我是中国民主党党员田家元，我在六四纪念馆（洛杉矶）发声：没有共产党才有新中国，勿忘八九六四所牺牲的每一位英雄。
作者：田家元
编辑：王尊福
I am Tian Jiayuan, a member of the China Democracy Party.
At the June 4th Memorial Hall in Los Angeles, I raised my voice:
“Only without the Communist Party can there be a new China.
Never forget every hero who sacrificed their life on June 4th, 1989.”
By Tian Jiayuan
Editor: Wang Zunfu
Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translator: Lu Huiwen
提供者：袁崛 责任编辑：鲁慧文
中国民主党组党初期，全国各地来杭州取经的朋友，回去建立各地的筹委会
一九九八年六月二十五日，在美国总统克林顿抵达中国大陆访问之前仅数小时，王有才和王东海、林辉三人向浙江省民政局提出书面申请，要求成立中国民主党浙江筹备委员会。这是中共建政五十年以来，政治异议人士首次公开申请成立反对党,这是中国民主运动史上的重大事件。
王有才等人委托中国人权民运信息中心发出筹组“中国民主党”的宣言及该党的党章，于六月二十五日下午前去浙江省民政厅递交文件申请为该党注册，这是中共建国近五十年来首次有异议人士以公开的姿态宣布筹组反对党，在中国民主运动史上有划时代的意义。这个由著名学生领袖王有才及异议人士王东海、林辉组成的“中国民主党”浙江筹备委员会，发出了“公开宣言”及党章（草案）。他们表示，一切政治权力只能来自公众，服务于公众，故政府只能根据公众的意志而产生，政府应建立于直接的民主选举之上。中国民主党的宗旨是：实现直接民主选举，建立宪政民主政体，建立政治分权机制，铲除政治独裁及政治腐败的土壤。该党也号召各地民运人士加入该党，争取早日召开全国代表大会。 王有才为八九年被通缉二十一名学生领袖之一，后判刑四年，九一年底获释，现居住杭州。王东海八九年为商场经理，“六四”后入狱三年。 林辉刚由宁波大学毕业，现为浙江作家协会成员。
海外民运人士王炳章、王希哲获悉浙江组党的消息后，立即予以密切关注，在与浙江朋友联系磋商的同时，安排各省积极响应。7月初，在得到浙江朋友的委托后成立“中国民主党海外后援会”，王希哲任第一任主席。
中国民主党创始人之一朱虞夫因向市民散发大量传单，宣传「中国民主党」宣言，三十日上午十点被公安从街上强行带走。朱虞夫为七九年民主墙时期杭州民刊「钱江潮」编辑，八九年民运时，被中共公安拘押两个月。
History of the China Democracy Party (Part I)
Submitted by: Yuan Jue | Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
In the early days of the China Democracy Party’s founding, friends from all over the country came to Hangzhou to learn from the experience, and upon returning, they established preparatory committees in their respective regions.
On June 25, 1998, just hours before U.S. President Bill Clinton arrived in mainland China for a state visit, Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and Lin Hui submitted a written application to the Zhejiang Provincial Civil Affairs Bureau, requesting official registration of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP).
This marked the first time in 50 years of CCP rule that political dissidents had openly applied to form an opposition party—an unprecedented and monumental event in the history of China’s pro-democracy movement.
Wang Youcai and his colleagues entrusted the Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy (based in Hong Kong) to release a founding declaration and the party’s draft constitution. That same afternoon, they personally submitted the registration documents to the Zhejiang Provincial Civil Affairs Department. This act—openly declaring the formation of an opposition party within China—was a landmark moment in Chinese political history.
The Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party, founded by well-known student leader Wang Youcai and dissidents Wang Donghai and Lin Hui, issued a “Public Declaration” and a draft party constitution. They asserted that all political power must originate from and serve the people, and that governments should be formed based on the public will and through direct democratic elections.
The China Democracy Party’s stated mission is to:
• Achieve direct democratic elections
• Establish a constitutional democratic political system
• Create a mechanism of separation of powers
• Eradicate the roots of dictatorship and political corruption
The CDP also called on pro-democracy activists across China to join the party and work toward convening a National Congress as soon as possible.
Wang Youcai, one of the 21 student leaders most wanted after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, was later sentenced to four years in prison and released at the end of 1991. He currently resides in Hangzhou.
Wang Donghai, a department store manager during the 1989 movement, was imprisoned for three years after June Fourth.
Lin Hui had just graduated from Ningbo University and was a member of the Zhejiang Writers Association.
Upon learning of the formation of the CDP in Zhejiang, overseas pro-democracy activists Wang Bingzhang and Wang Xizhe immediately took interest. While coordinating with contacts in Zhejiang, they organized support efforts in other provinces. In early July, upon receiving authorization from their Zhejiang colleagues, they founded the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association, with Wang Xizhe serving as its first president.
One of the CDP’s co-founders, Zhu Yufu, was forcibly taken from the street by public security officers at 10:00 a.m. on the 30th for distributing large numbers of leaflets promoting the CDP Declaration. Zhu Yufu was formerly the editor of Qianjiang Tide, a pro-democracy magazine from the 1979 “Democracy Wall” era in Hangzhou, and had also been detained for two months during the 1989 movement.
提供者：袁崛 责任编辑：鲁慧文
《宣言》起草人祝正明（左）与朱虞夫
全文如下：
鉴于任何人都无权以暴力维持自己对另一些人的统治，而这种现象在我们的社会依然存在；鉴于现代文明、理性已经传遍全世界，而封建专制和愚朽的阴霾还在笼罩着我们的社会；鉴于人性还存在种种弱点，遏止政治独裁和政治腐败是一场永久的正义斗争；鉴于广大民众需要有自己的政治组织和政治代言人；鉴于公民的结社自由是公民与生俱来的神圣不可侵犯的权利；我们一批来自于社会各界、愿意贡献出自己年华的志士，为了弘扬自由、民主、正义、和平，兹商成立中国民主党。
中国民主党坚信：一切政治权力只能来自于公众、服务于公众；政府只能根据公众的意志而产生，依照公众的意志来运作，为公众的利益服务； 政府是公众的服务者，而不是公众的支配者。
中国民主党坚信：政府必须建立在公众的自觉同意之上，建立在自由的、公正的、直接的民主选举之上，谴责任何形势的选举操纵和选举作弊， 坚决反对新闻出版垄断，反对任何既得利益集团以暴力和经济威胁实行愚 民政策。
中国民主党强烈谴责统治集团以暴力镇压政治反对派的行为，强烈谴责对被关押的持不同政见者施以酷刑和劳改做法、强烈要求当局释放一切因持不同政见而被关押的人士。
中国民主党认定：任何以暴力和暴力威慑获得的统治权力均不具有合法性，中国民主党将力求根除一切以政治权力获取经济利益和个人享受的社会寄生现象。
中国民主党坚信：［世界人权宣言］的各项人权内容均为人类与生俱来的神圣不可侵犯的权利，中国民主党将始终与侵犯人权的行为作斗争。
中国民主党反对任何形式的政治垄断和经济垄断，倡导以公正的政治竞争和经济竞争，促进政治运作和经济发展的廉洁高效。
中国民主党倡导有序的社会变革，反对混乱和打砸抢，反对以暴力对抗暴力。 中国民主党以非暴力的、和平的、理性的方式实现自己的政治目标， 提倡以文明对话方式解决任何争端和分岐，反对恐怖活动。
中国民主党的宗旨是：实现直接民主选举，建立宪政民主政治体制。 建立政治分权机制。使政治权利互相制约，并确保其能进行良性循环，使任何个人和任何集团，都无法将权力建立在暴力之上，实行军队国家化， 彻底铲除产生政治独裁和政治腐败的土壤，使中华民族彻底摆脱强权暴政。
中国民主党党内实行直接的民主选举制度，党的各级委员会和负责人自下而上选举产生，实行任期制，党的全国委员会是全体党员的服务机关。
中国民主党吸纳一切赞成、支持党的纲领和宗旨并愿意作出贡献的人进入党内，团结、联合一切赞成党的政治目标和政策的人士。
中国民主党号召全国各地民主运动人士，加入中国民主党，筹备和成立中国民主党的各省市地方委员会，并选派代表，参加全国代表大会，组建全国委员会。
中国民主党 浙江筹备委员会 于杭州
1998年6月28日
Submitted by: Yuan Jue Chief Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Declaration drafter Zhu Zhengming (left) and Zhu Yufu (right)
Full Text:
Whereas no one has the right to maintain their rule over others through violence—yet such phenomena persist in our society;
Whereas modern civilization and reason have spread across the globe, yet the shadows of feudal despotism and ignorance still shroud our nation;
Whereas human nature still bears its weaknesses, the fight against political dictatorship and corruption is an eternal struggle for justice;
Whereas the people need their own political organization and representatives;
Whereas the freedom of association is a sacred, inalienable right born with every citizen—
We, a group of individuals from all walks of life, determined to devote our years to the cause, hereby declare the establishment of the China Democracy Party to promote liberty, democracy, justice, and peace.
The China Democracy Party firmly believes that all political power must come from and serve the public;
That government must be established according to the will of the people, operate according to the will of the people, and serve the interests of the people;
That the government is the servant of the public, not its master.
The China Democracy Party affirms that a legitimate government must be founded on the conscious consent of the people, through free, fair, and direct democratic elections.
We condemn all forms of election manipulation and fraud.
We oppose monopolization of the press and publishing, and reject the use of violence or economic coercion by vested interest groups to enforce policies of ignorance and control.
The China Democracy Party strongly condemns the ruling regime’s use of violence to suppress political opposition.
We denounce the use of torture and forced labor against imprisoned dissidents, and demand the immediate release of all individuals imprisoned for their political beliefs.
We assert that any power gained through violence or the threat of violence is illegitimate.
The China Democracy Party strives to eliminate all parasitic practices where political power is used to gain economic advantage or personal luxury.
The China Democracy Party firmly upholds the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
We affirm that these rights are sacred and inalienable, and we will continue to fight against any violations of human rights.
We oppose all forms of political and economic monopoly.
We advocate for fair competition in both politics and the economy to promote clean and efficient governance and development.
The China Democracy Party supports orderly social change.
We oppose chaos, looting, and violence, and reject the use of violence to counter violence.
We pursue our political goals through non-violent, peaceful, and rational means, and we advocate civilized dialogue as the path to resolving all disputes and conflicts.
We stand firmly against terrorism.
Our party’s mission is to achieve direct democratic elections and to establish a constitutional democratic political system.
We seek to build a system of checks and balances, ensuring mutual oversight and healthy circulation of political power, such that no individual or group can base their authority on violence.
We advocate for the nationalization of the military and the eradication of the roots of dictatorship and corruption, to free the Chinese nation from tyranny once and for all.
The China Democracy Party practices direct democratic elections within the party.
All levels of party committees and leaders are elected from the bottom up, with term limits.
The National Committee of the Party serves the entire membership.
We welcome all individuals who agree with and support our platform and principles, and who are willing to contribute, to join our party.
We seek to unite all who share our political goals and policy vision.
The China Democracy Party calls on pro-democracy activists across the country to join the party, to form provincial and municipal committees, and to elect representatives to attend the National Congress and establish the National Committee.
China Democracy Party – Zhejiang Preparatory Committee
Hangzhou, June 28, 1998
作者：鲁慧文 责任编辑：罗志飞
2025年6月13日湖南卫健委、长沙公安局与中南大学组成调查组，认定罗帅宇系自杀，无刑事案件，至此罗帅宇案件在全国上下的一片哗然中画上终止符。
调查组结果公布前的一个月左右时间里罗帅宇案件在中国内地各大主流媒体与自媒体一度形成热议，多日霸屏微博热搜榜，罗父罗母及海内外关注罗帅宇事件的人们一度对罗帅宇案件得以受理抱有较大期待。
实习医生罗帅宇坠楼事件回顾：
罗帅宇，1996年出生，系湖南长沙中南大学湘雅二医院从事肾移植方向的实习医师，他于2024年5月8日在学校宿舍楼坠亡，时年28岁。案发时长沙警方及医院联动调查认定其为“跳楼自杀”，排除了他杀嫌疑，这直接爆发疑点并引起社会舆论。
家属和网民提出多个疑点，认为该案可能涉及他杀或被“灭口”：
1. 坠楼环境异常：罗帅宇坠落点位于离宿舍墙7米外的一个仅80厘米宽的狭窄通道，跨护栏难度极大，引发“自杀不合逻辑”质疑。
2. 现场疑似打斗迹象：宿舍内床单凌乱、眼镜碎裂、抽屉被翻，存在血迹，家属称现场不符典型自杀场景。
3. 其未提前留言准备跳楼：其家属表示，他曾在直播中强调“不会自杀”，其言辞与刑侦报告有严重偏差。
4. 举报转账及资料删除说法：家属称医院曾以“劳务报酬”为名向其账户转账超40万元，并在其死亡后快速收回电脑并删除资料。
5. 媒体与官媒对比：自由媒体及家属坚称这些线索极可能与其举报医院涉及非法器官移植有关，相信其死亡另有内情。反之，官方称其死亡与举报活动无关。
2025年6月13日最新官方发布回应与调查结论：
1、综合调查结果：湖南卫健委、长沙公安局与中南大学组成调查组，认定罗帅宇系自杀，无刑事案件，且未发现器官移植相关违法行为。
2、数据核查结果：家庭存疑的50例器官捐赠资料，经查均可追溯至中国人体器官分配系统，属合法范畴。
3、关键否认：警方认为其死亡前曾发短信告知同事“把电脑文件交纪委”未真实发送，电脑资料未被清空，家属或出现误解。
罗帅宇事件最新官方回应的发布是罗帅宇案件的彻底终结，也是中国独裁体制下司法不公的深度体现，同时罗帅宇“自杀”事件也标志着中共独裁统治维稳战略系统的重大升级。罗帅宇案从案发到此次最新官方回应发布的一年多时间里都是各大官方媒体、民间媒体的禁忌话题，一直被以封口、删帖、限流等方式压制，最新官方回应发布前的一段时间里官方对于罗帅宇话题处于完全开放讨论状态，主流媒体和个人媒体争相报道，并一度以多个话题霸屏微博热搜榜数日，造成一种冤案得以昭雪正义终将到来的假象，并且以很高位的官方介入姿势调查，并给出一个令人唏嘘的结论。
中国政府维稳手段升级，从之前的掩盖真相压制言论转而为告诉你有此事的存在，大家讨论的事是真实的，最终高调介入并告诉你事情是正常的，不再掩盖真相，而是重新定义黑与白。
Hunan Health Commission, Changsha Public Security Bureau, and Central South University Conclude: Lou Shuaiyu Died by Suicide
By Lu Huiwen Edited by Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
On June 13, 2025, a joint investigation team composed of the Hunan Provincial Health Commission, Changsha Public Security Bureau, and Central South University officially concluded that Lou Shuaiyu died by suicide and that no criminal case was involved. With this announcement, the highly publicized Lou Shuaiyu case was brought to an abrupt close amid widespread national controversy.
In the month leading up to the release of the report, Lou’s case had become a major point of debate across mainstream and independent media in mainland China, dominating trending topics on Weibo for several days. Lou’s parents, as well as concerned supporters at home and abroad, had high hopes that the case would receive fair and transparent handling.
Background: The Death of Medical Intern Lou Shuaiyu
Lou Shuaiyu, born in 1996, was a 28-year-old medical intern specializing in kidney transplants at the Xiangya Second Hospital affiliated with Central South University in Changsha, Hunan. On May 8, 2024, he fell to his death from a campus dormitory building. Authorities from the local police and hospital quickly declared the cause to be suicide and ruled out foul play—an assessment that triggered widespread public skepticism and scrutiny.
Key Doubts Raised by Family and the Public
Many questioned the suicide ruling and suspected foul play or silencing efforts:
1. Suspicious Fall Site: Lou’s body was found in a narrow passageway only 80 cm wide, located 7 meters from the dorm wall. The distance made the idea of a voluntary jump seem implausible.
2. Signs of a Struggle: Inside the dorm, his bed was in disarray, his glasses were shattered, drawers were rummaged through, and blood was found—elements inconsistent with a typical suicide scene, according to his family.
3. No Prior Indication of Suicide: Lou had reportedly stated during a livestream, “I will never kill myself,” a statement that stood in stark contrast to official findings.
4. Large Transfers and Data Deletion: The family claimed the hospital had transferred over 400,000 yuan to Lou’s account under the label of “labor compensation,” and that after his death, his computer was swiftly retrieved and its contents deleted.
5. Discrepancy Between State and Independent Media: While family members and independent outlets believed Lou’s death might be linked to his whistleblowing on illegal organ transplant practices, state media firmly denied any connection, asserting the cause of death was unrelated.
The Official Conclusions Released on June 13, 2025
1. General Findings: The joint investigation concluded Lou died by suicide, found no criminal elements, and detected no illegal organ transplant activities.
2. Verification of Organ Data: The 50 questionable transplant cases raised by the family were verified and deemed traceable within China’s official organ allocation system, thus considered legal.
3. Rebuttal of Key Claims: Authorities stated that Lou’s alleged final message—telling a colleague to submit his computer files to disciplinary authorities—was never actually sent. They also claimed that his computer had not been wiped, suggesting the family may have misunderstood.
Commentary: A Case Closed, A System Exposed.
The government’s final statement not only closed the Lou Shuaiyu case but also exposed the deeper systemic flaws of justice under authoritarian rule in China. It revealed a sophisticated evolution in the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda and “stability maintenance” apparatus.
From the time of Lou’s death to the release of the official report over a year later, discussion of the case remained taboo across state and private media. Posts were deleted, accounts censored, and discussion throttled. Yet in the weeks leading up to the June 13 announcement, the topic was unexpectedly opened to broad public discourse.
Major media outlets and influencers began reporting freely, and Lou’s name once again dominated trending lists—creating an illusion of justice in motion and resolution on the horizon.
Then came the official conclusion—a high-profile government investigation that ultimately declared nothing abnormal.
This marks a new strategy in state control: no longer merely burying the truth, but acknowledging the facts—only to redefine them.
The state now tells you: Yes, this did happen. Yes, you are allowed to talk about it. But in the end, we will tell you what it means.
Black is white.
Wrong is right.
And justice, once again, becomes a tool of control rather than truth.
作者：刘世伟 责任编辑：刘双源 罗志飞
中国共产主义的核心逻辑是以党的绝对权威为核心，任何挑战这一权威的行为都被视为对体制的威胁，这种逻辑在2019年反送中运动中表现得淋漓尽致。
面对百万市民的和平游行，香港政府与中共中央政府并未尝试通过公开对话或协商解决问题，相反特首林郑月娥在6月12日强推《送中条例》，导致警民冲突升级。中共中央政府则将运动定性为“颜色革命”，指责外国势力干预，进一步关闭了谈判空间。
随 着运动持续，警方使用催泪弹、橡胶子弹等武力清场，逮捕人数截至2020年5月底接近9000人。 2020年6月30日，北京绕过香港立法会，直接颁布《香港国安法》，将“分裂国家”、“颠覆政权”等罪名引入香港法律体系，标志着对运动的全面镇压。国安法的实施不仅针对抗议者，还对言论自由、新闻自由构成全面打压，显示出中共对任何形式的异议都不予容忍。
黄之锋，香港民主运动的代表人物，于1996年出生，15岁时（2011年）创立“学民思潮”，反对香港政府推行“德育及国民教育科”，成功迫使政府取消相关课程，展现了其组织能力和影响力。 2014年，他领导“雨伞运动”，要求真普选，因占领公民广场被捕，并被《时代杂志》评为全球最具影响力少年。 这些行动表明，黄之锋试图通过和平抗争推动民主改革，但政府并未与之协商，而是选择司法打压。
在反送中运动中，黄之锋作为“香港众志”秘书长，积极组织抗议活动，呼吁国际社会关注香港局势。2019年6月，他因包围警察总部被捕，2020年11月因非法集结罪被判监禁13.5个月。 即使在高压下，他仍坚持发声，2020年5月他公开表示将反抗《香港国安法》，与中共展开“拉锯战”。
2021年1月，黄之锋因涉嫌违反国安法被捕；2024年11月，他因“47人案”（涉及民主派初选）被判处4年8个月监禁；2025年6月，他再次因涉嫌勾结外国势力被控，面临终身监禁的风险。 这些接连的指控表明，即使黄之锋已身陷囹圄，中共仍不放过他，试图通过终身监禁彻底消灭其影响力。这种持续的迫害，正是中共独裁体制拒绝任何妥协的体现——对异议者不仅要打压，还要彻底消灭。
图注：中国民主党于2025年6月14日在洛杉矶自由雕塑公园声援民主斗士黄之锋
黄之锋的抗争引起了国际关注，他被视为香港民主的象征。2025年6月，海外香港人发起声援活动，反对中共暴政——在黄之锋监禁期间再次对他逮捕的恶劣行为。
香港反送中运动及其后果，深刻揭示了中国独裁体制的本质：以党的绝对权威为核心，拒绝任何形式的妥协与谈判。面对百万市民的和平诉求，中共选择以武力镇压、法律打压和文化改造回应，最终通过《香港国安法》重塑香港社会。黄之锋的抗争事迹则是这一本质的缩影——从学民思潮到雨伞运动，再到反送中运动，他始终以和平方式争取民主，却换来一次次监禁与迫害。一切企图让中共改变体制，实现民主的想法都是错误的，因为他们是既得利益者，民主只会给中共独裁体制带来灭亡。中共宁可让香港烂掉，也不会让香港留存民主的火种。
黄之锋的经历告诉我们，中共独裁体制不仅不容忍异议，还会通过系统性的打压消灭任何潜在威胁。反送中运动的失败与黄之锋的遭遇，是对这一本质的悲剧性证明。他本可以逃离香港，但他选择留下，用自己遭遇告诉我们：香港的未来必定在国安法的阴影下失去光明，但黄之锋等抗争者的勇气已成为追求自由的人们一座领航灯塔！
The Failure of Hong Kong’s Anti-Extradition Movement: The CCP’s Inherent Refusal to Compromise
By Liu Shiwei | Chief Editors: Liu Shuangyuan, Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
At the core of Chinese communism lies an unwavering commitment to the absolute authority of the Party. Any challenge to that authority is seen as a threat to the regime itself. This core logic was on full display during the 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement in Hong Kong.
In the face of mass peaceful demonstrations involving over a million citizens, the Hong Kong government, backed by Beijing, made no effort to resolve the crisis through dialogue or negotiation. Instead, Chief Executive Carrie Lam forcibly pushed forward the Extradition Bill on June 12, triggering violent clashes between police and protesters. Beijing, for its part, labeled the movement a “color revolution” and accused foreign forces of interference, thereby closing the door to any potential negotiations.
As the protests continued, the police escalated their use of force, deploying tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse crowds. By the end of May 2020, nearly 9,000 people had been arrested. On June 30, 2020, Beijing bypassed Hong Kong’s legislature and directly imposed the Hong Kong National Security Law, introducing charges such as “secession” and “subversion” into Hong Kong’s legal system. This law marked the beginning of a full-scale crackdown—not only on protesters but also on freedom of speech and press—revealing the CCP’s absolute intolerance for dissent of any kind.
Joshua Wong, a prominent figure in Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement, was born in 1996. At the age of 15 (in 2011), he founded the student group Scholarism, which opposed the Hong Kong government’s “Moral and National Education” curriculum and succeeded in forcing its withdrawal—demonstrating his organizational skill and influence. In 2014, he led the Umbrella Movement, calling for genuine universal suffrage. He was arrested for occupying Civic Square and later named one of TIME Magazine’s most influential teens globally. These actions reflect his unwavering attempt to pursue democratic reform through peaceful protest, but rather than engage in dialogue, the authorities chose legal suppression.
During the Anti-Extradition Movement, Wong, as Secretary-General of Demosistō, actively organized protests and urged international attention on Hong Kong’s plight. In June 2019, he was arrested for surrounding police headquarters. In November 2020, he was sentenced to 13.5 months in prison for illegal assembly. Even under extreme pressure, he continued to speak out. In May 2020, he publicly vowed to resist the National Security Law, declaring a “war of attrition” against the CCP.
In January 2021, Joshua Wong was arrested under the National Security Law. In November 2024, he was sentenced to 4 years and 8 months in prison in the “47 activists case” involving opposition primaries. In June 2025, while still incarcerated, he was charged again—this time with alleged “collusion with foreign forces,” potentially facing life imprisonment. These repeated prosecutions show that even when behind bars, Wong remains a target. The CCP seeks not just to suppress him but to eradicate his influence altogether. This relentless persecution reflects the nature of the CCP’s dictatorship: it refuses compromise and aims to obliterate all dissent.
Caption: On June 14, 2025, the China Democracy Party held a solidarity event at the Liberty Sculpture Park in Los Angeles to support Joshua Wong.
Joshua Wong’s resistance has garnered international attention, and he is widely seen as a symbol of Hong Kong’s democracy movement. In June 2025, overseas Hong Kongers launched global solidarity events to protest the CCP’s blatant injustice—especially the additional charges laid on Wong while he was already imprisoned.
The Anti-Extradition Movement and its aftermath reveal a grim truth about the CCP’s authoritarian nature: built on absolute Party authority, it rejects any form of compromise or negotiation.
When faced with peaceful demands from millions, the CCP responded with force, repression through law, and ideological restructuring—culminating in the National Security Law that reshaped Hong Kong society. Joshua Wong’s journey is a microcosm of this reality: from Scholarism to the Umbrella Movement to the Anti-Extradition Movement, he pursued democracy peacefully but was met with repeated imprisonment and persecution. Any hope that the CCP would democratize is a fallacy. As a regime with everything to lose, democracy spells its end. The CCP would rather see Hong Kong collapse than allow even a spark of democracy to survive.
Joshua Wong’s experience illustrates how the CCP’s totalitarian regime not only rejects dissent but systematically seeks to eliminate all potential threats. The failure of the Anti-Extradition Movement and the tragedy of Wong’s continued persecution are evidence of this brutal reality. He could have fled Hong Kong—but he chose to stay, using his own suffering to tell the world: the future of Hong Kong lies under the shadow of the National Security Law, but the courage of Wong and others will remain a beacon for all who pursue freedom.
我是中国民主党党员侯改英，我参与6.4纪念活动，自己设计图案并印在衣服上，只为传播六四的火种，反抗独裁皇帝习近平，反抗中共奴役暴政，做民主的守夜人！
作者：侯改英
编辑：王尊福
责任编辑：罗志飞
I am Hou Gaiying, a member of the China Democracy Party.
I took part in the June 4th commemoration and personally designed a graphic that I printed on my clothing—all to keep the flame of Tiananmen alive, to resist the tyrant Xi Jinping, to stand against the CCP’s enslaving dictatorship,
and to serve as a watcher for democracy in the dark night!
By Hou Gaiying
Editor: Wang Zunfu
Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translator: Lu Huiwen
我叫李天辉，是中国民主党党员。我在中共驻美国洛杉矶领事馆抗议中共政权构建的网络防火墙。我们拒绝任何形式的网络封锁，我们不愿成为中共信息茧房的奴隶。这个世界任何形式的信息封锁都是强加在人民思想的牢狱，任何阻止人民获信息言论自由的政权都是暴政！
作者：李天辉
责任编辑：鲁慧文
My name is Li Tianhui, and I am a member of the China Democracy Party.
I am protesting in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles against the Great Firewall constructed by the Chinese Communist regime.
We reject all forms of internet censorship.
We refuse to be slaves trapped in the CCP’s information cocoon.
Any form of information blockade in this world is a prison imposed on people’s minds.
Any regime that suppresses access to information and freedom of expression is a tyranny!
By Li Tianhui
Editor-in-Chief: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
作者：陈恩得 编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文
《疯人院》近日正式开拍，首集《欢迎来到疯人院》现已上线。我是该剧的导演，这是一部融合现实隐喻、荒诞黑色幽默与政治讽刺的短剧，以“疯人院”为设定场景，构建出一个隐喻中国社会体制的封闭空间，通过病人与医护、权力者与清醒者的互动，逐步揭示出角色背后的社会原型与体制寓意。
与传统抗议或街头行动不同，《疯人院》以剧集方式切入民运表达，是近年来极为罕见的民运文化实践作品。该剧由一群亲身参与民主运动的成员自编自导自演，兼具反思性与传播性，既承载个体表达，也尝试以艺术方式激发更多观众的情感与认知共鸣。
该剧主要演员包括李经纬（“习进平”扮演者）、孙小龙（“习洼洼”扮演者）、黄小敏（“敏敏”扮演者）、罗志飞（“建国”扮演者）、李晓艳（“红红”扮演者）、郑敏（“媛媛”扮演者）、鲁慧文（“美丽”扮演者），卢新虎（担任场务与道具），孙小龙（兼任统筹）。
黄小敏（右二）表示：“敏敏是一位因‘说了真话’被贴上疯子标签、投入疯人院的普通人。她没有背景，也无特权，却敢于发声、质疑、抗争。她代表着千千万万个曾为正义呐喊却被打压的中国平民。”
罗志飞（左一）表示：“扮演建国，是一次与自己过去对话的过程。他是红三代，有背景、有庇护，却因说真话被送进疯人院，成了‘体制内部的疯子’。我也曾在体制内坚持原则，揭露腐败，被警告‘再不闭嘴就送你进精神病院’。”
孙小龙（左二）表示：“‘习洼洼’——一个靠裙带关系上位、油腔滑调、惧内怕事的‘体制犬儒’。他让我明白：一个人疯不可怕，最可怕的是整个系统逼你装疯，还奖励你演得像。”
卢新虎（右一）表示：短剧《疯人院》是中国现实的写照。中国共产党将异见者、反对者送进监狱，送进疯人院。共产党他们以前这样做，现在这样做，将来也还是会这样做。
李经纬（右三）表示：习进平在《疯人院》中是院长的角色。《疯人院》通过诙谐幽默的方式揭露了极权专制统治者控制言论自由，残酷镇压和迫害说真话揭真相、求民主争自由之人士的社会本质，被“精神病”而闭嘴就是其中一种手段，非法囚禁残酷折磨进而达到禁言噤声的目的，没有言论表达的自由就没有其他基本人权。
我（图上右三）也是该剧的编剧、摄像和剪辑师。剧集暂定为100集，目标是300集，甚至更多。这是只要中共不倒，我们会一直创作下去。创作这部剧是用一种独特的方式来揭露中共暴政的本质，让观众欢笑的同时，希望通过这种艺术性的表达来唤醒更多中国人。
《疯人院》的出现，是一次不靠呐喊、不靠口号的民运表达。我们选择拍戏，用演出来质问现实、表达立场。这种方式，也许不快、不激烈，但它能留下东西，能进人心。在讲述和抗议之外，我们想开另外一条路，用作品，让更多人看懂、共鸣、甚至觉醒。
——
陈恩得
中国民主党党员、《疯人院》导演、编剧、摄像、剪辑师
2025年6月18日 于洛杉矶
By Chen Ende | Edited by Luo Zhifei & Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
The China Democracy Party National Committee’s Los Angeles branch has officially launched production of its original 100-episode sitcom The Asylum, with the premiere episode “Welcome to the Asylum” now available online. I am the director of the show. This is a short-form political satire blending dark humor, absurdism, and metaphorical realism, set within a fictional mental asylum—an allegorical space mirroring the closed nature of Chinese society. Through the interactions between patients and staff, power holders and the awakened, the show gradually unveils the underlying social archetypes and systemic critiques embedded in each character.
Unlike traditional protests or street demonstrations, The Asylum offers a rare example of pro-democracy cultural expression in recent years. Written, directed, and acted entirely by participants in the democracy movement, the series balances personal reflection with public outreach. It not only allows individual voices to emerge but also aims to stir emotional resonance and awareness among viewers through artistic storytelling.
The main cast includes:
• Li Jingwei as “Xi Jinping”
• Sun Xiaolong as “Xi Wawa”
• Huang Xiaomin as “Minmin”
• Luo Zhifei as “Jianguo”
• Li Xiaoyan as “Honghong”
• Zheng Min as “Yuanyuan”
• Lu Huiwen as “Meili”
Lu Xinhu serves as stage manager and prop master, while Sun Xiaolong also works as production coordinator.
Huang Xiaomin (second from right) said:
“Minmin is just an ordinary person labeled insane and thrown into the asylum for ‘speaking the truth.’ She has no background or privilege but dares to question, to speak out, to resist. She represents the countless Chinese citizens who have been oppressed for standing up for justice.”
Luo Zhifei (far left) shared:
“Playing Jianguo was like revisiting my past. He’s a privileged ‘Red Third Generation’ who ends up in the asylum simply for telling the truth—an ‘insider madman.’ I, too, once tried to expose corruption from within the system and was warned: ‘If you don’t shut up, we’ll throw you in a psychiatric ward.’”
Sun Xiaolong (second from left) commented:
“‘Xi Wawa’ is a bootlicking bureaucrat who rose through nepotism—slick-tongued and spineless, terrified of his wife. He shows us that the real danger isn’t an individual going mad, but an entire system that forces you to act insane—and rewards you for doing it convincingly.”
Lu Xinhu (far right) said:
The Asylum is a reflection of China’s current reality. The Communist Party throws dissidents into prison, into psychiatric hospitals. They’ve done it before, they’re doing it now, and they’ll keep doing it.
Li Jingwei (third from right) added:
“In The Asylum, ‘Xi Jinping’ is the director of the institution. Through dark humor, the show exposes how authoritarian regimes suppress free speech and brutally silence those who speak the truth, fight for democracy, or demand freedom. Labeling people as ‘mentally ill’ is just one method—illegal detention and torture serve the same silencing purpose. Without freedom of expression, no other human rights can truly exist.”
As the show’s writer, cinematographer, and editor, I (also pictured third from right) can say we’ve tentatively set 100 episodes as the goal—but we’re aiming for 300, or even more. As long as the CCP exists, we’ll keep creating. This series is our unique way of exposing the brutal nature of CCP rule. While we aim to make people laugh, we also hope this artistic expression awakens more Chinese citizens.
The Asylum is not about shouting slogans or rallying in the streets. We’ve chosen theater as our form of protest—to question reality, to take a stand. This approach may not be fast or fierce, but it leaves something lasting. It touches hearts. Beyond speeches and marches, we want to open another path—using storytelling to help more people understand, resonate, and ultimately awaken.
—
Chen Ende
Member of the China Democracy Party
Director, writer, cinematographer, and editor of The Asylum
June 18, 2025 – Los Angeles
© 1998–2026 在野党(Opposition Party).
