人道中国于12月18日在六四纪念馆举办为国内政治犯寄贺卡活动。王炳章的外孙女在会上发言。

《在野党》杂志社收稿部代理部长彭小梅用贺卡为国内政治犯送上慰问。

周锋锁在每年如期进行的给狱中政治犯寄贺卡活动中发表热情洋溢的讲话。

洛杉矶 12月27日 第770期茉莉花行动 FREE WANG BINGZHANG

召集人：朱虞夫、陈维明

发起人：韩震、王灵

策划：张致君、牟宗强、彭小梅

组织：曾宇涵、袁崛、郑伟、黄娟、蔡晓丽、赵贵玲、曾群兰

主持人：赵杰、程筱筱

负责人：倪世成、卓皓然

维持秩序义工：陳信男

物料义工：郑洲

活动时间：2025年12月27日 下午2:30-4:30

活动地点：洛杉矶中国领事馆门前

主办方：中国民主党全委会

协办方：《在野党》杂志社

自由雕塑公园

全能基督灭共阵线

硬糖联盟

中国民主党全委会河南工委

宪法第二条：民治与自由的基石

作者：程伟

编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：刘芳 校对：程筱筱 翻译：刘芳

引言：公民共建的民治愿景 《公民宪法》以民治、民主、民权、民生、民族为核心，明确“先有人类后有国家，是公民治理国家”，奠定了公民作为国家主体的宪政原则。阐明国家的本质与目的：“中华民族联邦共和国是生活在中华民族联邦共和国领土上的所有公民，为了自由、民主、平等及和谐的生活而共同组建的国家，国家政权建立的根本目的是保障所有公民的合法权利不受侵犯，且对于公民的私权，法无禁止皆可为。”这一条款以公民为本，强调自由与权利的至上性，为公权组织提供了价值指引。

一、第二条的核心理念：公民共建的国家 第二条开篇即定义“中华民族联邦共和国”是“所有公民”为了“自由、民主、平等及和谐的生活”而“共同组建”的国家。这一表述延续了第一条“先有人类后有国家”的逻辑，强调国家并非抽象的实体，而是公民基于共同目标自愿缔结的共同体。关键词“共同组建”凸显了民治的精髓：国家不是外加于公民的强制机构，而是公民主动构建的治理平台。这种设计彻底颠覆了传统国家观，公民不再是被动的服从者，而是国家的创造者、拥有者与主权者。“自由、民主、平等、和谐”作为建国的目标，进一步明确了国家的价值取向。自由保障了个人思想自由与表达自由的权利，民主确保了公民意志主导的政治制度，平等消除了特权与歧视，和谐促进了社会团结。这四者相辅相成，构成了《公民宪法》的核心政治理论：民治通过公民的共同参与实现，民主通过选举与监督落实，民权保障自由与平等，民生促进和谐的社会环境，民族则在“中华民族联邦共和国”的框架下维护国家认同、民族认同与文化多样性。

二、国家政权的根本目的：保障公民权利 第二条的核心在于明确国家政权的根本目的：“保障所有公民的合法权利不受侵犯。”这与第一条列明的五项基本权利（生命权、自由权、财产权、反抗压迫权、选举与被选举权）一脉相承，强调政府等公权机构存在的合法性在于保护公民的权利，而非凌驾于公民之上。公权机构不仅是公民权利的守护者，还必须通过制度设计确保公民权利免受任何形式的非法侵害，无论是来自国家、组织还是个人。这一原则对政府等公权组织提出了明确要求：公权组织的权力必须严格限定在宪法框架内，任何超越保护公民权利的行为都是非法的。换言之，政府等公权机构的功能不是统治或控制，而是服务与赋能。这种理念为后续章节的设计提供了方向：公权机构必须以公民权利为中心，通过分权制衡、透明治理和公民参与，确保权利保障的彻底性。

三、私权至上：法无禁止皆可为 第二条同时明确其对私权的保护：“对于公民的私权，法无禁止皆可为。”这一原则是对自由权的极致表达，意味着公民在法律未明确禁止的领域享有完全的自主权。这种设计不仅是对个人自由的保障，也是对公权机构公权力的根本约束。传统宪政往往通过列举权利来保护公民，而《公民宪法》第二条则以开放性原则，将自由的边界推至最大：只要不违法，公民即可以自由追求个人目标、表达意见、创造财富、组织社群等。“法无禁止皆可为”还体现了《公民宪法》中民治与民权的融合。民治要求公民自我管理，自主决定生活方式；民权则通过法律保障这种自主性不受侵犯。这种设计不仅赋予公民无限的可能性，也对公权机构提出了更高要求：立法必须审慎，法律的制定不得随意限制公民自由，且必须经由民主程序反映公民意志。这一原则为公权组织设定了底线：任何限制私权的法律，必须证明其必要性与合法性，否则即为违宪。

四、对公权机构的启示 第二条为后续章节的设计提供了明确的宪政框架。首先，公权机构必须是民主的，通过公民选举产生，确保行政、立法等机构反映民意。民主不仅是选举制度，更是公民参与治理的机制，是民治的具体实现，例如通过公民倡议、公投或监督，确保公权行权行为符合“保障公民权利”的目的。其次，公权力必须是有限的，其权力严格限定在保护公民权利的范围内，任何扩张权力的行为都将受到宪法约束。此外，公权机构还需体现平等与和谐，通过公平的政策与资源分配，促进社会团结，消除阶层与族群间的对立。同时，公民参与贯穿始终，例如通过全民公投或公民自治委员会，参与重大决策。这种设计确保公权机构不仅是公民的工具，更是民治理念的实践平台。

五、对中国民主未来的意义 第二条以其对公民主体地位的肯定和对私权的极致保护，为中国民主的未来提供了深远启示。首先，它回应了传统政治中“国家至上”的局限，将公民置于国家之上，赋予公民构建与治理国家的主动权。这种设计避免了威权体制对自由的压制，同时通过强调平等与和谐，防范了西方民主中因过度个体主义导致的社会分裂。其次，“法无禁止皆可为”在当今技术与全球化背景下尤为重要。人工智能、数据隐私等新兴挑战对公民自由构成威胁，而第二条为公权机构设定了明确的红线：除非法律明确禁止，公民在数字空间、经济活动等领域享有充分自由。这种开放性不仅激发创新，也为中国民主融入全球文明提供了空间。

最后，第二条赋予公权机构的使命——保障公民权利而非统治奴役人民——为中国民主提供了一条“第三条道路”。它既不同于西方代议制的低效与民粹风险，也避免了集权体制的压迫性。通过公民共建、权利至上的原则，以《公民宪法》为根基为中国民主勾勒出一个自由而有序的未来。

结语：民治与自由的宪政灯塔 《公民宪法》第二条以“公民共建国家”与“法无禁止皆可为”为核心，确立了公权组织的民治原则与自由基石。它不仅为公权机构设计提供了方向，也为中国民主的未来点亮了灯塔。在这一条款的指引下，政府等公权机构成为公民意志的延伸，权利成为宪政的底线，自由成为社会的灵魂。

点击查看《公民宪法》原文

——《公民宪法》撰写人程伟/何清风，一身正气、两袖清风。

On the Future of Chinese Democracy: An In-Depth Interpretation of the Citizen Constitution (Part III)

Article Two of the Constitution: The Foundation of Popular Sovereignty and Freedom

Author: Cheng Wei Editor: Feng Reng Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract:

Article Two defines the “Federal Republic of the Chinese Nation” as a state jointly established by “all citizens” for the purpose of achieving a life of “freedom, democracy, equality, and harmony.” This formulation continues the logic of Article One—“human beings precede the state”—and clarifies the fundamental purpose of state power: “to safeguard the lawful rights of all citizens from infringement.” It further affirms robust protection of private rights through the principle: “With respect to citizens’ private rights, whatever is not prohibited by law is permitted.”

Introduction: A Vision of Popular Governance Built by Citizens

The Citizen Constitution takes popular sovereignty, democracy, civil rights, social welfare, and the nation as its core, clearly affirming the constitutional principle that “human beings precede the state, and citizens govern the state.” It elucidates the nature and purpose of the state: “The Federal Republic of the Chinese Nation is a state jointly established by all citizens living within its territory, for the sake of freedom, democracy, equality, and harmonious living. The fundamental purpose of establishing state power is to ensure that the lawful rights of all citizens are not infringed. With respect to citizens’ private rights, whatever is not prohibited by law is permitted.” This provision places citizens at the center, emphasizes the supremacy of freedom and rights, and provides value-based guidance for the organization of public power.

I. The Core Idea of Article Two: A State Built Jointly by Citizens

Article Two begins by defining the “Federal Republic of the Chinese Nation” as a state “jointly established” by “all citizens” for the pursuit of “freedom, democracy, equality, and harmony.” This formulation continues the logic of Article One—“human beings precede the state”—and underscores that the state is not an abstract entity, but a community voluntarily constituted by citizens around shared goals. The key phrase “jointly established” highlights the essence of popular sovereignty: the state is not a coercive apparatus imposed upon citizens, but a governance platform actively constructed by them. This design fundamentally overturns traditional conceptions of the state. Citizens are no longer passive subjects of obedience, but the creators, owners, and sovereigns of the state. “Freedom, democracy, equality, and harmony” as the purposes of state-building further clarify its value orientation. Freedom safeguards individual liberty of thought and expression; democracy ensures political systems guided by the will of the people; equality eliminates privilege and discrimination; harmony promotes social cohesion. Together, these four values form the core political theory of the Citizen Constitution: popular sovereignty realized through collective participation, democracy implemented through elections and oversight, civil rights safeguarding freedom and equality, social welfare fostering a harmonious society, and the nation—within the framework of the Federal Republic of the Chinese Nation—preserving national identity, civic identity, and cultural diversity.

II. The Fundamental Purpose of State Power: Safeguarding Citizens’ Rights

The heart of Article Two lies in its clear statement of the fundamental purpose of state power: “to safeguard the lawful rights of all citizens from infringement.” This aligns seamlessly with the five basic rights enumerated in Article One—the right to life, liberty, property, resistance to oppression, and to vote and stand for election—and emphasizes that the legitimacy of government and other public authorities derives solely from their role in protecting citizens’ rights, rather than standing above them. Public power institutions are not only guardians of citizens’ rights; they must also, through institutional design, ensure that these rights are protected from any form of unlawful infringement, whether by the state, organizations, or individuals. This principle imposes clear requirements on government and other public authorities: their powers must be strictly confined within the constitutional framework, and any action exceeding the purpose of protecting citizens’ rights is unlawful. In other words, the function of public power is not to rule or control, but to serve and empower. This principle provides direction for the design of subsequent chapters: public institutions must center on citizens’ rights and, through separation of powers, checks and balances, transparent governance, and civic participation, ensure comprehensive protection of those rights.

III. The Supremacy of Private Rights: What Is Not Prohibited by Law Is Permitted

Article Two also explicitly affirms protection of private rights through the principle: “With respect to citizens’ private rights, whatever is not prohibited by law is permitted.” This principle represents the fullest expression of freedom, meaning that citizens enjoy complete autonomy in all areas not explicitly forbidden by law. This design not only safeguards individual liberty, but also constitutes a fundamental constraint on public power. Traditional constitutionalism often protects citizens by enumerating specific rights, whereas Article Two of the Citizen Constitution adopts an open-ended principle, pushing the boundary of freedom to its maximum: so long as it is not illegal, citizens are free to pursue personal goals, express opinions, create wealth, and organize communities. The principle “what is not prohibited by law is permitted” also reflects the integration of popular sovereignty and civil rights within the Citizen Constitution. Popular sovereignty requires citizens to govern themselves and independently determine their ways of life; civil rights ensure that such autonomy is protected by law. This design not only grants citizens boundless possibilities, but also imposes higher standards on public authorities: legislation must be prudent, laws must not arbitrarily restrict freedom, and they must be enacted through democratic procedures that reflect the will of the people. This principle sets a constitutional bottom line for public power: any law that restricts private rights must demonstrate its necessity and legality, or else it is unconstitutional.

IV. Implications for Public Power Institutions

Article Two provides a clear constitutional framework for the design of subsequent chapters. First, public power institutions must be democratic, generated through citizen elections to ensure that executive and legislative bodies reflect public will. Democracy is not merely an electoral system, but a mechanism for civic participation and a concrete realization of popular sovereignty, for example through citizen initiatives, referenda, and oversight, ensuring that the exercise of public power aligns with the purpose of “safeguarding citizens’ rights.” Second, public power must be limited, with its authority strictly confined to the protection of citizens’ rights, and any expansion of power subject to constitutional constraint. In addition, public institutions must embody equality and harmony by promoting social cohesion and eliminating class and ethnic antagonisms through fair policies and resource distribution. Citizen participation runs throughout, such as through nationwide referenda or civic self-governance committees, enabling involvement in major decisions. This design ensures that public institutions are not only tools of citizens, but also platforms for the practice of popular sovereignty.

V. Significance for the Future of Chinese Democracy

Through its affirmation of citizens as the primary subjects of the state and its robust protection of private rights, Article Two offers profound insights for the future of Chinese democracy. First, it responds to the limitations of traditional “state-centered” politics by placing citizens above the state and granting them the initiative to build and govern it. This design avoids the suppression of freedom characteristic of authoritarian systems, while emphasizing equality and harmony to guard against the social fragmentation that can arise from excessive individualism in some Western democracies. Second, the principle “what is not prohibited by law is permitted” is particularly significant in today’s context of technology and globalization. Emerging challenges such as artificial intelligence and data privacy pose threats to civil liberties, and Article Two sets a clear red line for public authorities: unless explicitly prohibited by law, citizens enjoy full freedom in digital spaces, economic activities, and beyond. This openness not only stimulates innovation, but also provides space for Chinese democracy to integrate into global civilization.

Finally, by assigning public power the mission of safeguarding citizens’ rights rather than ruling or enslaving the people, Article Two offers Chinese democracy a “third way.” It differs both from the inefficiencies and populist risks of Western representative systems and from the oppressive nature of centralized authoritarianism. Through the principles of citizen co-construction and rights supremacy, and with the Citizen Constitution as its foundation, it sketches a future for Chinese democracy that is both free and orderly.

Conclusion: A Constitutional Beacon of Popular Sovereignty and Freedom

With “citizens jointly building the state” and “what is not prohibited by law is permitted” at its core, Article Two of the Citizen Constitution establishes the principles of popular sovereignty for public power institutions and lays the foundation of freedom. It not only provides direction for the design of public authority, but also lights a beacon for the future of Chinese democracy. Under the guidance of this provision, government and other public institutions become extensions of the citizens’ will, rights become the constitutional bottom line, and freedom becomes the soul of society.

Click to view the original text of the Citizen Constitution

—Written by Cheng Wei and He Qingfeng, upright in character and incorruptible in conduct.

作者：张致君

编辑：李聪玲 责任编辑：刘芳 校对：王滨 翻译：彭小梅

八九学潮与天安门事件，发生在1989年春夏之交，是中国当代史上一次影响深远的社会政治事件。事件起因于中共前总书记胡耀邦去世后，北京高校学生自发前往天安门广场悼念，并逐渐提出反腐败、要求政治改革、新闻自由与政府对话等诉求。随着参与人数不断扩大，学生、市民和知识分子共同参与，使运动迅速蔓延至全国多座城市。

5月中旬，学生绝食将运动推向高潮，国际社会高度关注。5月20日，北京宣布戒严。6月3日至4日，军队进城并对示威人群实施武力清场，造成严重人员伤亡，但具体数字至今未有公开透明的官方统计。事件结束后，中国国内政治环境趋于收紧，相关讨论长期受到严格限制；国际上，中国一度遭遇制裁与外交压力。

这一事件不仅深刻影响了中国此后的政治走向，也成为全球范围内讨论中国人权、社会转型与政治改革时无法回避的重要历史节点。

China’s Memory — The 1989 Student Movement

Abstract:In the spring and summer of 1989, the student movement in Beijing began with the mourning of Hu Yaobang and put forward demands for anti-corruption measures and political reform. After the declaration of martial law, the military carried out a violent clearance, resulting in a large number of casualties, the exact figures of which remain unknown. The event led to a tightening of China’s political environment and triggered long-term international concern and discussions on human rights.

Author: Zhang ZhijunEditor: Li Congling Managing Editor: Liu FangProofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Peng Xiaomei

The 1989 student movement and the Tiananmen Square incident took place during the late spring and early summer of 1989 and constituted a profound social and political event in contemporary Chinese history. The movement was triggered by the death of Hu Yaobang, former General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, after which students from Beijing universities spontaneously went to Tiananmen Square to mourn him. Gradually, they raised demands including anti-corruption efforts, political reform, freedom of the press, and dialogue with the government. As participation continued to expand, students, citizens, and intellectuals joined together, and the movement quickly spread to many cities across China.

In mid-May, the students’ hunger strike pushed the movement to its peak, drawing intense attention from the international community. On May 20, Beijing announced the imposition of martial law. From June 3 to June 4, the military entered the city and used force to clear demonstrators, resulting in severe casualties. However, to this day, no open and transparent official statistics on the number of casualties have been released. After the event, China’s domestic political environment became increasingly restrictive, and related discussions have long been subject to strict control. Internationally, China faced sanctions and diplomatic pressure for a period of time.

This event not only profoundly influenced China’s subsequent political trajectory, but also became an unavoidable historical turning point in global discussions on China’s human rights situation, social transformation, and political reform.

緊急通告

活動主題：抗議中共長期迫害基督教與基督徒！中共暴政踐踏人權更褻瀆上帝！

（2025年12月25日（週四）聖誕節下午 2:00pm–4:00pm，舊金山中共領事館前，邀請弟兄姊妹、牧者、基督徒踴躍參加活動）

活動主題：抗議中共長期迫害基督教與基督徒！

活動時間：2025年12月25日（週四）聖誕節下午 2:00pm–4:00pm

活動地點：舊金山中國領事館前

Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco

中共長期迫害基督教與基督徒，今年更是喪心病狂、變本加厲在全國對基督教實施系統性鎮壓。從大規模抓捕牧者、取締家庭教會，到拆除十字架、查禁聖經，再到禁止未成年人接觸信仰、全面網路封鎖宗教傳播，中共正在全面消滅基督教並摧毀信仰。

教堂拆除與宗教符號被拆除

2025年6月，浙江省溫州市泰順縣雅陽鎮：當地官員強行拆除了一座家庭教會的圍牆和大門，並在教堂升掛中國國旗，引發信徒抗議。

長期以來，浙江等地政府曾集中拆除百餘座教堂及其十字架等宗教象徵。

據報導，中國各地政府持續拆除基督教堂的十字架和宗教標誌，強迫教堂掛國旗、宣傳黨政口號等。

人權觀察指出，近年來當局已拆除數百座教堂或教堂頂部的十字架。

今年來基督教領袖、牧師、傳道人被捕被判刑

2025年3月24日，新疆和田市：當地政府以「擾亂社會秩序」等名義，全面取締活水泉家庭教會的宗教活動，沒收教堂財產，並對傳道人侯著彩、謝榮光處以巨額罰款。

2025年3月27日，內蒙古呼和浩特市：9名基督徒因幫助同道購買聖經被以「非法經營罪」指控，該案原定於當日宣判，卻被法院突然取消開庭。涉案人員中多數已被非法羈押近4年，案件進展不明。

2025年3月28日，湖北隨州市：當地一家家庭教會共有28名信徒被指控「利用邪教組織破壞法律實施罪」立案審查，其中至少26人已被檢察機關起訴至法院。這標誌著當局繼續以嚴厲罪名追究家庭教會成員。

2025年4月7日和4月17日，山西省臨汾市：臨汾市堯都區法院公開開庭審理金燈堂家庭教會案。教會聯合創始人王曉光牧師、楊榮麗傳道及李雙平、董勇勇、趙國愛、霍壯平等12名教會成員同時出庭受審。這些信徒中有6人已被羈押3年多，審判程序遭遇多次干擾。

2025年6月20日，山西省臨汾市：法院對金燈堂家庭教會案和聖約家園教會案同時宣判。金燈堂教會10名成員被以「詐騙罪」判處多年有期徒刑，其中核心信徒李雙平被判9年2個月（並處罰款10萬元人民幣）；同日，聖約家園教會傳道人李潔與韓曉棟亦被以「詐騙罪」分別判處3年8個月。以上判決未提任何具體受害人證據，僅依據教會奉獻行為認定「非法集資」，遭外界質疑違背司法公正。

廣西北海 —— 全國性鎮壓的「指揮現場」

2025年10月10–11日，全國多地：中國警方對北京錫安教會（Zion Church）發起大規模抓捕行動，在北京、上海、浙江等7個城市突襲逮捕近30名該教會牧師、傳道人和信徒。知名牧師金明日（英文名 Ezra Jin，56歲，錫安教會創始人）在廣西北海被捕。報導形容此為近年來針對大型城市地下教會的全國性連鎖拘捕行動，涉案信徒約30人。

被捕牧師／傳道人（部分已公開）：

金明日／錫安教會創始人，被捕地點：廣西北海。

尹會彬（牧師）被捕地點：廣西北海。

其他牧師、傳道人（姓名未完全公開）

官方罪名：「非法利用資訊網路罪」

**真實原因：**線上講道、查經、牧養信徒。

受波及範圍：

被抓牧師／傳道人：至少 18 人（已批捕）

被帶走、失聯、取保或監控的同工與信徒：約 30 人以上

涉及城市：北京、上海、廣西北海、深圳、福州、嘉興等

這是一次全國同步、以北海為核心羈押地的示範性鎮壓。

最新暴力鎮壓家庭教會聚會

2025年12月中旬，浙江省溫州市泰順縣雅陽鎮：上千名武警和警察連夜出動，封鎖道路，對至少12個家庭教會進行連續多日的突擊搜捕行動。據中國民運機構中國援助協會報導，數百名基督徒被拘留或帶走，教堂通道被封鎖，相關信徒私人財物被沒收。此次行動主要針對當地教會負責人林恩釗、林恩慈等人，官方將他們列為「在逃犯罪嫌疑人」，以「尋釁滋事」罪名批捕。行動結束後，當地還在鎮中心燃放煙花，並通過媒體宣傳涉案人員「破壞社會秩序」的宣傳口號，以混淆鎮壓行動。

中共全面封殺宗教傳播與下一代信仰

禁止未成年人參與任何宗教活動；

禁止網路布道、線上查經、宗教微信群；

聖經與屬靈書籍被下架、查禁，個人傳播即可能入罪。

我們鄭重聲明：

中共對基督教的迫害，已經構成：

對《世界人權宣言》第 18 條的系統性違反；

對中國憲法所宣稱「宗教信仰自由」的公然背叛；

對人類良知與文明底線的挑戰。

今天沉默，明天更黑暗；

今天不發聲，迫害只會升級。

我們要求中共！

立即釋放 金明日、王曉光、楊榮麗、李雙平、李潔、韓曉棟 等所有牧師。

立即釋放所有因信仰被拘押、判刑的基督徒與牧者。

立即停止對家庭教會的取締與刑事打壓

停止利用口袋罪名迫害宗教人士

停止封殺宗教出版與網路信仰活動的基本自由

停止封殺未成年人在家庭與信仰群體中自由接觸宗教

現場口號：

信仰無罪，

禱告無罪，

講道無罪，

牧師無罪，

同工無罪，

基督徒無罪。

中共暴政有罪，

侵犯人權有罪，

摧毀信仰有罪，

褻瀆上帝有罪。

活動主題：抗議中共長期迫害基督教與基督徒！

召集人：趙常青/Changqing Zhao　何穎/Ying He

發起人：陳森鋒/Senfeng Chen　繆青/Qing Miao

主持人：高應芬/Yingfen Gao　陳森鋒/Senfeng Chen

組織者：蔣書清/Shuqing Jiang　盧占強/Zhanqiang Lu　李樹青/Shuqing Li　關永傑/Yongjie Guan　胡丕政/Pizheng Hu

宣傳策劃：莊帆/Fan Zhuang　郝劍平/Jianping Hao

現場同工：郭梅/Mei Guo　韓秀花/Xiuhua Han　呂小靜/Xiaojing Lyu

活動時間：2025年12月25日（週四）聖誕節下午 2:00pm–4:00pm

活動地點：舊金山中國領事館前

Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco

作者：王礼华
编辑：韩立华 责任编辑：张娜 校对：冯仍 翻译：吕峰

2025年12月10日，正值第76个“国际人权日”（Human Rights Day），数名中国民主党党员，自发组织在夏威夷檀香山中国城孙中山铜像前举行庄严纪念活动，向全世界发出强烈呼吁：关注中国大陆持续恶化的人权状况，追责中共当局长期、系统性侵犯人权的责任。

当天下午2点，参与者手持“追责中共”“追求人权不是犯罪”“中共停止迫害人权”等标语牌，以及写有“中国民主党呼吁关注中国人权”字样的横幅，在孙中山先生铜像前肃立。大家神情肃穆，齐声高呼：“结束一党专政！还我人权自由！”“释放所有政治犯！”“中共不等于中国！”口号声在唐人街回荡，引来众多华侨、游客和当地居民驻足围观，不少人举起手机记录下这历史性的一刻。

中国民主党党员吕斌率先发言指出，自己曾在国内目睹了大量令人发指的人权侵害的案例，而既然自己已经踏上自由的土地，就一定要为自由和人权勇敢站出来发声，为那些在狱中的人权斗士呐喊，为他们早日重获自由奋力疾呼，中共一天不释放他们，我们就永不停止！”

吕斌发表现场演说

身着 “Stand with Hongkong” 黑色T恤，旧金山萨克拉门托支部主任张小驹先生也参与了此次活动，并在现场发表了慷慨激昂的讲话。他指出：“今天 12 月 10 日是世界人权日，是联合国大会设立的纪念日，旨在推广与倡导人权。然而今天，中国竟然身居联合国人权理事会理事国之位，这无疑是一种巨大的讽刺。自 1949 年以来，中国政权每天都在系统性地侵犯人权。直到今天，在960万平方公里的土地上，各种侵犯人权的行为依旧层出不穷。不仅如此，中共甚至还将这些压制手段和经验向世界输出，今日的香港就是鲜明的例子。我今天站在这里，就是要控诉中共这种倒行逆施、肆意践踏人权的行为。”随后，他带领在场人士高喊口号：“Hold CCP Accountable！”

张小驹现场演讲

中国民主党夏威夷党部主任孟家虎先生最后愤慨陈词，他说：支持联合国对新疆反人类罪指控展开正式调查，不让真相被遗忘；对参与严重人权侵害的中国官员与实体实施精准制裁；为中国境内仍坚持发声的人权捍卫者提供紧急庇护与支持；拒绝承认任何以“国家安全”为名、实质消灭公民社会与新闻自由的法律与做法。历史一再证明：对暴政的沉默，就是对下一个受害者的背叛。

孟家虎演讲

活动持续近一个半小时，和平理性，吸引了众多当地华侨、市民及各国游客驻足观看，拍照录像。不少路人甚至当场鼓掌表示支持，有人高喊“FreeChina” 以表声援！
中国民主党夏威夷党部在活动结束时发表声明：“在国际人权日这一天，我们向全球关心人权的人士发出呼吁：请关注中国人权状况, 支持中国人权事业, 一起推动对中共人权侵犯的追责!”

Hawaii Chinese Democratic Party Members’ Commemoration of International Human Rights Day

Abstract:On International Human Rights Day 2025, members of the Chinese Democratic Party held a commemorative event in Hawaii, calling for global attention to the continuously deteriorating human rights situation in mainland China and for accountability for the Chinese Communist Party’s long-standing, systematic violations of human rights.

Author: Wang Lihua
Editor: Han Lihua Managing Editor: Zhang Na Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Lyu Feng

On December 10, 2025, marking the 76th International Human Rights Day, several members of the Chinese Democratic Party spontaneously organized a solemn commemorative event in front of the Sun Yat-sen statue in Honolulu’s Chinatown, Hawaii. They issued a strong appeal to the world to pay attention to the worsening human rights conditions in mainland China and to hold the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) authorities accountable for their long-term, systematic human rights abuses.

At 2:00 p.m. that afternoon, participants stood solemnly before the statue of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, holding placards reading “Hold the CCP Accountable,” “Seeking Human Rights Is Not a Crime,” and “The CCP Must Stop Persecuting Human Rights,” along with a banner stating “The Chinese Democratic Party Calls for Attention to Human Rights in China.” With grave expressions, they chanted in unison: “End one-party rule! Give us back human rights and freedom!” “Release all political prisoners!” and “The CCP does not equal China!” The chants echoed through Chinatown, drawing the attention of many overseas Chinese, tourists, and local residents. Quite a few raised their phones to record this historic moment.

Lyu Bin, a member of the Chinese Democratic Party, was the first to speak. He pointed out that he had personally witnessed numerous appalling cases of human rights abuses while in China. Now that he has set foot on free soil, he said, he is determined to stand up courageously and speak out for freedom and human rights—to raise his voice for those human rights defenders who remain imprisoned and to call forcefully for their early release. “As long as the Chinese Communist Party continues to detain them,” he declared, “we will never stop.”

Lyu Bin delivered a speech at the event.

Wearing a black T-shirt bearing the words “Stand with Hong Kong,” Mr. Zhang Xiaoju, Director of the San Francisco–Sacramento Branch, also took part in the event and delivered a passionate speech on site. He pointed out:

“Today, December 10, is World Human Rights Day, a commemorative day established by the United Nations General Assembly to promote and advocate human rights. Yet today, China sits as a member of the UN Human Rights Council—this is undoubtedly a profound irony. Since 1949, the Chinese regime has been systematically violating human rights on a daily basis. Even today, across the 9.6 million square kilometers of its territory, various forms of human rights abuses continue to emerge one after another. What is more, the Chinese Communist Party has even exported these repressive methods and experiences to the rest of the world. Hong Kong today stands as a vivid example. I stand here today to denounce the CCP’s reactionary actions and its wanton trampling of human rights.”

He then led the participants in chanting loudly: “Hold the CCP Accountable!”

Zhang Xiaoju delivered a speech at the event.

Mr. Meng Jiahu, Director of the Hawaii Chapter of the Chinese Democratic Party, delivered the final impassioned remarks. He stated that the international community should support a formal United Nations investigation into allegations of crimes against humanity in Xinjiang and ensure that the truth is not forgotten; impose targeted sanctions on Chinese officials and entities involved in serious human rights violations; provide emergency protection and support to human rights defenders in China who continue to speak out despite repression; and refuse to recognize any laws or practices that, under the pretext of “national security,” effectively eliminate civil society and press freedom. History has repeatedly proven, he emphasized, that silence in the face of tyranny is a betrayal of the next victim.

Meng Jiahu’s Speech

The event lasted nearly an hour and a half and was conducted in a peaceful and rational manner. It attracted many local overseas Chinese, residents, and tourists from various countries, who stopped to watch, take photos, and record videos. Quite a few passersby even applauded on the spot to show their support, and some shouted “Free China!” in solidarity.

At the conclusion of the event, the Hawaii Chapter of the Chinese Democratic Party issued a statement:“On this International Human Rights Day, we call upon people around the world who care about human rights: please pay attention to the human rights situation in China, support the cause of human rights in China, and join us in pushing for accountability for the Chinese Communist Party’s human rights violations.”