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and Lin Hui submitted a written application to the Zhejiang Provincial Civil Affairs Bureau, requesting official registration of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP).

This marked the first time in 50 years of CCP rule that political dissidents had openly applied to form an opposition party—an unprecedented and monumental event in the history of China’s pro-democracy movement.

Wang Youcai and his colleagues entrusted the Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy (based in Hong Kong) to release a founding declaration and the party’s draft constitution. That same afternoon, they personally submitted the registration documents to the Zhejiang Provincial Civil Affairs Department. This act—openly declaring the formation of an opposition party within China—was a landmark moment in Chinese political history.

The Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party, founded by well-known student leader Wang Youcai and dissidents Wang Donghai and Lin Hui, issued a “Public Declaration” and a draft party constitution. They asserted that all political power must originate from and serve the people, and that governments should be formed based on the public will and through direct democratic elections.

The China Democracy Party’s stated mission is to:

• Achieve direct democratic elections

• Establish a constitutional democratic political system

• Create a mechanism of separation of powers

• Eradicate the roots of dictatorship and political corruption

The CDP also called on pro-democracy activists across China to join the party and work toward convening a National Congress as soon as possible.

Wang Youcai, one of the 21 student leaders most wanted after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, was later sentenced to four years in prison and released at the end of 1991. He currently resides in Hangzhou.

Wang Donghai, a department store manager during the 1989 movement, was imprisoned for three years after June Fourth.

Lin Hui had just graduated from Ningbo University and was a member of the Zhejiang Writers Association.

Upon learning of the formation of the CDP in Zhejiang, overseas pro-democracy activists Wang Bingzhang and Wang Xizhe immediately took interest. While coordinating with contacts in Zhejiang, they organized support efforts in other provinces. In early July, upon receiving authorization from their Zhejiang colleagues, they founded the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association, with Wang Xizhe serving as its first president.

One of the CDP’s co-founders, Zhu Yufu, was forcibly taken from the street by public security officers at 10:00 a.m. on the 30th for distributing large numbers of leaflets promoting the CDP Declaration. Zhu Yufu was formerly the editor of Qianjiang Tide, a pro-democracy magazine from the 1979 “Democracy Wall” era in Hangzhou, and had also been detained for two months during the 1989 movement.

中国民主党浙江筹备委员会成立公开宣言

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《宣言》起草人祝正明(左)与朱虞夫

提供者:袁崛 责任编辑:鲁慧文

《宣言》起草人祝正明(左)与朱虞夫

全文如下:

鉴于任何人都无权以暴力维持自己对另一些人的统治,而这种现象在我们的社会依然存在;鉴于现代文明、理性已经传遍全世界,而封建专制和愚朽的阴霾还在笼罩着我们的社会;鉴于人性还存在种种弱点,遏止政治独裁和政治腐败是一场永久的正义斗争;鉴于广大民众需要有自己的政治组织和政治代言人;鉴于公民的结社自由是公民与生俱来的神圣不可侵犯的权利;我们一批来自于社会各界、愿意贡献出自己年华的志士,为了弘扬自由、民主、正义、和平,兹商成立中国民主党。

中国民主党坚信:一切政治权力只能来自于公众、服务于公众;政府只能根据公众的意志而产生,依照公众的意志来运作,为公众的利益服务; 政府是公众的服务者,而不是公众的支配者。

中国民主党坚信:政府必须建立在公众的自觉同意之上,建立在自由的、公正的、直接的民主选举之上,谴责任何形势的选举操纵和选举作弊, 坚决反对新闻出版垄断,反对任何既得利益集团以暴力和经济威胁实行愚 民政策。

中国民主党强烈谴责统治集团以暴力镇压政治反对派的行为,强烈谴责对被关押的持不同政见者施以酷刑和劳改做法、强烈要求当局释放一切因持不同政见而被关押的人士。

中国民主党认定:任何以暴力和暴力威慑获得的统治权力均不具有合法性,中国民主党将力求根除一切以政治权力获取经济利益和个人享受的社会寄生现象。

中国民主党坚信:[世界人权宣言]的各项人权内容均为人类与生俱来的神圣不可侵犯的权利,中国民主党将始终与侵犯人权的行为作斗争。

中国民主党反对任何形式的政治垄断和经济垄断,倡导以公正的政治竞争和经济竞争,促进政治运作和经济发展的廉洁高效。

中国民主党倡导有序的社会变革,反对混乱和打砸抢,反对以暴力对抗暴力。 中国民主党以非暴力的、和平的、理性的方式实现自己的政治目标, 提倡以文明对话方式解决任何争端和分岐,反对恐怖活动。

中国民主党的宗旨是:实现直接民主选举,建立宪政民主政治体制。 建立政治分权机制。使政治权利互相制约,并确保其能进行良性循环,使任何个人和任何集团,都无法将权力建立在暴力之上,实行军队国家化, 彻底铲除产生政治独裁和政治腐败的土壤,使中华民族彻底摆脱强权暴政。

中国民主党党内实行直接的民主选举制度,党的各级委员会和负责人自下而上选举产生,实行任期制,党的全国委员会是全体党员的服务机关。

中国民主党吸纳一切赞成、支持党的纲领和宗旨并愿意作出贡献的人进入党内,团结、联合一切赞成党的政治目标和政策的人士。

中国民主党号召全国各地民主运动人士,加入中国民主党,筹备和成立中国民主党的各省市地方委员会,并选派代表,参加全国代表大会,组建全国委员会。

中国民主党 浙江筹备委员会 于杭州

1998年6月28日

Public Declaration on the Establishment of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party

Submitted by: Yuan Jue Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

Declaration drafter Zhu Zhengming (left) and Zhu Yufu (right)

Full Text:

Whereas no one has the right to maintain their rule over others through violence—yet such phenomena persist in our society;

Whereas modern civilization and reason have spread across the globe, yet the shadows of feudal despotism and ignorance still shroud our nation;

Whereas human nature still bears its weaknesses, the fight against political dictatorship and corruption is an eternal struggle for justice;

Whereas the people need their own political organization and representatives;

Whereas the freedom of association is a sacred, inalienable right born with every citizen—

We, a group of individuals from all walks of life, determined to devote our years to the cause, hereby declare the establishment of the China Democracy Party to promote liberty, democracy, justice, and peace.

The China Democracy Party firmly believes that all political power must come from and serve the public;

That government must be established according to the will of the people, operate according to the will of the people, and serve the interests of the people;

That the government is the servant of the public, not its master.

The China Democracy Party affirms that a legitimate government must be founded on the conscious consent of the people, through free, fair, and direct democratic elections.

We condemn all forms of election manipulation and fraud.

We oppose monopolization of the press and publishing, and reject the use of violence or economic coercion by vested interest groups to enforce policies of ignorance and control.

The China Democracy Party strongly condemns the ruling regime’s use of violence to suppress political opposition.

We denounce the use of torture and forced labor against imprisoned dissidents, and demand the immediate release of all individuals imprisoned for their political beliefs.

We assert that any power gained through violence or the threat of violence is illegitimate.

The China Democracy Party strives to eliminate all parasitic practices where political power is used to gain economic advantage or personal luxury.

The China Democracy Party firmly upholds the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We affirm that these rights are sacred and inalienable, and we will continue to fight against any violations of human rights.

We oppose all forms of political and economic monopoly.

We advocate for fair competition in both politics and the economy to promote clean and efficient governance and development.

The China Democracy Party supports orderly social change.

We oppose chaos, looting, and violence, and reject the use of violence to counter violence.

We pursue our political goals through non-violent, peaceful, and rational means, and we advocate civilized dialogue as the path to resolving all disputes and conflicts.

We stand firmly against terrorism.

Our party’s mission is to achieve direct democratic elections and to establish a constitutional democratic political system.

We seek to build a system of checks and balances, ensuring mutual oversight and healthy circulation of political power, such that no individual or group can base their authority on violence.

We advocate for the nationalization of the military and the eradication of the roots of dictatorship and corruption, to free the Chinese nation from tyranny once and for all.

The China Democracy Party practices direct democratic elections within the party.

All levels of party committees and leaders are elected from the bottom up, with term limits.

The National Committee of the Party serves the entire membership.

We welcome all individuals who agree with and support our platform and principles, and who are willing to contribute, to join our party.

We seek to unite all who share our political goals and policy vision.

The China Democracy Party calls on pro-democracy activists across the country to join the party, to form provincial and municipal committees, and to elect representatives to attend the National Congress and establish the National Committee.

China Democracy Party – Zhejiang Preparatory Committee

Hangzhou, June 28, 1998

湖南卫健委、长沙公安局与中南大学组成调查组认定罗帅宇系自杀

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作者:鲁慧文 责任编辑:罗志飞

2025年6月13日湖南卫健委、长沙公安局与中南大学组成调查组,认定罗帅宇系自杀,无刑事案件,至此罗帅宇案件在全国上下的一片哗然中画上终止符。

调查组结果公布前的一个月左右时间里罗帅宇案件在中国内地各大主流媒体与自媒体一度形成热议,多日霸屏微博热搜榜,罗父罗母及海内外关注罗帅宇事件的人们一度对罗帅宇案件得以受理抱有较大期待。

实习医生罗帅宇坠楼事件回顾:

罗帅宇,1996年出生,系湖南长沙中南大学湘雅二医院从事肾移植方向的实习医师,他于2024年5月8日在学校宿舍楼坠亡,时年28岁。案发时长沙警方及医院联动调查认定其为“跳楼自杀”,排除了他杀嫌疑,这直接爆发疑点并引起社会舆论。

家属和网民提出多个疑点,认为该案可能涉及他杀或被“灭口”:

1. 坠楼环境异常:罗帅宇坠落点位于离宿舍墙7米外的一个仅80厘米宽的狭窄通道,跨护栏难度极大,引发“自杀不合逻辑”质疑。

2. 现场疑似打斗迹象:宿舍内床单凌乱、眼镜碎裂、抽屉被翻,存在血迹,家属称现场不符典型自杀场景。

3. 其未提前留言准备跳楼:其家属表示,他曾在直播中强调“不会自杀”,其言辞与刑侦报告有严重偏差。

4. 举报转账及资料删除说法:家属称医院曾以“劳务报酬”为名向其账户转账超40万元,并在其死亡后快速收回电脑并删除资料。

5. 媒体与官媒对比:自由媒体及家属坚称这些线索极可能与其举报医院涉及非法器官移植有关,相信其死亡另有内情。反之,官方称其死亡与举报活动无关。

2025年6月13日最新官方发布回应与调查结论:

1、综合调查结果:湖南卫健委、长沙公安局与中南大学组成调查组,认定罗帅宇系自杀,无刑事案件,且未发现器官移植相关违法行为。

2、数据核查结果:家庭存疑的50例器官捐赠资料,经查均可追溯至中国人体器官分配系统,属合法范畴。

3、关键否认:警方认为其死亡前曾发短信告知同事“把电脑文件交纪委”未真实发送,电脑资料未被清空,家属或出现误解。

罗帅宇事件最新官方回应的发布是罗帅宇案件的彻底终结,也是中国独裁体制下司法不公的深度体现,同时罗帅宇“自杀”事件也标志着中共独裁统治维稳战略系统的重大升级。罗帅宇案从案发到此次最新官方回应发布的一年多时间里都是各大官方媒体、民间媒体的禁忌话题,一直被以封口、删帖、限流等方式压制,最新官方回应发布前的一段时间里官方对于罗帅宇话题处于完全开放讨论状态,主流媒体和个人媒体争相报道,并一度以多个话题霸屏微博热搜榜数日,造成一种冤案得以昭雪正义终将到来的假象,并且以很高位的官方介入姿势调查,并给出一个令人唏嘘的结论。

中国政府维稳手段升级,从之前的掩盖真相压制言论转而为告诉你有此事的存在,大家讨论的事是真实的,最终高调介入并告诉你事情是正常的,不再掩盖真相,而是重新定义黑与白。

Hunan Health Commission, Changsha Public Security Bureau, and Central South University Conclude: Lou Shuaiyu Died by Suicide

By Lu Huiwen Edited by Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen

On June 13, 2025, a joint investigation team composed of the Hunan Provincial Health Commission, Changsha Public Security Bureau, and Central South University officially concluded that Lou Shuaiyu died by suicide and that no criminal case was involved. With this announcement, the highly publicized Lou Shuaiyu case was brought to an abrupt close amid widespread national controversy.

In the month leading up to the release of the report, Lou’s case had become a major point of debate across mainstream and independent media in mainland China, dominating trending topics on Weibo for several days. Lou’s parents, as well as concerned supporters at home and abroad, had high hopes that the case would receive fair and transparent handling.

Background: The Death of Medical Intern Lou Shuaiyu

Lou Shuaiyu, born in 1996, was a 28-year-old medical intern specializing in kidney transplants at the Xiangya Second Hospital affiliated with Central South University in Changsha, Hunan. On May 8, 2024, he fell to his death from a campus dormitory building. Authorities from the local police and hospital quickly declared the cause to be suicide and ruled out foul play—an assessment that triggered widespread public skepticism and scrutiny.

Key Doubts Raised by Family and the Public

Many questioned the suicide ruling and suspected foul play or silencing efforts:

1. Suspicious Fall Site: Lou’s body was found in a narrow passageway only 80 cm wide, located 7 meters from the dorm wall. The distance made the idea of a voluntary jump seem implausible.

2. Signs of a Struggle: Inside the dorm, his bed was in disarray, his glasses were shattered, drawers were rummaged through, and blood was found—elements inconsistent with a typical suicide scene, according to his family.

3. No Prior Indication of Suicide: Lou had reportedly stated during a livestream, “I will never kill myself,” a statement that stood in stark contrast to official findings.

4. Large Transfers and Data Deletion: The family claimed the hospital had transferred over 400,000 yuan to Lou’s account under the label of “labor compensation,” and that after his death, his computer was swiftly retrieved and its contents deleted.

5. Discrepancy Between State and Independent Media: While family members and independent outlets believed Lou’s death might be linked to his whistleblowing on illegal organ transplant practices, state media firmly denied any connection, asserting the cause of death was unrelated.

The Official Conclusions Released on June 13, 2025

1. General Findings: The joint investigation concluded Lou died by suicide, found no criminal elements, and detected no illegal organ transplant activities.

2. Verification of Organ Data: The 50 questionable transplant cases raised by the family were verified and deemed traceable within China’s official organ allocation system, thus considered legal.

3. Rebuttal of Key Claims: Authorities stated that Lou’s alleged final message—telling a colleague to submit his computer files to disciplinary authorities—was never actually sent. They also claimed that his computer had not been wiped, suggesting the family may have misunderstood.

Commentary: A Case Closed, A System Exposed.

The government’s final statement not only closed the Lou Shuaiyu case but also exposed the deeper systemic flaws of justice under authoritarian rule in China. It revealed a sophisticated evolution in the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda and “stability maintenance” apparatus.

From the time of Lou’s death to the release of the official report over a year later, discussion of the case remained taboo across state and private media. Posts were deleted, accounts censored, and discussion throttled. Yet in the weeks leading up to the June 13 announcement, the topic was unexpectedly opened to broad public discourse.

Major media outlets and influencers began reporting freely, and Lou’s name once again dominated trending lists—creating an illusion of justice in motion and resolution on the horizon.

Then came the official conclusion—a high-profile government investigation that ultimately declared nothing abnormal.

This marks a new strategy in state control: no longer merely burying the truth, but acknowledging the facts—only to redefine them.

The state now tells you: Yes, this did happen. Yes, you are allowed to talk about it. But in the end, we will tell you what it means.

Black is white.

Wrong is right.

And justice, once again, becomes a tool of control rather than truth.

香港反送中失败,中共拒绝妥协的本质

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作者:刘世伟 责任编辑:刘双源 罗志飞

中国共产主义的核心逻辑是以党的绝对权威为核心,任何挑战这一权威的行为都被视为对体制的威胁,这种逻辑在2019年反送中运动中表现得淋漓尽致。

面对百万市民的和平游行,香港政府与中共中央政府并未尝试通过公开对话或协商解决问题,相反特首林郑月娥在6月12日强推《送中条例》,导致警民冲突升级。中共中央政府则将运动定性为“颜色革命”,指责外国势力干预,进一步关闭了谈判空间。

随 着运动持续,警方使用催泪弹、橡胶子弹等武力清场,逮捕人数截至2020年5月底接近9000人。 2020年6月30日,北京绕过香港立法会,直接颁布《香港国安法》,将“分裂国家”、“颠覆政权”等罪名引入香港法律体系,标志着对运动的全面镇压。国安法的实施不仅针对抗议者,还对言论自由、新闻自由构成全面打压,显示出中共对任何形式的异议都不予容忍。

黄之锋,香港民主运动的代表人物,于1996年出生,15岁时(2011年)创立“学民思潮”,反对香港政府推行“德育及国民教育科”,成功迫使政府取消相关课程,展现了其组织能力和影响力。 2014年,他领导“雨伞运动”,要求真普选,因占领公民广场被捕,并被《时代杂志》评为全球最具影响力少年。 这些行动表明,黄之锋试图通过和平抗争推动民主改革,但政府并未与之协商,而是选择司法打压。

在反送中运动中,黄之锋作为“香港众志”秘书长,积极组织抗议活动,呼吁国际社会关注香港局势。2019年6月,他因包围警察总部被捕,2020年11月因非法集结罪被判监禁13.5个月。 即使在高压下,他仍坚持发声,2020年5月他公开表示将反抗《香港国安法》,与中共展开“拉锯战”。

2021年1月,黄之锋因涉嫌违反国安法被捕;2024年11月,他因“47人案”(涉及民主派初选)被判处4年8个月监禁;2025年6月,他再次因涉嫌勾结外国势力被控,面临终身监禁的风险。 这些接连的指控表明,即使黄之锋已身陷囹圄,中共仍不放过他,试图通过终身监禁彻底消灭其影响力。这种持续的迫害,正是中共独裁体制拒绝任何妥协的体现——对异议者不仅要打压,还要彻底消灭。

图注:中国民主党于2025年6月14日在洛杉矶自由雕塑公园声援民主斗士黄之锋

黄之锋的抗争引起了国际关注,他被视为香港民主的象征。2025年6月,海外香港人发起声援活动,反对中共暴政——在黄之锋监禁期间再次对他逮捕的恶劣行为。

香港反送中运动及其后果,深刻揭示了中国独裁体制的本质:以党的绝对权威为核心,拒绝任何形式的妥协与谈判。面对百万市民的和平诉求,中共选择以武力镇压、法律打压和文化改造回应,最终通过《香港国安法》重塑香港社会。黄之锋的抗争事迹则是这一本质的缩影——从学民思潮到雨伞运动,再到反送中运动,他始终以和平方式争取民主,却换来一次次监禁与迫害。一切企图让中共改变体制,实现民主的想法都是错误的,因为他们是既得利益者,民主只会给中共独裁体制带来灭亡。中共宁可让香港烂掉,也不会让香港留存民主的火种。

黄之锋的经历告诉我们,中共独裁体制不仅不容忍异议,还会通过系统性的打压消灭任何潜在威胁。反送中运动的失败与黄之锋的遭遇,是对这一本质的悲剧性证明。他本可以逃离香港,但他选择留下,用自己遭遇告诉我们:香港的未来必定在国安法的阴影下失去光明,但黄之锋等抗争者的勇气已成为追求自由的人们一座领航灯塔!

The Failure of Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Movement: The CCP’s Inherent Refusal to Compromise

By Liu Shiwei | Chief Editors: Liu Shuangyuan, Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen

At the core of Chinese communism lies an unwavering commitment to the absolute authority of the Party. Any challenge to that authority is seen as a threat to the regime itself. This core logic was on full display during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement in Hong Kong.

In the face of mass peaceful demonstrations involving over a million citizens, the Hong Kong government, backed by Beijing, made no effort to resolve the crisis through dialogue or negotiation. Instead, Chief Executive Carrie Lam forcibly pushed forward the Extradition Bill on June 12, triggering violent clashes between police and protesters. Beijing, for its part, labeled the movement a “color revolution” and accused foreign forces of interference, thereby closing the door to any potential negotiations.

As the protests continued, the police escalated their use of force, deploying tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse crowds. By the end of May 2020, nearly 9,000 people had been arrested. On June 30, 2020, Beijing bypassed Hong Kong’s legislature and directly imposed the Hong Kong National Security Law, introducing charges such as “secession” and “subversion” into Hong Kong’s legal system. This law marked the beginning of a full-scale crackdown—not only on protesters but also on freedom of speech and press—revealing the CCP’s absolute intolerance for dissent of any kind.

Joshua Wong, a prominent figure in Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement, was born in 1996. At the age of 15 (in 2011), he founded the student group Scholarism, which opposed the Hong Kong government’s “Moral and National Education” curriculum and succeeded in forcing its withdrawal—demonstrating his organizational skill and influence. In 2014, he led the Umbrella Movement, calling for genuine universal suffrage. He was arrested for occupying Civic Square and later named one of TIME Magazine’s most influential teens globally. These actions reflect his unwavering attempt to pursue democratic reform through peaceful protest, but rather than engage in dialogue, the authorities chose legal suppression.

During the Anti-Extradition Movement, Wong, as Secretary-General of Demosistō, actively organized protests and urged international attention on Hong Kong’s plight. In June 2019, he was arrested for surrounding police headquarters. In November 2020, he was sentenced to 13.5 months in prison for illegal assembly. Even under extreme pressure, he continued to speak out. In May 2020, he publicly vowed to resist the National Security Law, declaring a “war of attrition” against the CCP.

In January 2021, Joshua Wong was arrested under the National Security Law. In November 2024, he was sentenced to 4 years and 8 months in prison in the “47 activists case” involving opposition primaries. In June 2025, while still incarcerated, he was charged again—this time with alleged “collusion with foreign forces,” potentially facing life imprisonment. These repeated prosecutions show that even when behind bars, Wong remains a target. The CCP seeks not just to suppress him but to eradicate his influence altogether. This relentless persecution reflects the nature of the CCP’s dictatorship: it refuses compromise and aims to obliterate all dissent.

Caption: On June 14, 2025, the China Democracy Party held a solidarity event at the Liberty Sculpture Park in Los Angeles to support Joshua Wong.

Joshua Wong’s resistance has garnered international attention, and he is widely seen as a symbol of Hong Kong’s democracy movement. In June 2025, overseas Hong Kongers launched global solidarity events to protest the CCP’s blatant injustice—especially the additional charges laid on Wong while he was already imprisoned.

The Anti-Extradition Movement and its aftermath reveal a grim truth about the CCP’s authoritarian nature: built on absolute Party authority, it rejects any form of compromise or negotiation.

When faced with peaceful demands from millions, the CCP responded with force, repression through law, and ideological restructuring—culminating in the National Security Law that reshaped Hong Kong society. Joshua Wong’s journey is a microcosm of this reality: from Scholarism to the Umbrella Movement to the Anti-Extradition Movement, he pursued democracy peacefully but was met with repeated imprisonment and persecution. Any hope that the CCP would democratize is a fallacy. As a regime with everything to lose, democracy spells its end. The CCP would rather see Hong Kong collapse than allow even a spark of democracy to survive.

Joshua Wong’s experience illustrates how the CCP’s totalitarian regime not only rejects dissent but systematically seeks to eliminate all potential threats. The failure of the Anti-Extradition Movement and the tragedy of Wong’s continued persecution are evidence of this brutal reality. He could have fled Hong Kong—but he chose to stay, using his own suffering to tell the world: the future of Hong Kong lies under the shadow of the National Security Law, but the courage of Wong and others will remain a beacon for all who pursue freedom.

我是侯改英,我在衣服上制作习皇图案

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我是中国民主党党员侯改英,我参与6.4纪念活动,自己设计图案并印在衣服上,只为传播六四的火种,反抗独裁皇帝习近平,反抗中共奴役暴政,做民主的守夜人!
作者:侯改英
编辑:王尊福
责任编辑:罗志飞
I am Hou Gaiying, a member of the China Democracy Party.
I took part in the June 4th commemoration and personally designed a graphic that I printed on my clothing—all to keep the flame of Tiananmen alive, to resist the tyrant Xi Jinping, to stand against the CCP’s enslaving dictatorship,
and to serve as a watcher for democracy in the dark night!

By Hou Gaiying
Editor: Wang Zunfu
Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translator: Lu Huiwen