The China Democracy Party Story (VI): A Surprise Signal from Our Friends in Shandong

作者：朱虞夫
编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰

六、山东朋友突放卫星

1998年9月5日网上传来中国民主党山东筹委会成立的消息，当时传说是已经注册成功了，我们浙江知道这事的可能性不大，因为浙江当时去注册，民政厅也是这么讲的，但是山东朋友“善良的谎言”给许多彷徨中的民运人士带来了勇气，一下子各地的民主党如雨后春笋般亮出旗号来。我们很欣慰，感到“德不孤，必有邻”，从此，我们不再孤军奋战。紧接着，其它省市也纷纷宣布成立，一时蔚为壮观。民间的强力推进给当局造成一定的压力，他们又将王有才抓起来了。

我印象很深刻的是，那天吴义龙来我家，他见到我，兴致勃勃地对我说：“老朱，我带来一个好消息。”我说：“什么好消息啊？”吴说：“我们最想解决的问题，共产党帮助我们解决了：王有才被抓起来了！”我不禁打了一个寒颤，这真是玩政治的高手啊！

12月17日，杭州中级人民法院在少年宫开庭审理王有才，我被上城区政保科，指令闸口派出所将我关在八卦田旅社，到晚上才放回家。我想起王有才7月被抓后放回家时，我叫上王荣清一起去翠苑新村看他，当时我知道，王有才回家是因为国际社会的压力，这个既得利益集团是不会允许任何监督制约他们的社团存在的，他或我们都迟早还会进去的，就提出大家各与王有才一起拍几张照片做个纪念，以后可能没有机会了。

图为朱虞夫探望短暂释放回家的王有才；

果然没多久王策来杭州，记得那天陈光铭给我打电话，邀我去玉泉茶室喝茶，恰巧那天我有事，跑不开，事后就传来消息，王有才、王策和陈光铭在玉泉茶室被警察抓走了。

据说那天王策给了王有才一千美元，这是当局非常忌讳的事情，当年维经斯基就是拿了大把的卢布来中国建立的共产党。江干区政保专门对王荣清说过，要他及时告诉他们这里是不是收到海外的汇款，如果王荣清拿到钱了，他们出面全部没收，事后会把他的钱还给他。王荣清还套出了政保的话：那些没收的钱，办案的警察可以拿到60%的回扣。知道这个情况后，我让王希哲转告《民主论坛》的洪哲胜先生，不要把我的文章稿费（其中有朋友托我投稿的）寄给我，就寄给我日本的四妹。

2008年海外有个姓魏的写了一本书《一众精英，十年历史：我看中国民主党》，在书中说：“海外把支持浙江民主党的经费都寄给了朱虞夫在日本妹妹的账号”，我看到以后，托陈立群向洪先生证实一下，还来不及知道结果，我又关进去了，想必没有此事吧。陈立群是个很正派的人，容不得促狹的事，我如真有这卑污行为，她恐怕早就与我割席了。

当年浙江民主党应该收到过一笔较大的款项：上海姚遵宪在赴美前，将上海的房子卖了，将钱交给吴义龙，当时吴对我说，姚给他一千元钱，我说你先保管着，到时候需要用的时候再说。吴义龙刑释后，找单称峰要这笔钱，单不给，说用掉了。吴义龙一怒之下告诉了毛庆祥，希望毛去找单要。那绝对不会是“一千元”，（2024年8月24日，刘连军召集了一次网上座谈会，上海当年民主党组党人蔡桂华谈起，姚遵宪把卖房子后的20多万元钱捐给了浙江组党）。

人性很难经受金钱的考验，但是浙江同仁前赴后继勇敢向前，几乎都不是为了金钱。特别是聂敏之先生，他把每一笔款项都仔仔细细记录下来，自己不拿半分，却被政保将账本搜走，政保拷问不得，老聂遭遇牢狱之灾，以致殒命。这笔姚遵宪所捐给浙江用于中国民主党运作的巨款（1998年），成为中国民主党组建后的第一个腐败案件，我记录在此，只能留给历史解决了。

1999年春节来了，王东海来我家，邀我大年初二早上去临安。江棋生先生说想见见祝正明和我，地点就在吕耿松的临安亲戚家里。在那里江棋生详细了解了杭州民主党成立发展的过程，江棋生先生是甩掉了跟踪尾巴突然从无锡南下的。他向我们介绍了北京民运的大概情况和他们自由公民运动的情况。下午分手前，我提议去钱王陵游览一下，在那里摄影留念。

图为1999年春节期间，吕耿松安排江棋生与朱虞夫、王东海、祝正明见面，在临安钱王陵留影。

A Surprise Signal from Our Friends in Shandong

Author: Zhu YufuEditor: Hu LiliExecutive Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslation: Lyu Feng

On September 5, 1998, news circulated online that the Shandong Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP) had been established. At the time, there were even rumors that it had successfully registered. Those of us in Zhejiang knew this was unlikely, as the Civil Affairs Department had already rejected our registration attempts. But our friends in Shandong offered what might be called a “benevolent lie,” which nonetheless gave courage to many democracy activists who had been hesitant or disoriented. Almost overnight, CDP branches began to emerge across the country like mushrooms after a rain. We were heartened, feeling that “virtue is never solitary; it is bound to attract companionship.” From that moment, we no longer fought alone.

Soon afterward, other provinces and cities also announced the formation of their own committees, creating a truly spectacular scene. This grassroots momentum placed significant pressure on the authorities, who responded by re-arresting Wang Youcai.

I remember vividly that day when Wu Yilong came to my house. He greeted me with great excitement and said, “Zhu Yufu, I bring good news.” I asked, “What good news?” He replied, “The problem we most wanted to solve, the Communist Party has solved it for us: Wang Youcai has been arrested again!” A chill ran down my spine—what a masterstroke in political maneuvering!

On December 17, the Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court held a trial for Wang Youcai at the Youth Palace. I was detained by the political security unit of Shangcheng District and held at the Bagua Field Hotel under orders from the Zhagkou Police Station. I was not released until that evening. I recalled when Wang Youcai was released home after his initial arrest in July—I had invited Wang Rongqing to visit him with me in Cuiyuan New Village. At that time, I knew his release was due to international pressure. This entrenched interest group would never permit the existence of any organization that could supervise or check their power. I believed that both he and we would eventually be imprisoned again. So, I proposed we all take some photographs with him for posterity, as there might not be another chance.

The photo shows Zhu Yufu visiting Wang Youcai, who had been briefly released home.

Indeed, not long after, Wang Ce came to Hangzhou. I remember that day well—Chen Guangming called to invite me for tea at Yuquan Tea House. Unfortunately, I was tied up with other matters and couldn’t go. Later that day, news came that Wang Youcai, Wang Ce, and Chen Guangming had been arrested at the tea house.

Reportedly, Wang Ce had given Wang Youcai a thousand U.S. dollars—a gesture the authorities found particularly alarming. After all, it was with wads of rubles from Victor Kopp that the Chinese Communist Party had first been founded. The Political Security Office of Jianggan District even warned Wang Rongqing directly, instructing him to inform them immediately if he received remittances from abroad. They said that if he did, they would confiscate the money but reimburse him afterward. Wang Rongqing managed to coax another revelation from them: the officers involved in confiscating such funds could pocket up to 60% as a bonus.

After learning this, I asked Wang Xizhe to pass a message to Mr. Hong Zheshen of Democratic Forum, asking him not to send my article fees (some of which were from submissions by friends) directly to me, but instead to my younger sister in Japan.

In 2008, a man surnamed Wei overseas published a book titled An Elite Group, Ten Years of History: My View of the China Democracy Party. In it, he claimed: “Funds supporting the Zhejiang CDP from overseas were sent to Zhu Yufu’s sister’s account in Japan.” When I read this, I asked Chen Liqun to verify with Mr. Hong, but before I received any response, I was imprisoned again. I assume there was no such transaction. Chen Liqun is a person of integrity and would not tolerate anything underhanded—had I truly engaged in such shameful conduct, I suspect she would have already severed all ties with me.

That said, the Zhejiang branch of the CDP did likely receive a sizable donation: before emigrating to the U.S., Shanghai activist Yao Zunxian sold his house in Shanghai and entrusted the money to Wu Yilong. Wu Yilong once told me that Yao Zunxian had given him 1,000 yuan. I said he should hold onto it until needed. After his release, Wu Yilong sought to retrieve the money from Shan Chengfeng, who refused, claiming it had been spent. Enraged, Wu Yilong informed Mao Qingxiang, hoping Mao Qingxiang would help recover the funds. It’s almost certain the sum was not merely “1,000 yuan.” (In an online forum held on August 24, 2024, organized by Liu Lianjun, Shanghai CDP founding member Cai Guihua stated that Yao Zunxian had donated over 200,000 yuan—the proceeds from selling his house—to the Zhejiang CDP.)

Human nature struggles to withstand the test of money. However, my comrades in Zhejiang pressed forward with courage and self-sacrifice, largely untouched by personal gain. Mr. Nie Minzhi, in particular, meticulously recorded every transaction, never taking a single cent for himself. Tragically, the Political Security officers confiscated his ledger and, unable to extract a confession, imprisoned him—leading to his untimely death. This generous donation from Yao Zunxian, intended to support the operation of the CDP in Zhejiang (1998), became the first corruption case in the party’s history. I record it here and leave it for history to judge.

As the 1999 Spring Festival approached, Wang Donghai visited me and invited me to Lin’an on the second day of the Lunar New Year. Mr. Jiang Qisheng wished to meet Zhu Zhengming and me. We met at the home of one of Lü Gengsong’s relatives in Lin’an. There, Mr. Jiang Qisheng received a detailed briefing on the founding and development of the CDP in Hangzhou. Jiang Qisheng had shaken off surveillance and made a sudden trip south from Wuxi. He shared with us the situation of the pro-democracy movement in Beijing and their “Free Citizens Movement.” Before parting that afternoon, I suggested we visit the tomb of King Qian. We took commemorative photographs there.

The photo was taken during the 1999 Spring Festival, when Lü Gengsong arranged a meeting between Jiang Qisheng, Zhu Yufu, Wang Donghai, and Zhu Zhengming at the Tomb of King Qian in Lin’an.

我是中国民主党员吕聪，热爱自由，崇尚民主，为此愿意投入自己的一腔热血，看不惯的一党专政，也恨醒不来的中国人民。

从被动顺从到今日觉醒，我坚信今日不做出头鸟，来日就是笼中鸡，你以为的事不关己，明哲保身，最终就是陷入被控制的境地，你不站出来，就等着别人替你决定命运。

所以，我踏上行程，义无反顾，前往旧金山，抗议习近平，我加入民主党，与自由同行。我去中领馆，反对中共暴政；我去星光大道，讲述中国人权现状；我去雕塑公园，纪念被遗忘的历史；我去六四纪念馆，了解那段沉痛的过去。

我一直在努力，不曾忘记心中的信念，哪怕这段路很艰难，哪怕这段路很恐惧，我也会一直坚持走下去。

作者：吕聪

编辑：赵杰

责任编辑：罗志飞

Setting Out on the Journey, Without Looking Back

I am Lü Cong, a member of the China Democracy Party. I love freedom and uphold democracy, and for these ideals I am willing to devote all my passion. I cannot tolerate one-party dictatorship, nor can I bear to see the Chinese people remain in slumber.

From passive obedience to awakening today, I firmly believe that if we do not stand up now, tomorrow we will be like chickens trapped in a cage. What you think is “none of your business” or “keeping your head down” will, in the end, lead to a life under control. If you do not stand up, you are leaving your fate for others to decide.

That is why I have set out on this journey, without hesitation, to San Francisco to protest Xi Jinping. I have joined the Democracy Party, walking side by side with freedom. I have gone to the Chinese Consulate to oppose the tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party; I have gone to the Hollywood Walk of Fame to speak about the current state of human rights in China; I have gone to Sculpture Park to commemorate history that has been forgotten; I have gone to the June Fourth Museum to learn about that painful past.

I have been striving all along, never forgetting the conviction in my heart. Even though this road is hard, even though it is filled with fear, I will keep walking it—steadfast and unyielding.

Author: Lü Cong Editor: Zhao JieExecutive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Guo Bin

蔡奇，浙江松阳县人，中共政治局常委、中央办公厅主任，被广泛视为习近平最忠实的亲信之一。他的仕途紧随习近平，从福建到浙江再到北京，凭借对上级意志的完全服从和绝对表态，快速跻身中共高层。他将忠诚凌驾于一切治理标准之上，以取悦最高权力者作为首要目标。

蔡奇执政北京期间，以大规模驱逐外来务工人员而闻名。2017年大兴火灾后，北京在他的主导下发起“安全隐患整治”行动，大批非京籍人口在寒冬深夜被强行赶出住所，缺乏安置、补偿，数以万计的家庭流落街头。此后“低端人口清退”成为常态，城乡接合部出租房大规模拆除，部分地区断水断电逼迁，普通居民失去栖身之地。海外中文媒体（如自由亚洲电台、德国之声等）多次以“酷吏治京”形容其人口清退政策。

在城市管理中，蔡奇长期依赖运动式整治和强制手段。不经公开程序的违建清理、商铺封堵、棚户拆迁等行动一再发生，甚至出现“凌晨贴封条、夜间拆房”的现象。维权居民遭遇执法力量强制驱离，民众权利被行政命令轻易碾压。他的治理模式以数字指标为导向，将弱势群体当作可以轻易牺牲的代价。

新冠疫情防控时期，蔡奇推行极端的“动态清零”措施。北京多地小区被铁皮、铁丝网封死，长时间封控限制出行，居民生活物资匮乏，患者就医受阻，有人因延误治疗丧生。防疫工作高度政治化，其核心任务是展示控制力和维稳成效，民众生活代价无人问责。2022年11月北京爆发“白纸运动”，民众不满长期封控，蔡奇的防疫政策遭集中指责。

在他的仕途中忠诚高于能力、控制高于治理，普通百姓的尊严和权利从来不在考量之列。

作者/编辑：胡丽莉

责任编辑：罗志飞

翻译：郭斌

The Ruthless Enforcer: Cai Qi

Cai Qi, a native of Songyang County, Zhejiang Province, is a member of the Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo and Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee. He is widely regarded as one of Xi Jinping’s most loyal confidants. Cai’s political career has closely followed Xi’s path—from Fujian to Zhejiang and then to Beijing—and his rapid rise to the upper echelons of the CCP has been built on absolute obedience to the will of his superior and unwavering public displays of loyalty. For Cai, pleasing the supreme leader has always taken precedence over any standard of governance.

During his tenure as Beijing’s top official, Cai became infamous for the large-scale expulsion of migrant workers. After the 2017 Daxing fire, under his direction, Beijing launched a “safety hazard rectification” campaign in which vast numbers of non-Beijing residents were forcibly evicted from their homes on frigid winter nights, with no adequate resettlement or compensation. Tens of thousands of families were left on the streets. Since then, the “clear-out of the low-end population” became a norm. Massive demolitions of rental housing in urban–rural fringe areas, along with forced evictions through cutting off water and electricity, became routine. Ordinary residents lost their homes overnight. Overseas Chinese-language media such as Radio Free Asia and Deutsche Welle repeatedly described his population-clearing policy as the rule of a “ruthless enforcer” in Beijing.

In urban management, Cai has long relied on campaign-style crackdowns and coercive measures. Unauthorized demolitions of “illegal structures,” the sealing off of small businesses, and the razing of shantytowns without due public process occurred repeatedly—sometimes with “seals pasted at dawn and buildings torn down by night.” Residents who tried to defend their rights were forcibly removed by law enforcement. Under his governance model, driven by numerical targets, vulnerable groups were treated as expendable collateral.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Cai enforced extreme “zero-COVID” measures. In many parts of Beijing, entire residential compounds were sealed off with iron sheets and barbed wire. Prolonged lockdowns restricted movement, leaving residents short of daily necessities; patients faced delays in medical treatment, and some died as a result. Pandemic control was highly politicized—its core mission was to display control and stability-maintenance success, with no accountability for the costs to people’s lives. In November 2022, Beijing saw the outbreak of the “White Paper Movement” as public anger mounted over prolonged lockdowns, and Cai’s pandemic policies became a focus of public criticism.

Throughout his career, loyalty has outweighed competence, and control has outweighed governance. The dignity and rights of ordinary citizens have never entered his calculus.

Author / Editor: Hu LiliExecutive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Guo Bin

The Most Gruesome Father-Son Photo from the Great Famine: “Father Eats Son”

作者;钟然

编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑：鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

刘家远杀子食子案发生在1960年的湖南澧县，三年大饥荒导致刘家中断炊已久，饿得奄奄一息的刘家远，最终将儿子杀害并充饥。

事件发生后，刘家远被逮捕。该事件也成为三年大饥荒时期的人相食证明。父亲刘家远站在墙边，手戴着铁铐，身边是他儿子的头颅和骨架，还有一个铁锅，锅里面炖着他从快饿死的儿子身上割下来的肉，和胡萝卜一起炖。图片是刘被枪毙前的留影。是当时枪毙他的人，给他和儿子的遗骸拍照存档，该图片成为大饥荒年代人相食的铁证。

The Most Gruesome Father-Son Photo from the Great Famine: “Father Eats Son”

Author: Zhong Ran

Editor: Luo Zhifei | Chief Editor: Huiwen Lu | Translated by: Huiwen Lu

The case of Liu Jiayuan killing and eating his son occurred in 1960 in Lixian County, Hunan Province, during China’s Great Famine. Due to years of starvation, Liu’s household had long since run out of food. On the brink of death from hunger, Liu Jiayuan ultimately killed his son and ate him to survive.

After the incident, Liu Jiayuan was arrested. The case became one of the documented proofs of cannibalism during the Three Years of Great Famine.

In the photograph, Liu Jiayuan stands against a wall, iron shackles on his wrists. Beside him are his son’s skull and skeleton, along with an iron pot. In the pot is meat he had sliced from the body of his nearly starved son, stewed with carrots.

The photo was taken before Liu’s execution. It was documented by those who carried out the execution and serves as irrefutable evidence of cannibalism during that horrific era.

San Francisco · Saturday, August 9

Global Launch Ceremony of the “National Resistance Movement Declaration”

全民反抗运动宣言 全球发布仪式

时间：2025年8月9日 周六 11点

地点：金门大桥 二战时期的海角堡 附近

主办方：中国行动 公民抵抗协会

San Francisco · Saturday, August 9

Global Launch Ceremony of the “National Resistance Movement Declaration”

Event Title:

Global Launch Ceremony of the National Resistance Movement Declaration

Date & Time:

Saturday, August 9, 2025 · 11:00 AM

Location:

Near the WWII-era coastal fortifications by the Golden Gate Bridge, San Francisco

Organizers:

China Action

Citizens’ Resistance Association

Los Angeles · August 10

Tiananmen Memorial Museum – “China Academy” Lecture Series

“六四”纪念馆活动预告:

“中国书院”系列课程林培瑞(Perry Link)教授系列讲座:

主题: 方励之与时代写作

时间: 8月10日(周日)下午2-4点

地点：Tiananmen Memorial Museum in LA

3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, CA 91732, USA

欢迎报名参加： https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum

Los Angeles · August 10

Tiananmen Memorial Museum – “China Academy” Lecture Series

Upcoming Event at the Tiananmen Memorial Museum:

“China Academy” Lecture Series – Professor Perry Link

Topic: Fang Lizhi and the Writing of an Era

Date & Time: Sunday, August 10 · 2:00–4:00 PM

Location:

Tiananmen Memorial Museum in LA

3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, CA 91732, USA

Register here:

https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum

Case Records of Persecuted Members of the China Democracy Party (Zhejiang Region)

作者：朱虞夫

编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：鲁慧文

中国民主党自1998年6月25日成立至今一直被中国公安部列为“敌对组织”，遭受骇人听闻的政治迫害，其中以浙江民主党人的受迫害程度尤为惨烈。

朱虞夫（杭州），中国民主党浙江筹委会核心成员之一，现为《在野党》杂志总编辑。1978年杭州民主墙主要发起人，民刊《四五》主要召集人；1989“六四”因“参与动乱”被捕、被单位撤职，1999 年因组党以颠覆国家政权罪被判 7 年，剥夺政治权利 3 年；2006年9月15日出狱。2007年5月18日再次被捕并以妨害公务罪判处2年，剥权2年。2012 年再次以煽动颠覆国家政权罪被判7年，剥权3年。累计刑期16 年。

吕耿松（杭州），曾任浙江省高等公安专科学校教师、中国民主党浙江委员会主席，现为《在野党》杂志荣誉主编。1989年愤于“六四”屠杀辞去教师公职，2008 年因积极参与中国民主党活动被判刑4年；随后因言行继续遭打压，2016 年被重判 11 年，累计刑期15年。

陈树庆（富阳/杭州），浙江大学毕业，曾担任中国民主党全国筹委负责人之一，中国民主党浙江委员会副主席，《政党法》和多篇中国民主党文告主要起草人；《在野党》首批主编被捕后接棒出版《在野党》第10、11期，现为《在野党》杂志荣誉主编。网络发文异议者，因积极从事中国民主党活动，2007年以颠覆国家政权罪被判4年，剥权1年；2016年以“颠覆国家政权罪”再判10年6个月，累计刑期14年半。

王有才（富阳），原北京大学研究生、1989 年学运领袖之一、中国民主党浙江筹备委员会主要创办人。1998 年6月25日率先向浙江省民政厅申请注册成立中国民主党，因筹建政党、发表政治宣言被以“颠覆国家政权罪”判刑11年，服刑5年半后在国际关注下被提前释放并流亡美国。

毛庆祥（杭州），中国民主党创始党员，积极参与组建中国民主党浙江筹委会，《在野党》杂志创办者之一，现为《在野党》杂志荣誉主编。1999年因组织、筹备民主党活动被以“颠覆国家政权罪”判刑8年；2008年因继续参与民运活动再次被判刑3年，累计刑期11年。

吴义龙（祖籍安徽，组党时期在杭州活动），1998年参与创立杭州三联读书会并主编《读书人》杂志，同年联合筹建中国民主党浙江筹委会，在全国多省开展联络工作；与毛庆祥、朱虞夫等共同创办《在野党》杂志，曾撰写政治宣传文章并联络海外人士。1999年因颠覆国家政权罪被判11年，剥夺政治权利 3 年，2010年刑满释放。

祝正明（江山），中国民主党创党发起人之一，《中国民主党章程》及《中国民主党成立宣言》起草人，著有《政治民主》一书，积极参与中国民主党浙江筹委会的组党活动。1999年因组织和推动民主党筹建，被以“颠覆国家政权罪”判刑10年，剥权4年。在狱中长期遭受严酷管控，至今仍在被严密监控中。

徐光（富阳），曾积极参加杭州大学“八九”学运，任富阳市环保局环境监测站职员，1998年组建了“中国民主党浙江省富阳市筹委会”。并与其他创办人协同，通过互联网与海外组织联络宣传文章。1999年以颠覆国家政权罪被判刑5年，剥权2年，在狱中被酷刑。2024年因网络行为再次被判4年，累计刑期9年，目前仍在押，刑期至2026 年。

聂敏之（1931–2001年10月7日）杭州人，异议人士，中国民主党创建人之一。七十年代初因反对文革被判死刑，林彪事败改判十年。民主墙时期参与民刊《四五》杂志。1998年参与中国民主党组党活动，1999年中国民主党浙江筹委会主要负责人全部被捕后，与陈树庆、王荣清继续领导民主党活动，编发《在野党》杂志，2000年9月被捕，判劳教一年，服刑期间不幸去世。

王荣清（1943年12月9日-2014年6月26日），浙江杭州人，中国民主党浙江筹委会的核心成员之一。1978年起参与“民主墙”、《四五》月刊和《华东民刊》等活动；1989年投身学生民主运动。1998年参与中国民主党组党活动 。2004年，他主持起草并提交了《中国政党法草案》，这份由民间提出的立法建议被递交至全国人大常委会，引起社会关注。2006年8月，因涉嫌“煽动罪”被拘留，但最终因证据不足被撤案。2009年由于筹备召开中国民主党全国代表大会的活动，他被判“颠覆国家政权罪”入狱6年，后因肾衰竭获准监外执行。2014年6月26日因病去世。

附： 朱虞夫先生于2024年11月20日整理中国民主党浙江民主党人受迫害名录：

一、浙江有四名民主党人在服刑期间被迫害致死：

1、聂敏之 （《在野党》首批主编被捕后接棒出版《在野党》第10、11期）

2、力虹

3、王荣清 （《在野党》首批主编被捕后接棒出版《在野党》第10、11期）

4、陈子亮

二、浙江有28名中国民主党党员被判刑下狱：

1、朱虞夫：前后16年

2、吕耿松：前后15年

3、陈树庆：前后14年半

4、王有才：判刑11年，刑期过半驱逐 出境（先前曾为“六四”判刑三年）；

5、毛庆祥：前后11年

6、吴义龙：11年

7、祝正明：10年

8、徐 光：前后9年

9、毛国良：7年

10、严正学：前后6年（去世）

11、王荣清：6年（去世）

12、力 虹：6年（去世）

13、赵万敏：5年

14、王 策：4年（去世）

15、叶文相：4年

16、沈建明：4年

17、陈龙德：3年

18、陈开频：前后3年

19、池建伟：3年（去世）

20、聂敏之：3年（去世）

21、傅国涌：3年

22、范子良：3年

23、吴高兴：2年

24、王东海：2年（去世）

25、单称峰：2年

26、林大刚：2年

27、戚惠民：1年

28、吴立星：1年

29、朱 卬：1年半缓刑（朱虞夫之子）

以上浙江民主党人和异议人士的坐牢刑期加起来达175年之久。

三、浙江前后有23名志士为中国民运事业而付出生命代价：

1、徐国强（杭州）

2、聂敏之（杭州）

3、应全刚（宁波）

4、应国华（杭州）

5、张荣来（宁波）

6、张建红（笔名力虹.宁波）

7、景晓棠（宁波）

8、王东海（杭州）

9、钟海涛（杭州）

10、王 策（温州）

11、黄河清（温州）

12、王荣清（杭州）

13、王荣耀（杭州）

14、俞杭生（杭州）

15、吴培青（杭州）

16、张诒达（杭州）

17、池建伟（杭州）

18、陈子亮（杭州）

19、吴远明（杭州）

20、严正学（台州）

21、马贤林（杭州）

22、邓焕武（温州）

23、余铁龙（杭州）

四、浙江自成立中国民主党以来在监狱中一直有民主党人在坐牢，2025年仍在坐牢的有五人（包括政治犯）

1、吕耿松（于2025年7月刑满）

2、陈树庆（于2025年3月刑满）

3、徐 光（刑期将在2026年6月到期。）

4、邹 巍（羁押待判）

5、昝爱宗（羁押待判）

Case Records of Persecuted Members of the China Democracy Party (Zhejiang Region)

Author: Zhu Yufu

Editor: Hu Lili | Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translated by: Huiwen Lu

Since its founding on June 25, 1998, the China Democracy Party has been designated by the Chinese Ministry of Public Security as a “hostile organization” and has endured horrific political persecution. Among them, members from Zhejiang Province have suffered some of the most severe oppression.

Zhu Yufu (Hangzhou): A core member of the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee, and current Editor-in-Chief of The Opposition Party magazine. He was a key initiator of the 1978 Hangzhou Democracy Wall and convenor of the underground publication April Fifth. Arrested after the 1989 Tiananmen Movement for “participation in unrest” and dismissed from his position. In 1999, sentenced to 7 years in prison and 3 years of political rights deprivation for “subverting state power” due to party organizing. Released on September 15, 2006. Arrested again in 2007 and sentenced to 2 years for “obstructing official duties.” In 2012, sentenced to another 7 years for “inciting subversion,” with political rights deprived for 3 years. Total sentence: 16 years.

Lv Gengsong (Hangzhou): Former teacher at Zhejiang Provincial College of Public Security, Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democracy Party, and Honorary Chief Editor of The Opposition Party. Resigned in protest after the 1989 massacre. Sentenced to 4 years in 2008 for party activities, and later heavily sentenced to 11 years in 2016. Total sentence: 15 years.

Chen Shuqiang (Fuyang/Hangzhou): Graduate of Zhejiang University, former national preparatory leader of the China Democracy Party, and Vice Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee. Main drafter of The Party Law and numerous CDP statements. Took over publication of The Opposition Party after the arrest of its first editors. Currently Honorary Chief Editor. In 2007, sentenced to 4 years, and again in 2016 to 10.5 years. Total: 14.5 years.

Wang Youcai (Fuyang): Former Peking University graduate student and 1989 student movement leader. Founding member of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee. First to apply for party registration in 1998. Sentenced to 11 years for “subversion.” Released early due to international pressure and exiled to the U.S. (also previously sentenced to 3 years for Tiananmen-related activities).

Mao Qingxiang (Hangzhou): Founding member of the China Democracy Party and one of the founders of The Opposition Party. In 1999, sentenced to 8 years for organizing party activities; again sentenced in 2008 to 3 years. Total: 11 years.

Wu Yilong (Anhui origin, based in Hangzhou during party founding): Co-founded the Sanlian Reading Club and edited The Reader magazine in 1998. Helped found the Zhejiang Committee and established contacts nationwide. Co-founded The Opposition Party with Mao Qingxiang and Zhu Yufu. In 1999, sentenced to 11 years and 3 years deprivation of political rights. Released in 2010.

Zhu Zhengming (Jiangshan): One of the CDP’s founding initiators, drafter of the Party Constitution and Founding Declaration, author of Political Democracy. Sentenced to 10 years and 4 years deprivation of political rights in 1999. Endured harsh treatment in prison and remains under strict surveillance.

Xu Guang (Fuyang): Participated in the 1989 student movement at Hangzhou University. Worked at Fuyang Environmental Monitoring Station. Founded the CDP Fuyang Committee in 1998 and engaged in international outreach. In 1999, sentenced to 5 years and deprived of political rights for 2 years. Tortured in prison. In 2024, sentenced again to 4 years. Total: 9 years. Still imprisoned; release expected in 2026.

Nie Minzhi (1931–October 7, 2001, Hangzhou): Dissident and CDP founder. Sentenced to death in the 1970s for opposing the Cultural Revolution, later commuted to 10 years after Lin Biao’s downfall. Participated in the April Fifth publication. Helped reorganize the CDP in 1999 and edited The Opposition Party after the arrests.

Arrested in 2000 and sentenced to one year of re-education through labor. Died in custody.

Wang Rongqing (Dec. 9, 1943 – June 26, 2014, Hangzhou): Core CDP Zhejiang member. Involved in “Democracy Wall” and the East China People’s Journal. Participated in the 1989 movement and CDP founding in 1998. Drafted the China Political Parties Law Proposal submitted to the National People’s Congress in 2004. Detained in 2006, then sentenced to 6 years in 2009 for “subversion.” Released due to kidney failure. Died in 2014.

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Appendix:

Compiled by Mr. Zhu Yufu on November 20, 2024 — List of persecuted CDP members from Zhejiang:

I. Four CDP members from Zhejiang died due to persecution while in prison:

1. Nie Minzhi (took over The Opposition Party after first editors were arrested)

2. Li Hong

3. Wang Rongqing (same as above)

4. Chen Ziliang

II. 28 CDP members from Zhejiang were imprisoned:

1. Zhu Yufu: 16 years

2. Lv Gengsong: 15 years

3. Chen Shuqiang: 14.5 years

4. Wang Youcai: 11 years (released and exiled mid-term)

5. Mao Qingxiang: 11 years

6. Wu Yilong: 11 years

7. Zhu Zhengming: 10 years

8. Xu Guang: 9 years

9. Mao Guoliang: 7 years

10. Yan Zhengxue: 6 years (deceased)

11. Wang Rongqing: 6 years (deceased)

12. Li Hong: 6 years (deceased)

13. Zhao Wanmin: 5 years

14. Wang Ce: 4 years (deceased)

15. Ye Wenxiang: 4 years

16. Shen Jianming: 4 years

17. Chen Longde: 3 years

18. Chen Kaiping: 3 years (multiple terms)

19. Chi Jianwei: 3 years (deceased)

20. Nie Minzhi: 3 years (deceased)

21. Fu Guoyong: 3 years

22. Fan Ziliang: 3 years

23. Wu Gaoxing: 2 years

24. Wang Donghai: 2 years (deceased)

25. Shan Chengfeng: 2 years

26. Lin Dagang: 2 years

27. Qi Huimin: 1 year

28. Wu Lixing: 1 year

29. Zhu Ang: 1.5 years suspended sentence (son of Zhu Yufu)

Total prison terms served by Zhejiang CDP members and dissidents: 175 years

III. 23 individuals from Zhejiang sacrificed their lives for the Chinese pro-democracy movement:

1. Xu Guoqiang (Hangzhou)

2. Nie Minzhi (Hangzhou)

3. Ying Quangang (Ningbo)

4. Ying Guohua (Hangzhou)

5. Zhang Ronglai (Ningbo)

6. Zhang Jianhong (pen name: Li Hong, Ningbo)

7. Jing Xiaotang (Ningbo)

8. Wang Donghai (Hangzhou)

9. Zhong Haitao (Hangzhou)

10. Wang Ce (Wenzhou)

11. Huang Heqing (Wenzhou)

12. Wang Rongqing (Hangzhou)

13. Wang Rongyao (Hangzhou)

14. Yu Hangsheng (Hangzhou)

15. Wu Peiqing (Hangzhou)

16. Zhang Yida (Hangzhou)

17. Chi Jianwei (Hangzhou)

18. Chen Ziliang (Hangzhou)

19. Wu Yuanming (Hangzhou)

20. Yan Zhengxue (Taizhou)

21. Ma Xianlin (Hangzhou)

22. Deng Huanwu (Wenzhou)

23. Yu Tielong (Hangzhou)

⸻

IV. Since the founding of the China Democracy Party, Zhejiang has always had CDP members imprisoned. As of 2025, five remain incarcerated (including political prisoners):

1. Lv Gengsong (released in July 2025)

2. Chen Shuqiang (released in March 2025)

3. Xu Guang (sentence ends in June 2026)

4. Zou Wei (detained pending trial)

5. Zan Aizong (detained pending trial)

Behind the “Badge-Showing” Incident Lies the Institutional Arrogance of Public Power

By Feng Reng

作者：冯仍

编辑：周志刚 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：鲁慧文

2025年7月22日下午，广西防城港市港口区企沙镇兴港村，一条乡村小路上，两辆SUV车辆因道路狭窄发生会车纠纷。车主李先生驾驶白色哈弗SUV与另一辆黑色奔驰SUV相遇，对方拒绝倒车，并下车亮出一本行政执法证件，声称 “我是执法人员” ，要求李先生让路。

整个过程被手机拍下后传至网络，引发巨大争议。视频中，该女子态度强硬，不断强调自己有“证”，甚至在事后上门要求删帖，自称“认识公安”，令舆论哗然。

8月3日凌晨，防城港市港口区发布调查通报称，该女子侯某某为某民营企业员工，并非执法人员，其出示的行政执法证属于其丈夫李某某，为港口区综合行政执法局正式职工。该证件系李某某长期放置于自家车辆中，侯某某系在车上发现后 “出于一时冲动” 拿出使用。

官方通报还称，事件中的双方为表亲，住址相距800米左右，并强调该事件系一起“误会引发的纠纷”，未构成违法犯罪行为。但这一说法并未平息舆论，反而因其避重就轻、模糊焦点，引发更大质疑。

我看完视频的全过程，再看官方的通报，一个感觉：不是荒唐，而是熟悉。

因为太像了，像极了我们在中国生活时常常遇到的那种“我是某某领导的家属”“你认得我吗”“我爸是李刚”的场景；像极了那种靠关系、靠身份就可以在乡里街头横着走的“家属文化”；更像一个体制性病灶——公权力私用、权力不受监督的恶果。

这名女子，不是执法人员，却可以拿着丈夫的执法证，在公路上对陌生人“亮证”施压，威胁倒车。事后还能大摇大摆地上门要求删帖，自称“认识公安”，她仗的是谁的权？

我们这些普通人，不怕真的法律，怕的是假公职、真特权；不怕制度，怕的是体制已经默许这种“家属借权”“亮证压人”成为常态。

我在国内的时候，也遇到过类似的事。开车在路上被一个“某某局家属”拦下，只因我不让他先过。他一句“我是谁谁谁”，我就得陪笑脸、低头，不然就是“给你点颜色看看”。那时候我就在想，这样的国家，还有希望吗？

今天我人虽然在美国，但看到广西这起事件，我心里依然堵得慌。因为我知道，那不是一个人的傲慢，而是无数中国体制内权力滥用的缩影。那种“只要我有关系、有证、有靠山，就能随便欺负人”的现象，在中国已经成了毒瘤。而当权者却还在说：“大家是亲戚，是误会。”

可是老百姓早就看明白了：我们要的不是一句“误会”就能交代过去，也不是靠“表亲”就能糊弄了事，而是真正的调查、问责和制度约束。

如果连一张执法证都能变成家属手里的“吓人神器”，那说明真正需要被亮出来、被审视的，不是那位女子的身份，而是整个体制的傲慢与腐败。

Behind the “Badge-Showing” Incident Lies the Institutional Arrogance of Public Power

By Feng Reng

Editor: Zhou Zhigang | Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translated by: Huiwen Lu

Summary:

On the afternoon of July 22, 2025, in Xinggang Village, Qisha Town, Gangkou District, Fangchenggang City, Guangxi, China, a dispute broke out between Mr. Li and a woman surnamed Hou when their vehicles met on a narrow rural road. Ms. Hou claimed to be a law enforcement officer and demanded that Mr. Li reverse his car to give way. The entire altercation was recorded on video and later posted online, sparking nationwide controversy.

⸻

On July 22, 2025, in Xinggang Village, Qisha Town, Gangkou District of Fangchenggang City, Guangxi Province, two SUVs encountered each other on a narrow country road and got into a standoff. Mr. Li, driving a white Haval SUV, came face-to-face with a black Mercedes SUV. The woman driving the Mercedes refused to reverse and got out, flashing an administrative law enforcement badge and declaring, “I’m a law enforcement officer,” demanding Mr. Li give way.

The entire scene was recorded on a mobile phone and uploaded to the internet, triggering widespread public outrage. In the video, the woman behaves aggressively, repeatedly emphasizing that she “has a badge.” She even went as far as visiting the other party’s home afterward to demand the video be deleted, claiming she “knows the police,” further inflaming public opinion.

In the early hours of August 3, the Gangkou District of Fangchenggang City released an official statement, identifying the woman, Ms. Hou, as an employee of a private company—not a law enforcement officer. The badge she displayed belonged to her husband, Mr. Li, who is a formal employee of the Comprehensive Administrative Law Enforcement Bureau in Gangkou District. The badge, according to the statement, had been kept in their personal vehicle, and Ms. Hou allegedly used it “on a whim” upon discovering it there.

The statement also claimed that the two parties involved are relatives, living just 800 meters apart, and described the incident as a “misunderstanding” that did not constitute any criminal offense. However, this explanation failed to quell public anger. Instead, it provoked greater skepticism due to its evasiveness and deflection of key issues.

After watching the video and then reading the official statement, my overriding feeling was not disbelief—but familiarity.

Because it felt all too familiar. It’s exactly like what we experienced in everyday life in China:

“I’m so-and-so’s relative,” “Do you know who I am?” “My dad is Li Gang.”

It’s the everyday absurdity of a society where family connections and privileged status allow people to behave with impunity in the streets and alleys.

It is a reflection of a deeper systemic illness—the abuse of public power, the privatization of authority, and the complete absence of oversight.

This woman was not a law enforcement officer, yet she wielded her husband’s badge to exert pressure on a stranger in a traffic dispute. Later, she brazenly demanded the deletion of the video, claiming ties to the police. What kind of power was she relying on?

Ordinary people like us don’t fear the law—we fear fake officials with real privilege.

We don’t fear rules—we fear a system that condones this culture of family-backed impunity, where flashing a badge becomes a normalized form of intimidation.

I experienced something similar when I was still in China. I was once stopped on the road by a “relative of some bureau chief” simply because I didn’t let him pass first. With one sentence—“Do you know who I am?”—I had to smile apologetically and bow my head, or face retaliation. I remember thinking then: Can a country like this still have hope?

Now that I live in the United States, I still feel suffocated watching the events in Guangxi unfold. Because I know this isn’t just one person’s arrogance—it’s a microcosm of the rampant abuse of power in China’s political system. This phenomenon of “if I have connections, a badge, or a backer, I can bully others at will” has become a cancer in Chinese society. And the authorities’ response? “They’re relatives, it was just a misunderstanding.”

But the public is no longer so easily fooled.

We don’t want a vague “misunderstanding” to brush the issue aside.

We don’t want to be pacified with the word “relatives.”

What we want is a real investigation, real accountability, and real institutional checks and balances.

If a simple law enforcement badge can be turned into a family member’s tool of intimidation, then what truly needs to be brought into the spotlight and scrutinized is not just the woman’s identity—

but the arrogance and corruption of the entire system.

August 10 (Sunday) — Global Awakening, Issue 35

Resist the CCP’s Use of State Machinery to Suppress Peaceful Protesters

Liberty Bell Rings · Global Awakening · Democratic Alliance · Eliminate Dictatorship · Overthrow Tyranny

《全球覺醒》第三十五期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】：噤声弱势群体，无视校园霸凌！抵制中共動用國家機器鎮壓和平抗議民眾！

近日，一段來自四川江油的影片震驚全球：一名女孩在廢棄樓房內被數名同齡人掌摑、逼跪、脫衣羞辱，過程被施暴者拍攝並公開炫耀。

更加駭人的是，施暴者竟囂張叫囂「報警我們怕嗎？二十分鐘就出來」，一句話，將中國社會在中共暴政統治下的赤裸現實撕得粉碎——暴力有恃無恐，法治蕩然無存！

事件發酵後，江油公安的「輕描淡寫」處置激怒全國民眾：

• 輕微傷鑑定、治安處罰了事；

• 受害者家庭無助哭泣，施暴者依舊囂張；

• 當地百姓自發到政府抗議，卻被粗暴驅趕、甚至塞進畜牲運輸車；

• 輿論聲討被全面封鎖，官媒噤聲視若無睹！

當一個國家連“反對校園霸凌”都成了被打壓的理由，當一群爲了受害者伸張正義的公民被當作“暴民”抓捕，我們必須追問：這個國家，還是一個健康的社會嗎？這樣的政權，難道不是徹頭徹尾的邪噁政權嗎？

這不是個別事件，這是中共對人民無底線壓迫的縮影！

它可以是一個江油女孩，也可以是任何一個為公平發聲的普通人。

一句打油詩寫盡蒼涼

江油女孩跪血地，

魔爪肆虐無人理。

國有法來保特權，

民間正義難發聲。

紅色恐怖蔓神州，

我們不吶喊，誰為她吶喊？

這週日，我們將站在中共駐洛杉磯領事館門前，為遠在江油的受害者發聲，為每一個沉默的冤屈吶喊：

✊ 江油女孩冤屈不容遺忘！

✊ 暴力零容忍，司法必須公正！

✊ 中共縱容黑惡勢力，踐踏人權，拒絕紅色暴力統治！

✊推翻暴政，清算作恶者！

時間：2025年8月10日(星期日)4:30PM(下午)

地點：中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址：443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人：廖軍/王尊福

活動規劃：劉廣賢/周蘭英

活動主持：呂峰

組織者：

胡月明4806536918/鐘文 9094372745

歐陽博文9095676152/胡 君 6263182875

朱祖志9094411737/劉志利6262109409

活動義工：王付青/劉樂園/于海龍/王彪/勞紹海

攝影：Ji Luo/王永

主辦單位：

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

中國民主人權聯盟

August 10 (Sunday) — Global Awakening, Issue 35

Resist the CCP’s Use of State Machinery to Suppress Peaceful Protesters

Liberty Bell Rings · Global Awakening · Democratic Alliance · Eliminate Dictatorship · Overthrow Tyranny

[Event Theme]: Silencing the Vulnerable, Ignoring Campus Bullying! Resist the CCP’s Use of State Machinery to Suppress Peaceful Protesters!

Recently, a video from Jiangyou, Sichuan shocked the world:

A girl was slapped, forced to kneel, and stripped by several peers in an abandoned building. The abuse was filmed by the perpetrators and publicly flaunted.

Even more horrifying, the perpetrators arrogantly shouted: “Call the police? What are we afraid of? We’ll be out in twenty minutes.”

That one sentence ripped apart the naked truth of Chinese society under CCP tyranny—violence goes unchecked, and the rule of law is nonexistent!

As the incident escalated, the Jiangyou police’s dismissive handling enraged the entire nation:

• The injuries were deemed “minor,” and the perpetrators were only given administrative penalties;

• The victim’s family cried helplessly while the perpetrators remained arrogant;

• Local citizens spontaneously protested at government offices, but were violently dispersed—some were even thrown into livestock transport vehicles;

• Public outrage was entirely censored, and state media remained silent and indifferent!

When even “opposing school bullying” becomes a reason for suppression,

when citizens standing up for victims are arrested and labeled as “rioters,”

we must ask: Is this still a healthy society?

Is this not a regime that is utterly and thoroughly evil?

This is not an isolated incident—it is a reflection of the CCP’s limitless oppression of its people!

It could be a girl in Jiangyou, or it could be any ordinary person speaking out for justice.

A satirical poem captures the sorrow:

The Jiangyou girl knelt on bloody ground,

Demonic claws ravaged while none were around.

The law serves power, not the weak,

Justice from the people is silenced, meek.

Red terror spreads across the land,

If we don’t shout, who’ll make a stand?

This Sunday, we will stand in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles,

to speak for the victim in Jiangyou,

to cry out for every injustice silenced:

✊ The injustice suffered by the Jiangyou girl must not be forgotten!

✊ Zero tolerance for violence—justice must prevail!

✊ The CCP condones gang violence and tramples human rights—reject red terror!

✊ Overthrow tyranny and hold the perpetrators accountable!

Time: Sunday, August 10, 2025, 4:30 PM

Location: Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles

Address: 443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

Event Conveners: Liao Jun / Wang Zunfu

Event Planning: Liu Guangxian / Zhou Lanying

Event Host: Lü Feng

Organizers:

Hu Yueming 480-653-6918 / Zhong Wen 909-437-2745

Ouyang Bowen 909-567-6152 / Hu Jun 626-318-2875

Zhu Zuzhi 909-441-1737 / Liu Zhili 626-210-9409

Volunteers: Wang Fuqing / Liu Leyuan / Yu Hailong / Wang Biao / Lao Shaohai

Photographers: Ji Luo / Wang Yong

Hosted by:

China Democracy Party National Committee Western U.S. Branch

China Democracy Party National Committee Southern U.S. Branch

Liberty Bell Democracy Foundation

China Democracy and Human Rights Alliance