作者/编辑：Gloria wang

责任编辑：胡丽莉

翻译：何兴强

 

历史背景：

1927年「大革命」失败后：国共分裂，中共转入农村，以农民为基础展开武装暴力行动。

1927–1930年间：中共在井冈山、赣南、闽西等地建立所谓的「苏维埃根据地」，其中核心政策就是「打土豪，分田地」。

1930年前后：随着中共控制区扩大，针对地主的运动变得更激烈，目的是削弱传统的土地阶级结构，企图以此获取农民的支持。

中共为达目的，争取民众盲从，在部分地区的行动导致激烈暴力，地主阶层被严厉清算，秩序瓦解，社会矛盾加剧，甚至中农也受到波及，引发混乱。

社会因斗争被撕裂，群众斗争极端化，地主不仅失去土地与财产，很多人遭到公开羞辱、殴打甚至处决。人际矛盾变得尖锐，村落内部的亲戚、邻里之间因为「划阶级」而互相揭发、报仇。还引起社会心理创伤，许多地主家庭成员，包括妇女、儿童均被牵连，造成社会阴影。

此举使得阶级仇恨制度化，土地革命把「敌我矛盾」引入农村生活，形成了长期的「阶级划分」思维。后来延伸到「整风运动」「土改运动」「文革」，阶级斗争思维成为中国政治文化的长期基调。造成伦理秩序破坏，传统社会中的长辈尊重、宗族维系，被「革命正义」取代。年轻贫农在「斗争大会」上可以公开辱骂、惩罚年长地主，颠覆了传统伦理。这种做法虽削弱旧秩序，但也带来道德真空。

中共为达到自己的短期利益，不惜用不正当手段使得贫苦阶层被分得土地，从而出于个体利益支持中共。但这一行为付出的长远代价是农村内部矛盾激化、经济破坏、社会伦理被动摇，并种下了长期「阶级斗争」的仇恨种子。

1930年前后苏区斗争会规模庞大，一个县动辄召集数千农民参加。地主在公开批斗后常被「没收财产＋驱逐」，部分被处决。学者估算仔1927–1931年间，在红色根据地被处决的地主、富农约 20万–30万人。数字因地区不同差异极大，有的县几乎全部地主被清算。

土地分配后，农业总产量并未明显上升，部分地区1930–1931 年粮食产量甚至下降 10–15%。主因是缺乏耕牛、农具，战争环境不稳定。地主被消灭后，农村信贷体系崩溃，过去地主经常向农民放贷，农忙时提供种子、钱粮。打击地主后，农民短期虽分田，但缺乏资金与流动性。

这场「打击地主」运动的核心并非真正的社会公平，而是中共巩固政权的工具。透过分田分地，中共赢得农民支持，借由没收地主资产，补充其军事与政治资源。这是一场以政治利益为目的的斗争运动，而非为百姓谋福祉。农民在短暂分得土地后，很快又陷入新的政治压迫之下。据中共自己统计，1931–1933年间，江西苏区共重新分配土地约 1700万亩，其中大部分被军队和革命干部优先分得。普通农民虽一度得到土地，但不久又在征粮、征兵与「再分配」中失去，短暂的得益转瞬即逝。

中共打击地主的行为，既非真正的土地改革，也非社会公正的体现，而是以革命之名行劫掠之实。它用暴力破坏了农村社会的秩序，用仇恨摧毁了人伦与信任。这样的历史悲剧提醒我们：任何以「公平」为名、却建立在仇恨与暴力之上的运动，最终只会留下满目疮痍。

由此可见，中共的此举造成社会秩序的崩毁及恶劣深远的影响，此为第一罪。

The Crimes of the Chinese Communist Party — The Collapse of Order

Author/Editor: Gloria Wang

Chief Editor: Hu Lili

Translator:He XingQiang

Historical Background

After the failure of the “Great Revolution” in 1927, the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party split. The CCP retreated to rural areas and launched armed violent movements based on mobilizing peasants.

Between 1927 and 1930, the CCP established so-called “Soviet base areas” in places such as Jinggangshan, southern Jiangxi, and western Fujian. The core policy there was “Strike down the landlords, divide up the land.”

By around 1930, as CCP-controlled areas expanded, the movement against landlords intensified. Its goal was to weaken the traditional landowning class structure in order to win peasant support.

Violence and Breakdown of Order

To achieve its aims and secure blind obedience from the masses, the CCP’s actions in certain areas led to intense violence. The landlord class was subjected to harsh purges, social order collapsed, and conflicts escalated—even middle peasants were implicated, creating widespread turmoil.

Society was torn apart by “class struggle.” Landlords not only lost land and property but were publicly humiliated, beaten, and even executed. Interpersonal relationships grew tense; within villages, relatives and neighbors turned against one another, exposing and seeking revenge under the guise of “class labeling.” This also inflicted psychological trauma on society, as entire landlord families—including women and children—were implicated, leaving deep scars.

This institutionalized class hatred, embedding the concept of “enemy versus us” into rural life. It set the stage for later campaigns such as the “Rectification Movement,” the “Land Reform,” and the “Cultural Revolution.” Class struggle became a long-term cornerstone of Chinese political culture. Traditional ethics—respect for elders and the cohesion of clans—were replaced by “revolutionary justice.” Young poor peasants were encouraged to openly insult and punish elderly landlords at “struggle sessions,” overturning social ethics. Although this weakened the old order, it also created a moral vacuum.

Political Goals Under the Guise of Fairness

For its short-term interests, the CCP resorted to improper means, granting land to poor peasants so they would support the Party out of self-interest. But the long-term cost was grave: intensified rural conflicts, economic disruption, undermined social ethics, and the sowing of lasting seeds of class hatred.

By around 1930, struggle meetings in Soviet areas grew massive. In some counties, thousands of peasants would gather. After public denunciations, landlords were often subjected to “confiscation and expulsion,” and some were executed. Scholars estimate that between 1927 and 1931, some 200,000–300,000 landlords and rich peasants were executed in CCP-controlled base areas. The figures varied greatly by region—some counties saw nearly the entire landlord class eliminated.

Despite land redistribution, total agricultural output did not rise significantly. In some areas, grain production between 1930 and 1931 even fell by 10–15%. The main reasons were lack of oxen, farm tools, and the instability of war. After landlords were eliminated, the rural credit system collapsed. In the past, landlords often provided loans to peasants, offering seeds or money during the busy farming seasons. Once landlords were destroyed, peasants briefly gained land but soon lacked liquidity and capital.

The essence of the “anti-landlord” movement was not genuine social fairness, but a political tool for the CCP to consolidate power. Through land redistribution, the CCP won peasant support. By confiscating landlord assets, it funded its military and political operations. This was a struggle for political gain, not for the welfare of the people. Peasants who briefly received land soon fell back into new forms of political oppression. According to CCP’s own statistics, between 1931 and 1933, some 17 million mu of land were redistributed in the Jiangxi Soviet, but much of it was allocated first to the army and revolutionary cadres. Ordinary peasants, though they temporarily obtained land, quickly lost it again through requisitions, conscription, and repeated redistribution. The short-lived benefit vanished.

Consequences

The CCP’s assault on landlords was neither true land reform nor genuine social justice, but robbery under the banner of revolution. With violence, it shattered the order of rural society; with hatred, it destroyed ethics and trust.

This tragic history reminds us: any movement carried out in the name of “fairness,” but built upon hatred and violence, will ultimately leave nothing but devastation.

Thus, it is clear that the CCP’s actions caused the collapse of social order and produced profound, malignant consequences. This constitutes its first crime.

作者：陆乾坤

编辑：周志刚 责任编辑：胡丽莉 翻译：程铭

一、阅兵场上的幻象

2025年9月3日，北京天安门广场。坦克轰鸣、战机呼啸，中共以“反法西斯胜利80周年”为名举办大规模阅兵。然而，站在天安门城楼上的，却是当今世界最臭名昭著的两个独裁者：因入侵乌克兰遭国际刑事法院通缉的普京，以及延续三代世袭、让朝鲜沦为炼狱的金正恩。

这一幕，荒诞至极。所谓“反法西斯胜利纪念”，竟被中共演绎为“当代法西斯的集会”。真正的国际民主力量与抗战盟友永远不可能理睬这个专制小圈子。这不仅暴露了中共在国际外交上的孤立，更彰显了其对历史的盗窃与对现实的无力。

事实上，这并非中共第一次利用阅兵进行政治表演。2015年九三阅兵，便是一次典型的“秀肌肉”场景。正如当年苏联在解体前仍频繁举办红场阅兵，中共同样试图通过耀武扬威掩盖内部危机。

二、苏联的镜像与中共的焦虑

回望历史，苏联在1980年代末已陷入深重困境：经济停滞、物资匮乏、社会矛盾激化。然而在红场上，坦克和导弹依旧列队前行，仿佛强大如昔。结果呢？几年的时间，苏联轰然解体。阅兵所展示的“强大”，只是崩塌前的幻影。

中共的九三阅兵，无论2015还是2025，都是同样逻辑：

掩盖困境：面对房地产崩盘、债务危机、青年失业潮，政权需要一个盛大的舞台来制造繁荣幻觉。

言论封锁：当经济失去支撑，社会不满滋生，只能靠压制声音维持表面稳定。

外部威慑：通过军力展示，恐吓国际社会，让其在援助中国人民时投鼠忌器。

这种政治逻辑，与当年的苏联如出一辙。历史的相似性令人不寒而栗：一个外表强硬的政权，内里早已千疮百孔。

三、盗用历史与法理荒谬

中共宣称自己是“反法西斯胜利的领导者”，但事实是：1945年抗战胜利的功劳属于当时的中华民国政府与全体中国人民。中共在抗战时期不过是游击队一隅，真正的主力战场是国民政府军的正面抗战。

今天，中共却将中华民国的功勋据为己有，甚至把“反法西斯胜利”包装成自己的胜利日。这是对历史的篡改，是对中华民族记忆的盗窃。更荒诞的是，它邀请普京、金正恩这类当代战争罪犯登上城楼，以“纪念反法西斯”之名，行“法西斯同盟”之实。

这不仅是法理不通，更是对先烈的背叛。

四、“强大中共”的真实意图

“别忘了你的身后还有一个强大的中共”，这句话，是政权给百姓的恐吓，也是对国际社会的警告。

对内：它要告诉中国人民，你们身后有强大的军队，有不可挑战的政权，任何反抗都将无济于事。

对外：它要提醒世界，任何试图援助中国民间社会、推动人权的行动，都必须考虑北京手中握有的导弹与核武库。

对党内：阅兵也是权力秀，最高领导人以“统帅”姿态检阅三军，借此巩固其在党内的绝对地位。

这种“强大”，并非源自人民的自由与创造力，而是源自恐惧、压迫与武力。

五、外交的孤立与小圈子

表面上，中共九三阅兵邀请了20余个国家领导人出席。但这些国家，大多是依赖中国援助的弱国，或是与北京同病相怜的专制政权。欧美主要国家当然没有任何领导人出席，中共也没这个脸去邀请。亚洲重要邻国保持距离，只派遣了特使和代表。

这恰恰说明，中共在全球体系中已经陷入孤立。它的“强大”更多是虚张声势，它的朋友圈越来越窄，剩下的只是抱团取暖的独裁者小圈子。

六、虚幻的强大与真实的脆弱

阅兵展示的坦克、导弹、战机，看似威风，但掩盖不了社会深层的危机：

经济衰退：房地产泡沫破裂，外资撤离，青年失业率居高不下。

社会焦虑：中产阶层财富缩水，普通百姓生活艰难，年轻人选择“躺平”。

民生危机：出生率急剧下降，人口老龄化加速。

这种局面，正如当年苏联商店货架空空如也，却依旧在红场展示导弹。所谓“强大中共”，不过是末日政权的自我安慰。

七、历史的反讽与未来的启示

九三阅兵，本应是纪念反法西斯胜利的日子，却被中共变成了法西斯的狂欢。它既是历史的反讽，也是对未来的警示。

苏联的教训已经证明：军事炫耀不能延长政权寿命，言论封锁不能阻止崩溃，虚幻的“强大”终将化为尘土。中共今天的表演，正是在重演苏联的历史剧。

真正的强大，从来不是导弹与坦克，而是人民的自由、尊严与创造力。当一个政权彻底依赖恐惧维系统治，它已然走在灭亡的道路上。

八、结语

“别忘了你的身后还有一个强大的中共”，这句话听起来声势骇人，实则是一种恐惧的表白。中共要百姓害怕它，要世界顾忌它，要历史被它篡改。但最终，它无法阻止人民对自由的渴望，也无法阻止世界对真相的认知。

阅兵的盛大烟火，只能暂时遮掩天空，却不能改变历史的方向。未来的中国，必将属于那些追求民主、自由与法治的人们，而中共的“强大”，终将被证明只是脆弱的幻象。

Don’t forget that there is a “strong” Communist Party of China behind you.

Author: Lu Qiankun

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Translator: Ming Cheng

Abstract: The Communist Party of China used the September 3rd military parade to show off its military power, but in fact it covered up the crisis. Isolated from the international, bluffing. Its “powerfulness” comes from fear and suppression and will eventually be disintegrated by freedom and truth.

I. Illusions on the parade ground

September 3, 2025, Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Tanks roared and warplanes roared. The Communist Party of China held a large-scale military parade in the name of the “80th anniversary of the victory of anti-fascist”. However, standing on the Tiananmen Tower are the two most notorious dictators in the world today: Putin, who was wanted by the International Criminal Court for invading Ukraine, and Kim Jong-un, who continued three generations of hereditary and reduced North Korea to purgatory.

This scene is extremely absurd. The so-called “anti-fascist victory memorial” was interpreted by the Communist Party of China as a “contemporary fascist assembly”. The real international democratic forces and anti-war allies can never ignore this authoritarian small circle. This not only exposes the isolation of the Communist Party of China in international diplomacy but also highlights its theft of history and powerlessness in reality.

In fact, this is not the first time that the Communist Party of China has used the military parade to perform politically. The September 3rd Military Parade in 2015 was a typical “showing muscles” scene. Just as the Soviet Union frequently held military parades in the Red field before the collapse, the Communist Party of China also tried to cover up the internal crisis by showing off its power.

II. The mirror image of the Soviet Union and the anxiety of the Communist Party of China

Looking back on history, the Soviet Union had fallen into a deep predicament in the late 1980s: economic stagnation, shortage of materials, and intensification of social conflicts. However, on the Red Field, tanks and missiles were still lined up, as if they were as powerful as before. What about the result? In a few years, the Soviet Union disintegrated. The “powerful” shown by the military parade is just an illusion before the collapse.

The Communist Party of China’s September 3rd Military Parade, whether in 2015 or 2025, has the same logic:

Covering up the dilemma: In the face of real estate collapse, debt crisis and youth unemployment, the regime needs a grand stage to create the illusion of prosperity.

Speech blockade: When the economy loses support and social dissatisfaction breeds, we can only maintain superficial stability by suppressing voices.

External deterrence: through military display, intimidate the international community and let it throw a weapon when helping the Chinese people.

This political logic is the same as that of the Soviet Union at that time. The similarity of history is chilling: a regime that is tough on the outside has long been full of holes inside.

III. Misappropiracy of history and legal absurdity

The Communist Party of China claims to be the “leader of the anti-fascist victory”, but the fact is that the merit of the victory in the Anti-Fascist War in 1945 belongs to the government of the Republic of China and all the Chinese people at that time. During the War of Resistance, the Communist Party of China was just a corner of the guerrillas, and the real main battlefield was the frontal resistance war of the Kuomintang army.

Today, the Communist Party of China takes the merits of the Republic of China for itself, and even packages the “anti-fascist victory” as its own victory day. This is a tampering with history and a theft of the memory of the Chinese nation. What’s more absurd is that it invited contemporary war criminals such as Putin and Kim Jong-un to the tower and practice the “fascist alliance” in the name of “commemorating anti-fascism”.

This is not only unreasonable, but also a betrayal of the martyrs.

IV. The true intention of “strengthening the Communist Party of China”

“Don’t forget that there is a strong Communist Party of China behind you”, this sentence is the intimidation of the regime to the people and a warning to the international community.

To the inside: It should tell the Chinese people that there is a strong army behind you and an unchallengeable regime, and any resistance will be of no use.

Externally: It should remind the world that any action that tries to assist Chinese civil society and promote human rights must take into account the missiles and nuclear arsenal held by Beijing.

To the party: the military parade is also a show of power. The supreme leader examines the three armies as a “commander” to consolidate their absolute position in the party.

This “power” does not come from people’s freedom and creativity, but from fear, oppression and force.

V. Diplomatic isolation and small circles

On the surface, more than 20 national leaders were invited to attend the military parade of the Communist Party of China on September 3rd. But most of these countries are weak countries that rely on China’s aid, or authoritarian regimes that share the same disease as Beijing. Of course, no leaders from major countries in Europe and the United States are present, and the Communist Party of China does not have the face to invite. Important neighboring countries in Asia kept their distance and only sent special envoys and representatives.

This shows that the Communist Party of China has fallen into isolation in the global system. Its “strongness’s ” is more of a bluff, its circle of friends is getting narrower and narrower, and the rest is just a small circle of dictators who are warming up.

VI. Illusory strength and real vulnerability

The tanks, missiles and warplanes displayed in the military parade seem to be majestic, but they cannot cover up the deep crisis of society:

Economic recession: the real estate bubble bursts, foreign capital withdraws, and the youth unemployment rate remains high.

Social anxiety: the wealth of the middle class is shrinking, the life of ordinary people is difficult, and young people choose to “lie flat”.

People’s livelihood crisis: the birth rate has declined sharply, and the aging of the population has accelerated.

This situation, just like the shelves of Soviet stores were empty in those years, but missiles were still displayed in the Red Square. The so-called “strong Communist Party of China” is just the self-comfort of the doomsday regime.

VII. The irony of history and the revelation of the future

The September 3rd Military Parade, which was originally to commemorate the victory of the anti-fascist, was turned into a fascist carnival by the Communist Party of China. It is not only an irony of history, but also a warning to the future.

The lessons of the Soviet Union have proved that military show-off cannot prolong the life of the regime, the speech blockade cannot prevent the collapse, and the illusory “powerful” will eventually turn into dust. Today’s performance of the Communist Party of China is a replay of the historical drama of the Soviet Union.

The real strength is never missiles and tanks, but the freedom, dignity and creativity of the people. When a regime completely relies on the system of fear, it is already on the road to destruction.

VIII. Conclusion

“Don’t forget that there is a powerful Communist Party behind you”, this sentence sounds terrifying, but in fact it is a confession of fear. The Communist Party of China wants the people to be afraid of it, the world to be afraid of it, and history to be tampered with by it. But in the end, it cannot stop the people’s desire for freedom, nor can it stop the world’s awareness of the truth.

The grand fireworks of the military parade can only temporarily cover the sky but not change the direction of history. The future of China will definitely belong to those who pursue democracy, freedom and the rule of law, and the “strength” of the Communist Party of China will eventually prove to be just a fragile illusion.

作者：张致君

编辑：钟然 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰

2025年7月26日，上海浦东机场的门口走过无数旅客。他们推着行李箱，怀里抱着孩子，神情疲惫，却满心期待着家里的饭菜和床。胡洋也是其中之一。他从荷兰飞回来，准备探亲。警察把他带走。罪名叫“寻衅滋事”。行李箱还没来得及打开，钥匙还揣在兜里，给朋友买的礼物也没有送到，他的旅行就结束了。他的妈妈在胡洋被羁押35天后在推特上发帖求助，没有一天就被强制删帖。

四天之后，2025年7月30日，英国留学的张雅笛也回国。她的罪名比胡洋更重，叫“危害国家安全”。她甚至没有机会把在伦敦买的纪念品送给父母，就消失了。她的妈妈约见了709律师汪天勇寻求法律援助，会面时，律师汪天勇就被三名不明人士带走。

两个年轻人，一个男生，一个女生，他们的未来像机场的玻璃一样，被轻轻一敲，碎成无数片。

胡洋的“罪行”或许是写下几句话。张雅笛的“罪行”或许是编辑几篇文章。

他们没有杀人，没有放火，没有贪污，也没有诈骗。他们做的事情，是最轻的，却被赋予最重的罪名。

在中共的字典里，说话是一种危险。说错话是犯罪，不说话是安全。

于是一个国家里，语言像石头一样沉重。一个眼神、一句玩笑、一个词语，都可能变成铁镣。

古代的文字狱是诗里的一个字，史书里的一个典故。今天的文字狱是推特上的一条帖，是微信群里的一句话。

过去，皇帝怕文人讽刺。现在，中共怕留学生说话。

过去，宫廷里的人噤若寒蝉。现在，海外的留学生也开始自我审查。

中共文字狱的范围，不再是皇宫，也不再是长城以内，而是扩展到整个地球。

极权最大的本领，是制造恐惧。恐惧不在监狱里，它在机场的大厅，在留学生的课堂，在家庭的电话那头。恐惧不在警察的手里，它在父母的叮嘱里：“别乱说话，回来小心点。”恐惧不在法律条文里，它在聊天记录的删除键里，在朋友圈的沉默里。

胡洋和张雅笛被抓，不只是抓了两个人，而是把恐惧推给了无数人。每一个海外留学生甚至旅居海外的人都明白：你随时可能成为下一个。

一个政党强大时，不会害怕几句话。一个政党脆弱时，才会把几句话当成威胁。

中共害怕的不是胡洋，也不是张雅笛，而是他们背后的自由世界。害怕他们在荷兰的课堂里学到什么，在英国的社团里讨论什么。害怕他们的声音穿过国界，带回给国内的朋友，撕开一条小口子。

真话就是这样的东西，一旦漏进来，再多的铁墙也挡不住。

在自由的世界里，人们难以理解这种恐惧。为什么一个留学生说句话，就能让一个政府颤抖？

这是因为，中共的权力不是靠选票赢得的，而是靠控制语言维系的。一旦语言失控，政权就会摇晃。

所以他们要跨国镇压，把海外的声音也堵住。这不是他们的自信，而是他们的虚弱。这不是他们的力量，而是他们的恐慌。

罗岱青与张冬宁的被捕并不是开始，胡洋与张雅笛的被捕也非结束。

中共的长臂管辖想让越来越多的留学生不再敢说话。每当课堂上涉及中国问题，他们要低头做笔记；饭桌上朋友聊到政治，他们要笑笑不接话。中共想让他们因为害怕而沉默，让他们害怕手机里的记录，害怕回国的路。

沉默像传染病一样蔓延，会把一个个鲜活的灵魂，变成灰色的影子。

一个政权手里有枪炮，却害怕几个学生的笔。一个国家拥有核武器，却害怕几个年轻人的推文。一个党统治十四亿人，却容不下两名留学生的声音。

荒诞吗？是的，但这就是现实。

现实荒诞到，我们笑的时候，笑声里有泪。现实荒诞到，我们哭的时候，眼泪里有怒。

胡洋和张雅笛的消失，不是结束，而是开始。

他们的名字被写下，他们的故事被讲述，他们的遭遇被传播。每一次讲述，都是一次抵抗。每一次传播，都是一次共鸣。

自由的力量，不在于一个人，而在于无数个声音的叠加。声音可以被堵住一时，却永远不能被消灭。

在黑暗中说话，是需要勇气的。在恐惧中坚持，是需要信念的。

胡洋无罪，张雅笛无罪。言论无罪，自由无罪。我们要让他们知道，他们不是孤单的。我们要让中共知道，我们不会沉默的。

声音要穿越国界，像风一样。风吹过围墙，吹过铁窗，吹进每一个心里。

当无数声音汇聚在一起，就会形成共鸣。这共鸣，将比恐惧更强大。

我们和自由同在。

我们是他们中间的一个。

On the Arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi: The CCP’s Surveillance of Overseas Speech

Author: Zhang ZhijunEditor: Zhong RanChief Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslator: Lyu Feng

On July 26, 2025, countless travelers walked through the gates of Shanghai Pudong Airport. They pushed luggage carts, carried children in their arms, their faces weary yet filled with anticipation for a home-cooked meal and their own bed. Among them was Hu Yang, returning from the Netherlands to visit family. The police took him away. The charge: “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

His suitcase was still unopened, the keys still in his pocket, the gifts he had bought for friends undelivered—his journey ended before it began. After Hu Yang had been detained for 35 days, his mother posted an appeal for help on Twitter. It was forcibly deleted within a day.

Four days later, on July 30, 2025, Zhang Yadi, a student returning from the UK, was also arrested. Her charge was even graver: “endangering national security.” She didn’t even have the chance to give her parents the souvenirs she had brought from London before she vanished. Her mother sought help from lawyer Wang Tianyong, known for defending rights activists from the “709” crackdown. But during their meeting, Wang himself was taken away by three unidentified men.

Two young people—one male, one female—their futures shattered like airport glass with a single tap.

Hu Yang’s “crime” might have been writing a few sentences.Zhang Yadi’s “crime” might have been editing a few articles.

They did not kill, they did not commit arson, they did not embezzle, they did not defraud. What they did was light, yet the punishment was heavy.

In the CCP’s dictionary, speaking is dangerous. Speaking wrongly is a crime. Not speaking is safety.

Thus, in this country, language weighs like stone. A glance, a joke, a single word can become chains of iron.

In ancient times, “literary inquisition” meant a character in a poem, a reference in a chronicle. Today, it is a tweet on Twitter, a sentence in a WeChat group.

In the past, emperors feared scholars’ satire. Today, the CCP fears students studying abroad.

In the past, those in the imperial court fell silent. Today, even overseas students practice self-censorship.

The boundaries of the CCP’s literary inquisition are no longer the imperial palace, no longer confined within the Great Wall. It now extends across the globe.

The greatest skill of totalitarianism is manufacturing fear. Fear is not confined to prisons; it lurks in airport halls, in classrooms abroad, in phone calls home. Fear is not only in the hands of police; it is in the warnings of parents: “Don’t say too much, be careful when you come back.” Fear is not just in legal codes; it is in the delete button of chat logs, in the silence of social media feeds.

The arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi were not just about two individuals; they pushed fear onto countless others. Every overseas student, every member of the diaspora, understands: you could be the next.

A strong political party does not fear a few words. Only a weak one treats words as threats.

The CCP is not afraid of Hu Yang or Zhang Yadi. It fears the free world behind them. It fears what they learn in classrooms in the Netherlands, what they discuss in societies in the UK. It fears their voices crossing borders, bringing back truths to friends at home, tearing open small cracks.

That is the nature of truth: once it slips in, no iron wall can keep it out.

In the free world, it is hard to understand this fear. Why would a government tremble at the words of a student abroad?

Because CCP power is not won through votes—it is maintained through controlling language. Once language slips from its grasp, the regime begins to shake.

That is why it reaches across borders, to silence voices overseas. Not out of confidence, but out of weakness. Not out of strength, but out of fear.

The arrests of Luo Daiqing and Zhang Dongning were not the beginning. The arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi are not the end.

The CCP’s long-arm control aims to silence more students. In classrooms, when China is discussed, they must lower their heads and take notes. At dinner tables, when friends mention politics, they must smile and stay quiet. The Party wants them to fall silent out of fear—afraid of the records on their phones, afraid of the road home.

Silence spreads like a contagion, turning vibrant souls into grey shadows.

A regime with cannons fears a student’s pen.A state with nuclear weapons fears a young person’s tweet.A party ruling 1.4 billion cannot tolerate the voices of two students.

Absurd? Yes. But this is reality.

Reality so absurd that our laughter carries tears.Reality so absurd that our tears contain rage.

The disappearance of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi is not the end—it is the beginning.

Their names are written down, their stories told, their experiences shared. Each telling is an act of resistance. Each sharing is an act of solidarity.

The power of freedom does not lie in one person, but in the accumulation of countless voices. A voice may be silenced for a time, but it can never be erased.

To speak in darkness requires courage. To persist in fear requires conviction.

Hu Yang is innocent. Zhang Yadi is innocent. Speech is not a crime. Freedom is not a crime.

We must let them know: they are not alone. We must let the CCP know: we will not be silent.

Voices must cross borders, like the wind. The wind blows over walls, through prison bars, into every heart.

When countless voices converge, they form a resonance. And this resonance will be stronger than fear.

We stand with freedom.We are one among them.

第756次茉莉花行动

时间：2025年9月20日（星期六）下午4点

地点：中共驻洛杉矶领事馆（443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020）

活动主题

铁拳之下，人人自危。

——为于朦胧发声，向中共问责！

背景介绍

2025年9月11日，演员歌手 于朦胧 在北京一小区坠楼身亡。

官方仓促定性为“饮酒意外”，拒绝公开监控、尸检等关键证据，甚至连最基本的警情通报都没有。

在中共长期的信息封锁与权力操控下，真相被掩盖，生命被践踏。公众质疑四起，却被强行压制。

在中共国，连公众人物都可以死得不明不白，更何况是普通人呢？独裁才是真凶，它让红色权贵无法无天、为所欲为，肆意剥夺人命与真相！

真相不可被掩埋！

独裁必须被问责！

自由属于人民，不属于红色权贵！

核心诉求

⿡ 要求中共公开透明调查于朦胧坠楼真相，停止掩盖、操控舆论。

⿢ 于朦胧之死并非孤立个案，而是独裁体制下无数冤案的缩影。

⿣ 呼吁 国际社会关注中国独裁体制下的司法黑幕与人权迫害。

发起人： 陈恩得 趙紀森 活动负责：倪世成 杨皓

活动策划：陈恩得 视觉设计： 韩震 王灵 傅怡红

活动主持： 孙小龙、程虹 活动义工： 杨皓 李聪玲

摄影：卓皓然 曾群兰 摄像：张荣鑫

活动总协调： 孙小龙 媒体宣传： 黄吉洲 张东灏

新闻稿： 张致君

活动主办方：中国民主党全委会

支持台湾·反对战争 暨 声援张雅迪·呼吁释放挺藏人士

中国民主党/旧金山民主集会

时间 / Time:

9月20日（周六）下午5:00 / Saturday, September 20, 5:00 PM

地点 / Location:

旧金山中国领事馆前 / In front of the Chinese Consulate, San Francisco

NO WAR TAIWAN & RELEASE ZHANG YADI

值此 国际和平日（International Day of Peace） 来临之际，

我们坚决反对中共针对台湾的任何军事威胁。

台湾是亚洲民主的典型，人民有权自由决定自己的未来。

华语青年挺藏会成员张雅迪回国被捕，维权律师被带走。

让我们为勇敢的女孩发声！抗议中共迫害，拒绝中共跨境镇压。

要求立即释放张雅迪！

六四纪念馆活动：“中国书院”系列课程 (林培瑞——第七节）

“中国书院”系列课程：

主讲人：林培瑞（Perry Link)

第七节课：语言教学与概念比喻

时间：9月21日（周日）下午2-4点

地址：3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, California 91732

报名链接：https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum

“基督徒民主守望联盟”为洛杉矶本地组织，此次活动是“基督徒民主守望联盟”特地组织人员参观六四纪念馆。为了表达对纪念馆的支持，促进纪念馆与当地组织的联系和互动。同时，欢迎关心和支持六四纪念馆的朋友和支持“基督徒民主守望联盟”的朋友前来参加。

活动时间：

2025年9月20日（周六）

活动地址：

3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, California 91732