Xu Wanping (born April 11, 1961, Chongqing) is a veteran Chinese dissident and pro-democracy activist. He has been imprisoned or subjected to re-education through labor three times, serving a total of 23 years—nearly 20 of them in Chongqing prisons.
After the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, Xu attempted to establish the China Action Party and was sentenced to eight years in prison with five years’ political rights deprivation. In 1998, he was detained for “disturbing public order” and subsequently sent to three years of re-education through labor. In 2005, after co-signing a letter to the United Nations with other dissidents, he was sentenced to 12 years for “inciting subversion of state power” and released in April 2014.
Despite deteriorating health and ongoing surveillance, Xu has remained firm in his political convictions, declaring he holds “no regret, no resentment.” He is widely seen as one of the most steadfast symbols of China’s pro-democracy movement—an inspiration to generations of activists.
Liu Xianbin (born October 2, 1968, Suining, Sichuan), also known by the aliases Liu Chen and Wan Xianming, is an independent writer, human rights activist, and a key organizer of the China Democracy Party’s Southwest Preparatory Committee. He was also among the first signatories of Charter 08.
Liu joined the 1989 student movement while studying at Renmin University. He was arrested in 1991 and sentenced to 2.5 years for “counterrevolutionary propaganda.” In 1998, he helped form the CDP Southwest Committee and was sentenced in 1999 to 13 years for “subversion.” Released in 2008, he continued to write on sensitive issues, support fellow activists like Tan Zuoren and Huang Qi, and launched the “Yellow Ribbon Campaign” to aid Chen Yunfei.
In 2010, Liu was arrested again for his writings and in 2011 sentenced to 10 years for “inciting subversion.” He was released on June 27, 2020.
Having served over 22 years in prison across three terms, Liu is regarded as a steadfast figure in China’s democracy and human rights movement—resisting authoritarianism with unwavering resolve and the power of the pen
Hu Mingjun (born June 28, 1963), a native of Leshan, Sichuan, is an independent writer, human rights activist, and founding member of the China Democracy Party’s Sichuan Preparatory Committee.
He played a key role in designing the party’s flag and drafting its strategic platform, and actively supported labor rights. In December 2000, the Sichuan branch publicly backed protests by steelworkers in Dazhou. Hu was arrested in May 2001 on charges of “subverting state power” and sentenced in 2002 to 11 years in prison with four years’ deprivation of political rights.
Refusing to plead guilty, he endured repeated hospitalizations in prison due to hypertension, heart disease, and cerebral hemorrhage. After his release in May 2012, he remained under tight surveillance and constant harassment. In 2019, he was forcibly disappeared for two weeks, sparking public concern.
Hu has long declared his goal of “eliminating political dictatorship,” and remains a powerful symbol of resilience in China’s democracy and human rights movement.
Huang Yanming (born May 14, 1960, in Guiyang, Guizhou) is a veteran Chinese democracy activist and a key human rights defender in Guizhou.
In 1986, he helped found the Guiyang Salon Association and later co-established the Guizhou branch of the China Democracy Party in 1994 with Chen Xi and Liao Shuangyuan. On June 4, 1995, he publicly called for political reform in Tiananmen Square and was sentenced to five years for “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement,” during which he suffered prolonged torture.
Following his release in 2000, he launched the Guizhou Human Rights Forum and actively participated in the Guizhou Human Rights Symposium. In 2017 and 2019, he was subjected to extralegal detentions and tight surveillance around politically sensitive dates.
As a central figure in Guizhou’s human rights movement, Huang is known for his unwavering voice and conviction in defending law, liberty, and constitutional governance.
Ilham Tohti (伊力哈木·土赫提) was born on October 25, 1969, in Atush, Kizilsu Prefecture, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China. He is an ethnic Uyghur and a prominent economist. He completed his undergraduate studies at Northeast Normal University and pursued graduate studies in economics at Minzu University of China, where he later served as an associate professor. His academic focus centered on regional development and income disparities among ethnic groups in Xinjiang.
In 2006, Ilham founded the Chinese-language website Uyghur Online (维吾尔在线 / Uyghurbiz), which aimed to promote dialogue between Uyghurs and Han Chinese, report on social issues in Xinjiang, and provide a platform for cross-ethnic exchange. Known as a moderate voice committed to nonviolence and peaceful reform, Ilham used his teaching, writing, and online presence to critique government policies in Xinjiang and to raise awareness of human rights issues. His advocacy made him a long-term target of government repression.
Since 1994, Ilham Tohti had been under constant surveillance. Between 1999 and 2003, he was banned from teaching and restricted from publishing academic work. In 2009, he was briefly detained after posting information on his website about Uyghurs who were arrested or went missing during the Urumqi unrest. He continued to face frequent harassment and house arrest in the following years.
In 2013, Ilham received an invitation to serve as a visiting scholar at Indiana University in the United States. However, he was prevented from leaving the country at the Beijing airport. His teenage daughter, Jewher Ilham, was forced to travel alone to the U.S., sparking international concern.
On January 15, 2014, Ilham Tohti was arrested in Beijing and transferred to Urumqi, Xinjiang. Authorities accused him of “inciting ethnic hatred” and “advocating separatism” through his website and university lectures. His trial lasted only two days, from September 17 to 18, and on September 23, he was sentenced to life imprisonment, with lifelong deprivation of political rights and confiscation of all personal property.
His case is widely viewed as a symbol of China’s systematic suppression of peaceful expression by Uyghur intellectuals. Numerous international organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and the U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC), have repeatedly called for his release, labeling the prosecution as politically motivated.
In recognition of his courage and advocacy, Ilham Tohti has received multiple international awards:
2014: Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award (PEN America)
2016: Martin Ennals Award for Human Rights Defenders
2019: Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought (European Parliament)
2019: Václav Havel Human Rights Prize
The year 2024 marks the 10th anniversary of his sentencing. Human rights organizations such as the Uyghur Human Rights Project have renewed their calls for his immediate release, emphasizing that his case remains a defining example of the Chinese government’s repression of peaceful dissent among ethnic minorities.
Chen Quanguo, male, Han ethnicity, was born in 1955 in Xianyang, Shaanxi Province. He formerly served as the Communist Party Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region (2011–2016) and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (2016–2021). His governance in Xinjiang and Tibet, though officially aimed at maintaining “stability,” in practice involved deep interventions and systematic suppression of ethnic minorities’ religious beliefs, languages, cultures, and social structures, resulting in severe human rights concerns. He has become a prominent figure internationally criticized for China’s ethnic minority policies.
Chen is widely regarded as a key figure in implementing China’s high-pressure governance policies in ethnic minority regions. His large-scale social control, religious repression, and cultural assimilation policies in Tibet and Xinjiang have sparked strong domestic and international controversy and condemnation.
During his tenure in Tibet, Chen promoted the slogan “to govern Tibet, one must govern the mind,” emphasizing ideological control as a tool for stability. He pushed forward “de-extremization” and “anti-separatism” campaigns, restricted religious activities, monitored monasteries and monks, suppressed Tibetan language education, and vigorously advanced “Sinicization” policies by strengthening Mandarin education and limiting Tibetan language courses. Between 2011 and 2016, multiple self-immolation protests by Tibetans occurred, reflecting strong local dissatisfaction with these policies. Prominent monks such as Tenzin Delek Rinpoche were arrested on suspicion of separatism or died in custody.
In 2016, Chen was transferred to Xinjiang, where under the central government’s “anti-terrorism” framework he implemented a more stringent social stability model. He led the establishment of a vast “vocational skills education training center” system, where hundreds of thousands to over a million Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities were detained without judicial process, undergoing “ideological transformation,” forced labor, and religious restriction training. Numerous international reports have documented issues such as physical punishment, psychological abuse, linguistic assimilation, and cultural indoctrination in these facilities, often referred to externally as “concentration camps.”
Simultaneously, Chen promoted the construction of an extensive surveillance network in Xinjiang, employing facial recognition and big data technologies to comprehensively monitor the daily lives of Uyghurs. Multiple reports revealed that during Chen’s leadership, Uyghur women faced forced contraception, sterilization, and birth control measures. Uyghur children were also reportedly sent to boarding schools, where they received education detached from their family and cultural backgrounds.
These policies have been widely regarded internationally as systematic oppression of ethnic minority groups, amounting to “cultural genocide” or even “genocide” in some assessments. The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has publicly stated that Xinjiang policies may constitute “crimes against humanity.” Organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have long criticized Chen’s governance as a form of “cultural cleansing.”
Due to his roles in Xinjiang and Tibet, Chen Quanguo has become subject to sanctions by multiple countries. Since 2020, the United States has imposed visa bans and asset freezes on him, accusing him of responsibility for genocide in Xinjiang. The European Union, Canada, and the United Kingdom have also joined the sanction regimes, severely limiting his international activities. Nonetheless, Chen retained certain political influence within China until he stepped down as a member of the Politburo at the end of 2022.
The Bridge Mission in the Post-CCP Era: The Awakening, Transformation, and Responsibility of the Overseas Pro-Democracy Movement
By Zhao Ming Editor: Liu Shuangyuan Editor-in-Chief: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
At a time when global civilization is confronting extreme centralization of power, information warfare, and a spiritual crisis, the future of China has become a turning point for all of humanity. The arrival of the “post-CCP era” will be not only the result of an internal awakening within China but also a historic moment of reconstruction. As a critical force in this process, the overseas pro-democracy movement must develop a “future-oriented consciousness” and undergo a role transformation. Only by doing so can it truly awaken the people, support those in suffering, and become a bridge and spiritual anchor amid the turbulence of history.
I. The Unique Role of the Overseas Movement: From Marginal Dissenters to “Higher-Dimensional Bridge-Builders”
For decades, the overseas pro-democracy movement has faced a complex and fluctuating environment. On the one hand, it has often been marginalized—caught between international attention and domestic isolation. On the other hand, it has retained rare capacities in the free world: the power to speak and the ability to organize. It has been the “guardian of memory outside the wall.” As the CCP nears collapse and enters a post-regime phase, the overseas movement holds three unique advantages:
1. Uncensored Information & Strategic External Perspective:
– The ability to link international society with awakening forces inside China.
2. Organizational Legacy & Talent Networks:
– Though weakened, there remains a core of activists with multilingual, cross-cultural experience.
3. Reserves of Political Legitimacy:
– Once-suppressed democratic voices may rapidly gain historical resonance once the old regime falls.
This means the movement must transition from merely exposing and protesting to becoming a platform for ideological renewal, cultural coordination, crisis response, and institutional incubation.
II. Strategic Goal 1: Awakening the Silent Majority in China
The CCP’s propaganda system is deeply embedded in the public psyche. Even after the regime falls, residual ideological inertia will linger. To exert meaningful influence, the overseas movement must:
1. Construct a New Anti-Brainwashing Narrative
– Not just shouting “freedom and democracy,” but using accessible, relatable language to rebuild civic awareness. Phrases like “the right to a normal life,” “a safe school for your child,” or “a society where no one bullies you” can serve as entry points for simplified, contrast-based enlightenment.
2. Collaborate with Content Creators to Spark “Underground Awakening”
– Support anonymous podcasts, video content, fiction, animation, etc.
– Cultivate “civilian reasoners” and “emotional translators” to redirect public anger and frustration toward systems thinking.
3. Build a Shared Vision of a “New China Plan”
– People don’t believe in freedom because they can’t imagine it working in China. The overseas movement must provide concrete, compassionate blueprints: How will education function? Who commands the military? What about ethnic minorities? Let people “see the future.”
III. Strategic Goal 2: Respond to Potential Humanitarian Disasters After Regime Collapse
If the CCP’s downfall is not peaceful, it may lead to disasters on multiple scales—border chaos, warlordism, mass displacement, urban violence, medical collapse, and food shortages. The overseas movement must proactively take on the following roles:
1. Establish a “Civilian Relief Command Network”
– Set up regional emergency response centers abroad, including disaster communication bridges, medical supply hubs, and refugee coordination units.
– Develop structural partnerships with NGOs like the Red Cross and Médecins Sans Frontières.
Promote International Contingency Plans
– Submit a “National Humanitarian Crisis Risk Report” on potential CCP collapse to the UN and human rights organizations to prompt early warning mechanisms.
– Form a “China Transition Observer Group” to prepare third-party monitoring teams.
3. Create a “Digital Refugee Archive & Aid Fund”
– Use blockchain and encrypted storage to protect the identities of victims.
– Launch a “Future Reconstruction Trust Fund” to support emerging autonomous forces inside China.
IV. Strategic Goal 3: Bridging the Generational Divide and Rebuilding Trust & Imagination
The overseas movement has, in the past, been distanced from younger generations due to generational gaps and rigid political language. In the new era, this divide must be healed.
Suggested approaches:
• Create Youth Dialogue Platforms
– Engage Gen Z and Gen Alpha through civic practice, participatory games, and identity rebuilding—instead of top-down preaching.
• Launch Cultural Bridge Projects
– Publish visual narratives, games, and documentaries tailored for Chinese youth—replacing “hard teaching” with emotional resonance.
• Retell the Pro-Democracy Story
– Blend stories of failure, sacrifice, and hope to give the movement deeper moral appeal and emotional intimacy.
V. The Ultimate Vision: Become the “Illuminators” of a Transitional Era
The “post-CCP era” is not only a political reset—it is a collective spiritual healing.
The true mission of the overseas movement is not just regime-building, but to become the torchbearers of faith and trust amid the ruins of civilization. This means:
• They are translators—rendering freedom and the rule of law into culturally resonant language for the Chinese soul.
• They are caretakers—preserving the dignity and memories of 1989, of Tibetans, of prisoners of conscience.
• They are light-bringers—not seizing power, but awakening hearts.
From Resisters to Rebuilders
The future will not automatically brighten when the CCP falls. On the contrary, it may descend into a dark transitional abyss. Only those truly prepared will become the most vital force in that moment of chaos.
Now is the time for the overseas pro-democracy movement to complete its identity transformation:
• From resisters to bridges of civilization;
• From witnesses of trauma to beacons of new order.
This is a historic window that must not be missed.
I am Zhu Xiaona, a member of the China Democracy Party.
In front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, I offered my congratulations to the people of Syria for their victory in overthrowing a dictatorship.
The people of Syria chose to stand up—so can we.
From Damascus to Beijing, the footsteps of freedom will never cease!
By Zhu Xiaona Editor: Zhao Jie Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
