作者：Yongjie Guan
编辑：钟然 责任编辑：罗志飞 校对：程筱筱 翻译：刘芳

2025年12月14日，中国民主党（旧金山党部）在旧金山中国领事馆前举行公开集会，声援美国政府实施《台湾保证落实法案》（Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act），并明确表达对台湾民主制度、国家安全及国际参与权利的坚定支持。集会人士一致谴责中共对台湾持续升级的军事恫吓与政治胁迫，呼吁以美国为首的民主国家形成实质性联合，对抗专制扩张。

该法案已于2025年12月2日由美国总统唐纳德·川普正式签署生效。与过往战略模糊或政策性表态不同，《台湾保证落实法案》首次将美国对台支持制度化、法律化，要求行政部门持续推进美台官方互动、军事安全合作及台湾在国际组织中的参与，被广泛视为美台关系迈向“准同盟”的关键里程碑。

在集会现场，参与者高举“支持美国政府实施台湾保证落实法案”、“守卫台湾，就是守卫民主阵线”、“支持中华民国（台湾）重返联合国”等标语，并以中英文向国际社会发声，强调台湾问题不是中共的“内政”，而是关乎民主与专制对决的全球性议题。

陈森锋（活动发起人之一）表示，作为从中国大陆逃离专制统治的异议人士，他对美国正式落实该法案深感欣慰，并期待台湾这一中华民族的民主典范，获得民主国家的长期、坚定支持。他呼吁台湾民主持续巩固，并以民主力量照亮中国大陆的未来。

高应芬（活动主持人）指出，台湾已经实践了成熟而稳定的民主制度，而《台湾保证落实法案》的意义在于，将对民主的支持从口头承诺变为具体行动。她强调，人权没有国界，民主不应有例外，国际社会不应向武力与胁迫低头。

何聪（右一）

何聪表示，台湾的存在证明中华民族完全有能力建立民主自由的社会，这正是中共独裁最恐惧的事实。他强调，民主党人士坚决反对中共对台湾的任何侵略行径。

李树青认为，该法案的通过意味着台湾人民重新进入世界政治舞台，对台湾在政治、经济与文化层面的发展具有历史性意义。他呼吁海内外中华儿女团结声援台湾民主。

卫仁喜（活动组织者之一）感谢美国政府筑起阻挡中共暴力与谎言的防线，并警告中共长期通过去人化叙事煽动对台湾的仇恨，台湾一旦失守，威胁的将是整个自由世界。

张善城回顾了自己因在中国表达民主理念而遭迫害的经历，强调“失去自由的人，最懂自由的珍贵”。他指出，支持该法案不是为了战争，而是为了防止战争发生。

李栩（活动发起人之一）表示，台湾之所以值得支持，是因为其民主制度建立在言论自由、新闻自由、多党选举与司法独立之上，为所有追求自由的人树立了榜样。

袁强从社会与经济角度警示战争的全面代价，指出在专制体制下没有任何人是安全的，只有结束一党专政、建立民主法治，两岸才能真正实现长久和平。

集会参与者一致认为，《台湾保证落实法案》不仅是对台湾的承诺，更是民主世界对专制扩张的明确回应。在旧金山中国领事馆前，这群来自中国大陆的流亡异议人士以亲身经历作证：台湾的民主值得守护，而民主一旦失守，代价将由整个世界承担。

Chinese Democracy Party San Francisco Rallies in Support of the U.S. Government’s Implementation of the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act

Author: Yongjie Guan
Editor: Zhong Ran · Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei · Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao · Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: The San Francisco chapter of the Chinese Democracy Party held a rally in front of the Chinese Consulate to support the U.S. government’s implementation of the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act, condemn the Chinese Communist Party’s threats toward Taiwan, emphasize that Taiwan’s democracy and security are integral to the global front for freedom, and call on democratic nations to unite against authoritarian expansion.

On December 14, 2025, the San Francisco chapter of the Chinese Democracy Party held a public rally in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco to voice support for the U.S. government’s implementation of the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act and to express firm backing for Taiwan’s democratic system, national security, and right to international participation. Rally participants unanimously condemned the Chinese Communist Party’s escalating military intimidation and political coercion against Taiwan, calling on the United States and other democratic nations to form a substantive alliance to counter authoritarian expansion.

The Act was formally signed into law by U.S. President Donald Trump on December 2, 2025. Unlike past strategic ambiguity or policy-level statements, the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act institutionalizes and legalizes U.S. support for Taiwan for the first time, requiring the executive branch to continuously advance official U.S.–Taiwan engagement, security cooperation, and Taiwan’s participation in international organizations. It is widely regarded as a key milestone marking the evolution of U.S.–Taiwan relations toward a “quasi-alliance.”

At the rally site, participants held placards reading “Support the U.S. Government’s Implementation of the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act,” “Defending Taiwan Is Defending the Democratic Front,” and “Support the Republic of China (Taiwan) in Rejoining the United Nations,” addressing the international community in both Chinese and English. They emphasized that the Taiwan issue is not the CCP’s “internal affair,” but a global issue concerning the confrontation between democracy and authoritarianism.

Chen Senfeng (one of the event initiators) stated that, as a dissident who escaped authoritarian rule in mainland China, he felt deeply encouraged by the United States’ formal implementation of the Act and hoped that Taiwan, a democratic exemplar of the Chinese nation, would receive long-term and steadfast support from democratic countries. He called on Taiwan to continue consolidating its democracy and to illuminate the future of mainland China through democratic strength.

Gao Yingfen (the event host) noted that Taiwan has already established a mature and stable democratic system, and that the significance of the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act lies in transforming support for democracy from verbal commitments into concrete action. She emphasized that human rights know no borders, democracy should have no exceptions, and the international community must not bow to force and coercion.

He Cong (far right) stated that Taiwan’s existence proves that the Chinese nation is fully capable of building a free and democratic society, which is precisely the reality most feared by the CCP dictatorship. He stressed that members of the Chinese Democracy Party firmly oppose any act of aggression by the CCP against Taiwan.

Li Shuqing argued that the passage of the Act signifies Taiwan’s re-entry onto the world political stage and carries historic significance for Taiwan’s political, economic, and cultural development. He called on Chinese people at home and abroad to unite in support of Taiwan’s democracy.

Wei Renxi (one of the event organizers) thanked the U.S. government for building a barrier against the CCP’s violence and lies, warning that the CCP has long incited hatred toward Taiwan through dehumanizing narratives, and that if Taiwan were to fall, the entire free world would be threatened.

Zhang Shancheng recounted his own experiences of persecution for expressing democratic ideals in China, emphasizing that “those who have lost freedom understand best its value.” He noted that supporting the Act is not about pursuing war, but about preventing war.

Li Xu (one of the event initiators) stated that Taiwan deserves support because its democratic system is founded on freedom of speech, freedom of the press, multiparty elections, and judicial independence, setting an example for all who seek freedom.

Yuan Qiang warned from social and economic perspectives about the comprehensive costs of war, pointing out that under an authoritarian system no one is truly safe, and that only by ending one-party rule and establishing democracy and the rule of law can lasting peace across the Taiwan Strait be achieved.

Rally participants unanimously agreed that the Taiwan Assurance Implementation Act is not only a commitment to Taiwan, but also a clear response by the democratic world to authoritarian expansion. In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco, these exiled dissidents from mainland China bore witness through their own experiences: Taiwan’s democracy is worth defending, and once democracy is lost, the cost will be borne by the entire world.

15國聯合聲明——譴責中共侵犯人權

作者：郝劍平
編輯：周志剛　責任編輯：羅志飛 校对：程筱筱 翻译：彭小梅

【舊金山訊】中國民主黨支持十五國發表指控中共侵犯人權聯合聲明，2025年11月29日在舊金山中共領事館舉行抗議中共暴政活動。2025年11月21日美國、英國、日本、澳大利亞等十五國在聯合國大會發表聯合聲明，公開譴責中國政府持續侵犯人權。聲明措詞嚴厲，全面涵蓋新疆、西藏、香港、人權捍衛者遭打壓、宗教自由、言論封鎖等關鍵議題。

中國民主黨黨員和活動主持人高應芬发表開場发言：“今天我们聚在一起，是为了回应一件攸关全球的重要行动——十五个国家在联合国共同发声，公开指控中共持续侵犯人权。这不仅是一种跨越国界的警告，更是一束照向黑暗的光”。

为什么要关注？因为人权不是某个国家的内部事务，而是全人类共同守护的底线。当这条底线被践踏时，我们每一个人都有义务站出来说“不”。

我们今天发声，是为了那些被关押、被强迫劳动、家园被摧毁的新疆家庭；

是为了在香港坚持自由表达却被噤声的人；

是为了那些因为信仰、因为发声、因为坚持真相而被监控、被抓捕、被消失的律师、记者、牧师与普通公民。

他们无法来到这里，无法对世界讲述自己的遭遇，所以我们必须替他们说。

我们反对的是独裁，不是任何民族；我们捍卫的是人的尊严，而不是某种政治立场。十五国的联合声明正在给中共敲响警钟。

愿今天成为更多真相被听见的开端，也成为改变的力量不断壮大的开始。

中國民主黨副主席、中國民主黨舊金山黨部主席方政先生表示：“首先感謝美國接納因政治迫害流亡海外的中國人”。他強調，儘管流亡者在異國仍面臨困難，但對法治與自由的信念不變。方政並向國內仍在堅持抗爭的勇士致敬，指出支持良心犯與受迫害者是海外民主運動者的責任。

方政還宣布，舊金山黨部將於 2025年12月7日在圖書館舉行「簽卡送溫暖」活動，這一延續36年的傳統旨在向國內受難者傳遞關懷與支持。发言结束时，方政先生和大家一起高喊口號，表達對中共獨裁的反對與對中國實現憲政、自由的期盼。

中國民主黨黨員、此次活動的組織者之一郝劍平表示：造成今日痛苦的根源，不在单一事件，而在长期的政治体制。中共始终把统治集团与人民混为一谈，将内部矛盾包装成“国家对敌”的斗争；又以虚构的历史阶段论制造所谓的“共产主义未来”，让人民在现实中的压迫中忍耐、在空洞的幻景中期待。

归根究底，制度只有两类：权力受人民监督，或权力压在人之上。每个人都能从自身经历判断——我们所处的制度，是否真正保护并尊重你。

中國民主黨黨員和民運人權人士張善城、羅豔麗、葉良全、李小林、盧占強、李栩、惠汝濤等十幾位先後表達了支持十五國發表指控中共侵犯人權聯合聲明：

15个文明国家在联合国站出来，把中国的人权暴行撕开了给全世界看！

不是一个国家在喊，是15个国家一起吼！从美国到英国，从日本到乌克兰，从澳大利亚到巴拉圭，我们的声音跨越了海洋和时区——因为我们受够了！

受够了新疆上百万维吾尔人被关进集中营、被强迫劳动、被强迫绝育、被系统强奸！

受够了香港的年轻人因为喊一句“光复香港”就被重判十年！

受够了西藏的寺庙被拆一个又一个，藏语课本被一把火烧光！

受够了十四亿人被摄像头和AI锁在数字铁笼里，连我们在海外发一条推文，家里的老人都会被警察上门“喝茶”！

他们说这是“中国内政”。

我呸！“中国内政”! 打着不容干涉的幌子，却每天干着反人类的暴行。

今天，我们勇敢地站在这里，再也不会沉默。我们要告诉全世界：中国政府践踏人权，不让公民说话，把公民当奴隶，把异议者当猎物，把文化当垃圾。这不仅是非法政府，更是全人类的公敌！这不是内政，这是反人类罪！

我们要求中国政府立即：

把因为说话而被抓的公民记者、律师、牧师、学生全部放出来！

把那100万悬赏、要割我们喉咙的通缉令全部撕掉！

把新疆的集中营全部拆成废墟！

把香港的《国安法》扔进历史的垃圾堆！

共产党永远不会赏赐我们自由，自由一定是我们一起争取回来的。

15个国家已经替我们站出来，

下一个轮到我们自己站出来。

为了那些在黑牢里等不到明天的兄弟姐妹，

为了那些再也见不到孩子的母亲，

为了那些失去父母的可怜孩子们，

我们今天在这里呐喊：

中共放人！立即放人！放人！放人！放人！

民运人士惠汝涛说：“中共是现代的政治邪教，从毛腊肉开始到现在的习包子他们都把自己包装成伟大领袖，革命导师最高统帅，核心舵手，你可以怀疑科学但不能怀疑毛腊肉，不能怀疑习包子，尤其是杀人如麻，草菅人命的大独裁者毛贼东把自己一步步被包装成人民的大救星，人都死了还要变成腊肉放在广场中央供人崇拜，这不是邪教是什么？”这一传统发展至今天发展成了核心意识，两个确立两个维护的一整套的迷信政治，你看今天的教主习包子，集总书记军委主席国家主席伟大复兴领航人于一身。在这个体系里，连一个只有小学文化的习近平都能被包装成思想导师，作为一尊天天供奉在国家神龛上。像日人民报环球时报，搜狐百度新浪网易你一打开都是恶心死人的伟大光明的习包子，这还是政党吗？这不就是邪教吗？更关键的是，中共在精神的控制上系统化和极端化更加可怕，中共应用上了现代化技术，对思想实施精准控制。这些我到下次继续再讲，谢谢大家。

最后他高呼：打倒共产党！宪政新中国！

中国民主党党员叶良全走到前面表达了他的想法：

今天很高兴看到这么多党内同仁聚集在一起举行抗议活动，听了各位同仁的讲话我很感动。我们要全力投入民主事业，香港大火大家都知道，甄子丹的太太汪诗诗发表了建筑商偷工减料，使用了不符合标准的易燃网和窗户上的泡沫密封胶后火速发表致歉声明。甄子丹的功夫巨星，也是第十四届政协委员，属港区委员，这说明言论自由是受打压和限制的，真相是被掩盖的，事实是被歪曲的。这阻力就来自中国共产党，来自习近平的统治，

所以我们今天的目标和口号是：推翻中共独裁统治，打倒习近平，释放所有记者，释放所有维权律师，释放所有良心犯，释放所有异见学生！

民运人士李栩对记者说：

在中国，从新疆到西藏，从宗教自由到言论自由，从强迫失踪到大规模监控，许多无辜的个人与家庭仍在承受不应有的压迫。人权不是某个国家的内部事务，而是全人类共同的底线与责任。

我们今天站在这里，是为了让世界听到：

没有自由，就没有尊严；没有人权，就没有未来。

我们站在这里是捍卫普世的价值——每一个人都有权利表达、有权利信仰、有权利不被恐惧支配。

让我们共同呼吁：

为被中国政府压迫的人发声，支持国际社会谴责中国政府并推动调查，要求中国政府尊重人权、停止迫害。

因为守护人权，就是守护我们共同的未来。

中国民运人士郭志军对大家说道：

我们非常感谢以美国、英国和日本为首的15个国家。

我们在这里，就是要告诉世界：我们看到了！我们听到了！我们不会沉默！

暴政最害怕的，就是世界的注视，就是人民的觉醒，就是像我们今天这样的集会。

让世界听到我们的声音！让自由照亮黑暗！让身处黑暗的人知道：他们并不孤单。

最近这几天发生在香港的大火灾，又再次证明了中共的罪恶。

这次火灾表面看是外层防护物造成的，但真正的原因是因为中共对香港自由民主法治的渗透破坏，造成了港府的腐败和媒体的监督职能失效，所以中共是这次香港大火灾真正的罪魁祸首。

向在这次大火中遇难的香港市民哀悼，

为那些在大火中的受伤受灾香港市民祈祷，祝他们早日度过难关，早日恢复正常的生活！早日脱离中共的魔爪！

中国民主党党员吕小静表示：

我们站在这里，不是为了仇恨，而是为了真相。

为了那些被全国性打压、任意拘捕、酷刑折磨的记者、人权律师、异议人士和无数上访者——他们只是说了人话，却付出自由甚至生命。

我们反对中共的跨国镇压，反对它把恐惧输出全球、把黑暗延伸海外。

我们必须记住新疆：那里有百万维吾尔人被关进“再教育营”，被强迫劳动；家庭被拆散，孩子被送进“爱国寄宿学校”；信仰被摧毁，文化被抹除。

我们必须记住西藏：寺庙被推倒，僧侣被监控，宗教与语言被强迫同化，一个古老文明正在被系统性地抹去。

我们也不能忘记香港：国安法之下，民主人士被捕，新闻被噤声，议会被操控，异见被追捕到世界各地。一个原本自由的城市被迫沉入黑暗。

今天，我们站在这里，为所有没有声音的人发声。为了那些被囚禁的人、被沉默的人、被消失的人。

自由不是某一个国家的特权，而是每个人与生俱来的权利。只要还有人被压迫，我们就绝不沉默。

活動的發起人陳森鋒最後表示：

人權不是政府賞賜，而是每個人的天賦權利。人權高於政治，也高於任何政權自我標榜的主權敘事。

正因如此，我們必須站出來反對中共獨裁，結束暴政，捍衛尊嚴，推動中國走向民主憲政。

讓每一個中國人都有表達真話的權利，有免於恐懼的自由，有尊嚴生活的未來。

這，是我們今天站在這裡的意義。

Hao Jianping: The China Democracy Party Supports the

Joint Statement by Fifteen Countries Condemning the CCP’s Human Rights Abuses

Author: Hao Jianping
Editor: Zhou Zhigang Executive Editor:LuoZhifei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Peng Xiaomei

Abstract

On November 29, 2025, the China Democracy Party organized a protest in San Francisco condemning the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rule, in support of a joint statement issued by fifteen countries accusing the CCP of systematic human rights violations. Multiple Chinese democracy activists and former CCP members spoke publicly to denounce the Chinese government’s abuses.

[San Francisco]

The China Democracy Party expressed its support for a joint statement issued by fifteen countries condemning the Chinese Communist Party’s human rights violations, and held a protest against authoritarian rule at the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco on November 29, 2025. On November 21, 2025, fifteen countries—including the United States, the United Kingdom, Japan, and Australia—issued a joint statement at the United Nations General Assembly, publicly condemning the Chinese government’s ongoing human rights abuses. The statement employed strong language and addressed key issues including repression in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong, the persecution of human rights defenders, restrictions on religious freedom, and censorship of speech.

China Democracy Party member and event host Gao Yingfen delivered the opening remarks: “We gather here today in response to a moment of global significance. Fifteen countries have spoken together at the United Nations, publicly accusing the Chinese Communist Party of persistent human rights violations. This is not only a warning that transcends borders, but also a beam of light shining into darkness.”

She emphasized that human rights are not an internal matter of any single country, but a shared baseline for all humanity. When this baseline is violated, she said, everyone has a responsibility to speak out.

“We speak today for the Uyghur families in Xinjiang who are detained, forced into labor, and stripped of their homes;

for those in Hong Kong who persist in free expression and are silenced;and for lawyers, journalists, pastors, and ordinary citizens who are monitored, arrested, and disappeared simply for their beliefs, their words, or their insistence on truth.”

“They cannot come here to tell the world their stories,” Gao said. “So we must speak for them.”

She stressed that the movement opposes dictatorship—not any ethnic group—and defends human dignity rather than any political faction. The joint statement by fifteen countries, she said, sends a clear warning to the CCP.

Fang Zheng, Vice Chairman of the China Democracy Party and Chairman of its San Francisco chapter, expressed gratitude to the United States for accepting Chinese people forced into exile by political persecution. He noted that while exiles continue to face difficulties abroad, their commitment to the rule of law and freedom remains unwavering. Fang paid tribute to those still resisting repression inside China and emphasized that supporting prisoners of conscience and victims of persecution is a responsibility shared by overseas democracy activists.

He also announced that on December 7, 2025, the San Francisco chapter would hold its annual “Cards of Warmth” event at a public library—a tradition continued for 36 years to convey solidarity and care to persecuted individuals inside China. At the conclusion of his remarks, Fang led participants in chants expressing opposition to authoritarian rule and hope for constitutional democracy and freedom in China.

Hao Jianping, a China Democracy Party member and one of the event’s organizers, stated that the root of today’s suffering does not lie in isolated incidents, but in a long-standing political system. He argued that the CCP deliberately conflates the ruling party with the people, frames internal conflicts as “state-versus-enemy” struggles and constructs a fictional narrative of a “communist future” to force citizens to endure real-world oppression while waiting for an illusory tomorrow.

“Ultimately, there are only two types of systems,” Hao said.“One where power is supervised by the people, and one where power is imposed upon them. Every individual can judge from their own experience whether the system they live under truly protects and respects them.”

More than a dozen democracy activists and party members—including Zhang Shancheng, Luo Yanli, Ye Liangquan, Li Xiaolin, Lu Zhanqiang, Li Xu, and Hui Rutao—took turns voicing support for the joint statement by fifteen countries.

Speakers emphasized that this was not a single nation speaking, but a collective condemnation by fifteen democratic states at the United Nations.

They cited mass detention, forced labor, and coercive population control in Xinjiang; the harsh sentencing of Hong Kong youth for political slogans; the demolition of Tibetan monasteries and suppression of Tibetan language education; and the expansion of digital surveillance and transnational repression affecting even overseas Chinese communities.

Several speakers rejected the characterization of these abuses as “China’s internal affairs,” arguing that crimes against humanity cannot be shielded by sovereignty claims.

Human Rights Are Not Internal Affairs

Multiple speakers stressed that the Chinese government’s actions constitute violations of universal human rights standards.

They demanded the immediate release of detained citizen journalists, lawyers, religious leaders, students, and prisoners of conscience; the abolition of bounty notices targeting dissidents abroad; the dismantling of internment camps in Xinjiang; and the repeal of Hong Kong’s National Security Law.

“Freedom will never be granted by the Communist Party,” one speaker said.“Freedom must be won together.”

Broader Reflections

Democracy activists including Li Xu, Guo Zhijun, and Lü Xiaojing reiterated that human rights abuses in China—from Xinjiang to Tibet, from religious repression to mass surveillance—continue to affect countless innocent individuals and families.

They emphasized that human rights are not privileges granted by governments, but inherent rights belonging to every person. As long as oppression persists, they said, silence is not an option.

Recent tragedies in Hong Kong, including a deadly residential fire, were also cited as evidence of how political control, corruption, and the erosion of media oversight contribute directly to human suffering.

Event initiator Chen Senfeng concluded:

“Human rights are not gifts bestowed by governments—they are innate rights. Human rights stand above politics and above any regime’s self-serving narrative of sovereignty.”

He called for continued opposition to authoritarian rule, the defense of human dignity, and efforts to promote constitutional democracy in China.

“Every Chinese person deserves the right to speak the truth, the freedom to live without fear, and a future of dignity.That is why we stand here today.”

作者：黄娟
编辑：程伟 责任编辑：侯改英 校对：王滨 翻译：彭小梅

2025 年的大埔宏福苑大火，造成 至少 159 人死亡、数十人受伤。这是香港几十年来最惨烈的住宅灾难，也是香港社会近年最深刻的伤痛。火焰不仅吞噬了混凝土与钢筋，更吞噬了香港人对制度最后的信任。这场火烧掉的，不只是楼宇与生命，而是香港被不断削弱的制度、被侵蚀的治理能力，以及被掏空的社会信任。

一、这场灾难本来完全可以避免

从可燃材料到封死的外墙，从层层违规的施工，到居民投诉长期被敷衍……每一个环节都清楚显示，这不是单点事故，而是治理体系已经烂到根上的结果。监管部门不监管、承包商只图便宜、官员推诿塞责，而所有这些“本来应该避免悲剧的人”，却在火势蔓延的那一刻统统缺席。

二、香港的制度早已无法自我修复

在中共主导的治理方向下，香港的行政体系被迫不断政治化、集中化，官员只关心政治安全，不关心公共安全；只关心维稳，不关心生命；只关心向上负责，不再向下负责。当忠诚成为最重要的能力，专业便不再重要；当政治优先盖过民生，悲剧只是迟早的事。大火揭示的，不是某个承包商的腐败、某个监理的疏忽，而是一个被政治操控至失去专业灵魂的城市.

一个本来以透明、问责、专业著称的香港，已经在系统性侵蚀下变得支离破碎。火灾发生后，政府表现出来的不是愧疚，不是承担，而是害怕批评、害怕追责、害怕有人问“为什么”。于是便出现了：封口、降调、切割责任，把悲剧当成意外，把制度性问题当成“个别事件”。事实上，我们都心知肚明：这不是意外，是必然。这不是事故，是体制失效的结果。这不是无人可控，而是无人想要负责。

159条生命，成为政治与官僚惰性下的牺牲品。而只要香港继续在这种治理逻辑下运作，只要一切维稳优先、政治优先、忠诚优先——下一场悲剧永远不会太远。香港值得更好的治理，值得一个把人民生命放在第一位的制度，而不是一个只会喊口号、推责任、遮丑闻的权力结构。若连这样一场惨烈的大火都无法唤醒掌权者，那香港真正燃烧的，不是楼宇——而是未来。

1997年7月1日，香港在欢呼与烟火中回归中国。那一夜，无数人相信历史将开启新篇章——“一国两制”被包装成政治智慧的象征，象征专制与自由可以共存，象征制度可以兼容差异与自治。《中英联合声明》郑重写下“港人治港，高度自治，五十年不变”。人们以为，香港会在主权与自由之间找到平衡。那时的香港，是世界的香港，是东方最后一块自由土地。

然而，二十多年过去，事实证明那场庆典不过是序幕。香港的回归，并不是通往融合的起点，而是通往控制的起点。这座曾代表法治、开放与新闻自由的城市，在权力的逻辑中被一步步改造成一个可被掌控的样本。所谓“一国两制”，不过是一场精心设计的过渡期——目的从未是共存，而是彻底吸纳。

2003年的“二十三条立法”抗议，十万人走上街头；2014年白皮书的发布、“8·31决定”的落地与“占中运动”的爆发；2019年“反送中”运动成为最后的抗争。这一系列事件，不是偶然的碰撞，而是宿命的轨迹。每一次抵抗，都让中共更确定：自由是威胁，自治是幻觉，必须被消除。

三、以“国家安全”为名降临的《国安法》

自2020年起，香港的政治生态发生了结构性变化，三权分立已不复存在。立法会选举机制被全面重构，“爱国者治港”原则确保议会只剩单一声音。司法系统的独立性被侵蚀，法官遴选与判决面临政治压力。行政体系则完全听命于中央，自治已形同虚设。

公民社会被系统性瓦解，独立媒体被关停，《苹果日报》《立场新闻》相继消失；工会、学生会、民间组织被迫解散；言论与出版自由受到全面监控，民众形成“寒蝉效应”。在这样的政治环境中，自由经济的活力也难以长期维系。香港曾以法治、公信力和资讯自由吸引国际资本，但如今企业面对的不确定性大幅增加。国际金融中心的地位正逐步被新加坡取代——这并非短期可逆。

街头不再有抗议的声音，校园不再有讨论的空间。

香港人开始自我审查，新闻机构学会沉默，出版商学会删除。

自由的死亡，不是爆炸式的坍塌，而是细密的窒息——

当人们学会在沉默中生存，专制就赢了。

今天的香港，依旧灯火通明，地铁依旧准时运行，港岛金融区依旧忙碌。

但那是被控制的繁荣，是被监视的平静。

金融业的交易看似活跃，却建立在审查与恐惧之上；

法律依旧存在，却成了压制异议的工具；

教育体系被“爱国课程”取代，年轻一代在控制中成长，不再质疑、不再追问。

外在的繁荣掩盖了精神的荒芜，这正是专制最完美的胜利形式：

让一个社会在顺从中继续运转，在服从中自我修复。

过去，香港以独立司法和资讯自由赢得国际信任。

如今，这些支撑已被彻底掏空。

外资撤离，国际机构转向新加坡；

人才流出，思想迁移。

经济数据或许仍能维持“繁荣”，

但那只是数字意义上的活着——

灵魂意义上的香港，已经死了。

西方世界曾发出制裁与谴责，但无济于事。

香港的命运，不再由香港决定。

所有权力的源头都集中在北京，

而国际社会的抗议，只能成为道德表态。

自由世界无法拯救香港，因为香港的失败并非偶然——

而是一个被规划的结果。

它注定要被“收回”、被“同化”、被“改造”，

直至成为一个不会再谈自由的地方。

有些人仍在寻找希望，

但希望必须建立在可变的现实之上。

而香港的现实，是彻底的结构性控制。

选举被改造、法院被收编、媒体被瓦解、思想被阉割。

当所有通道都被封死时，所谓“希望”只是自我安慰。

香港不会“恢复”，因为它不被允许恢复。

专制不会让实验重来一次。

对北京而言，香港的沉默才是稳定的象征；

对世界而言，香港的死亡只是地缘政治的注脚。

这座城市的坠落，不仅是一场政治的失败，

更是一种文明的倒退。

它证明了一个残酷的事实：

当权力没有边界，承诺就没有意义；

当自由失去制度保障，繁荣也只是幻觉。

香港不是被时间遗弃的城市，而是被权力摧毁的城市。

她曾是自由的灯塔，如今成了专制的样板。

灯塔熄灭后，海面仍会闪光——但那只是火光的反射，不再是希望的光。

没有希望，也不需要希望。

因为希望意味着尚有回头的可能，而香港已无路可退。

她的命运已经完成，她的终结已然书写。

留下的只有一个事实：

专制赢了，自由输了。

这就是香港的结局。

没有重生，没有奇迹，只有沉默的延续——

和一座被记忆缓慢掩埋的城市。

Hong Kong in the Inferno

Abstract

Hong Kong’s political ecosystem has undergone a structural transformation. The separation of powers no longer exists; civil society has been systematically dismantled; independent media outlets have been shut down, with Apple Daily and Stand News disappearing one after another. Trade unions, student unions, and civic organizations have been forced to dissolve. Freedom of speech and publication is now subject to comprehensive surveillance.

Author: Huang Juan Editor: Cheng Wei Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying
Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Peng Xiaomei

The 2025 fire at Hong Fuk Court in Tai Po claimed at least 159 lives and left dozens injured. It was the deadliest residential disaster Hong Kong has witnessed in decades, and one of the deepest collective wounds the city has suffered in recent years. The flames did not merely consume concrete and steel; they devoured the last remaining trust Hong Kong people placed in their institutions.What burned was not only buildings and human lives, but also a governance system that had been steadily hollowed out, a capacity for effective administration that had been eroded, and a social trust that had already been pushed to the brink.

I. A Disaster That Was Entirely Preventable

From the use of flammable materials to sealed exterior walls; from layers of illegal construction to residents’ long-ignored complaints—every link in the chain clearly shows that this was not an isolated accident. It was the inevitable result of a governance system rotten to its core. Regulatory bodies failed to regulate. Contractors cut costs at any price. Officials passed responsibility from one desk to another. And those who should have prevented the tragedy were all absent at the very moment the fire spread beyond control.

II. A System No Longer Capable of Self-Correction

Under a governance direction dominated by the Chinese Communist Party, Hong Kong’s administrative system has been forced into relentless politicization and centralization. Officials prioritize political security over public safety, stability maintenance over human life, and accountability upward over responsibility to the people below. When loyalty becomes the most valued competence, professionalism ceases to matter. When politics overrides livelihoods, tragedy becomes only a matter of time. What the fire exposed was not merely corruption by a contractor or negligence by a supervisor, but a city whose professional soul has been hollowed out by political control.

Once renowned for transparency, accountability, and professionalism, Hong Kong has been torn apart by systematic erosion. After the fire, the government did not display remorse or take responsibility. Instead, it showed fear—fear of criticism, fear of accountability, fear of the question “why.” Thus came the familiar responses: silencing, downplaying, severing responsibility. A tragedy was framed as an accident; structural failures were reduced to “individual incidents.” Yet everyone knows the truth: this was not an accident, but an inevitability. Not an unforeseeable disaster, but the result of systemic failure. Not a lack of control, but a lack of will to be responsible.

One hundred and fifty-nine lives were sacrificed to political priorities and bureaucratic inertia. And as long as Hong Kong continues to operate under a logic that places stability above all, politics above life, and loyalty above accountability, the next tragedy will never be far away. Hong Kong deserves better governance—one that places human life above slogans, blame-shifting, and scandal-covering power structures. If even such a devastating fire cannot awaken those in power, then what is truly burning in Hong Kong is not its buildings, but its future.

On July 1, 1997, Hong Kong returned to China amid cheers and fireworks. Many believed history was opening a new chapter. “One Country, Two Systems” was presented as a symbol of political wisdom—a model in which authoritarianism and freedom could coexist, where sovereignty and autonomy might be balanced. The Sino–British Joint Declaration solemnly promised “Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong,” a high degree of autonomy, unchanged for fifty years. At that time, Hong Kong was the world’s Hong Kong—the last free land in the East.

More than two decades later, it is clear that the celebration was merely a prelude. Hong Kong’s return was not the beginning of integration, but the beginning of control. A city once defined by rule of law, openness, and press freedom was gradually reshaped into a controllable specimen under the logic of power. “One Country, Two Systems” was never meant to be coexistence. It was a carefully designed transitional period, whose ultimate purpose was absorption.

The 2003 protests against Article 23 legislation saw hundreds of thousands take to the streets. In 2014 came the White Paper, the “August 31 Decision,” and the Umbrella Movement. In 2019, the anti-extradition movement marked the final large-scale resistance. These were not random confrontations, but a predetermined trajectory. Each act of resistance only reinforced Beijing’s conclusion: freedom is a threat; autonomy is an illusion; both must be eliminated.

III. The National Security Law and the End of Autonomy
Since 2020, Hong Kong’s political ecosystem has undergone a structural transformation. The separation of powers no longer exists. The Legislative Council’s electoral system has been comprehensively restructured under the principle of “patriots governing Hong Kong,” ensuring that only one voice remains in the legislature. Judicial independence has been eroded. Judges face political pressure in appointments and rulings. The administrative system now answers directly to the central authorities; autonomy has become a fiction.

Civil society has been systematically dismantled. Independent media outlets have been shut down—Apple Daily and Stand News vanished in succession. Trade unions, student unions, and civic organizations were forced to dissolve. Freedom of speech and publication is subject to comprehensive surveillance, creating a pervasive chilling effect. Under such political conditions, even a free economy cannot endure. Hong Kong once attracted global capital through rule of law, credibility, and information freedom. Today, uncertainty has dramatically increased. Its status as an international financial center is gradually being replaced by Singapore—a shift that is not easily reversible.

There are no longer voices of protest on the streets. Campuses no longer host open debate.Hong Kong people have learned self-censorship. Newsrooms have learned silence.Publishers have learned deletion.

Freedom does not die in a single explosion. It dies through slow, meticulous suffocation. When people learn to survive in silence, authoritarianism has already won.

Today’s Hong Kong is still brightly lit. The subway still runs on time. The financial district remains busy.

But this is a controlled prosperity, a monitored calm.

Financial transactions appear active yet are built upon censorship and fear.

The law still exists, but as a tool to suppress dissent.

Education has been replaced with “patriotic curricula,” raising a generation that no longer questions or asks why.

External prosperity conceals internal desolation. This is authoritarianism’s most perfect victory: allowing society to continue functioning through obedience, repairing itself through submission.

In the past, Hong Kong earned international trust through judicial independence and information freedom.

Today, those foundations have been completely hollowed out.

Foreign capital withdraws. International institutions turn to Singapore.Talent flows out. Ideas migrate elsewhere.

Economic figures may still show “growth,” but that is survival in numerical terms only. In any meaningful sense, Hong Kong’s soul is already dead.

The Western world has issued sanctions and condemnations, but to little effect. Hong Kong’s fate is no longer determined by Hong Kong. All power now originates in Beijing, and international protest serves only as a moral statement.

The free world cannot save Hong Kong, because Hong Kong’s failure was not accidental—it was planned. It was meant to be “reclaimed,” “assimilated,” and “reengineered” until it became a place where freedom is no longer discussed.

Some still search for hope. But hope must be grounded in changeable reality. Hong Kong’s reality is one of total structural control. Elections redesigned. Courts co-opted. Media dismantled. Thought castrated.

When every channel is sealed, “hope” becomes nothing more than self-comfort. Hong Kong will not “recover,” because it is not allowed to recover. Authoritarianism does not permit the experiment to be rerun.

To Beijing, Hong Kong’s silence is stability.To the world, Hong Kong’s death is a geopolitical footnote.

The fall of this city is not merely a political failure—it is a civilizational regression. It proves a brutal truth: when power has no boundaries, promises are meaningless; when freedom lacks institutional protection, prosperity is an illusion.

Hong Kong was not abandoned by time. It was destroyed by power.Once a beacon of freedom, it is now a model of authoritarian control.After the lighthouse goes dark, the sea may still shimmer—but that is only the reflection of fire, not the light of hope.

There is no hope, and none is required.Hope implies the possibility of turning back. Hong Kong has no road back.

Its fate is complete. Its ending already written.What remains is a single fact:

Authoritarianism won.Freedom lost.

This is Hong Kong’s conclusion.No rebirth. No miracle.Only the continuation of silence—and a city slowly buried by memory.

释放黎智英

Free Jimmy Lai

民主英雄無罪！

捍衛人權法治無罪！

中共獨裁暴政有罪！

香港《國安法》有罪！

Free all prisoners of conscience. Free Hong Kong

釋放所有良心犯！還香港自由法治！

活動時間：

2025年12月21日（週日）下午2:00pm-4:00pm

活動地點：舊金山中國領事館前

Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco

主辦單位：中國民主黨（舊金山黨部）

召集人：方政/Zheng Fang 趙常責/Changqing Zhao 胡丕政/Pizheng Hu

發起人：陳森鋒/Senfeng Chen 郭志军/Zhijun Guo缪青/Qing Miao

主持人：高應芬/Yingfen Gao 陳森鋒/Senfeng Chen

組織者：何穎/Ying He 李栩/Xuli李樹青/Shuqing Li 衛仁喜/Renxi Wei

高俊影/Junying Gao 李小林/Xiaolin Li

烹傳策劃：關永傑/Yongjie Guag莊帆/Fan Zhuang 郝劍平/Jiangping Hao

現場義工：

张善城/Shancheng Zhang 盧占強/Zhanqiang Lu 罗艳丽/Yanli Luo

吕小静/Xiaojing Lyu 王霖/Ling Wang 晏呐/Enoch Yan

和平抗议

停止非法采矿——结束对西藏扎曲和平抗议者的镇压

保护我们的土地！

时间：2025年12月20日 星期六 上午11：00-下午1：00

地点：旧金山中国领事馆

组织者：旧金山地区西藏青年会

《全球覺醒》第五十二期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】独裁相拥 中共和乌干达政权的肮脏同盟

历史反复证明，独裁政权总会彼此识别、彼此靠拢，并在镇压人民的道路上结成同盟。事实一再证明，独裁政权之间从不孤立存在，它们臭味相同、惺惺相惜，为了巩固统治不择手段，为了延续权力不惜践踏人民的尊严与生命。这正是乌干达政权与中共极权体系真实而丑陋的写照。

乌干达政权长期以“稳定”“发展”为借口，系统性压制反对声音，摧毁公民社会，操纵选举程序，滥用国家暴力，对异议人士实施恐吓、拘禁与迫害。言论自由被封堵，司法独立被掏空，国家机器彻底沦为少数统治者的私人工具。这不是治理能力的问题，而是赤裸裸的专制本质暴露无遗。

中共正是这种专制模式的积极输出者与关键合作者。通过金钱输送、基础设施项目与政治背书，中共为乌干达政权提供维稳经验、监控技术与统治模板，帮助其构建更高效的高压体系。在所谓“南南合作”“互利共赢”的外衣之下，是对人权的合谋践踏，是对普世价值的公开嘲弄。

当一个政权只能依靠谎言、暴力与外部独裁同盟维持存在，它本身就已经失去了任何合法性。中共和乌干达政府之间的所谓“友谊”，不是人民之间的合作，而是压迫者之间的相互取暖，是失败统治者的相互加固。

我们在此明确表态：反对独裁，没有例外；谴责暴政，不留余地。无论在中国，还是在乌干达，任何依靠恐惧维稳、以人民为代价的政权，都必将被历史清算，被正义审判，被人民唾弃。这是不可逃避的历史铁律。

打倒独裁同盟！

反对乌干达暴政！

反对中共干预与渗透！

乌干达人民不是统治者的奴隶！

時間：2025年12月21日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點：中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址：443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人：廖軍/孙晔

活動規劃：劉廣賢/周蘭英

活動主持：易勇

組織者：

周曉龍6265977574 /姜琳 6268235198

張維清6265068741 /高孟霞 6263805794

龙雯 6267588274 /王付青 6263623149

活動義工： 于海龍/劉樂園 /王彪 /劉超 /王尊福/陳冬梅/張星

攝影：Ji Luo /陸敏健/王永/張允密

主辦單位：

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

人道中国 2025 洛杉矶年会活动通知

主题：守护人道价值 · 共筑公民力量

时间：2025 年 12 月 20 日（周六）下午 1 点

地点：3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, CA 91732（六四纪念馆）

本次活动将关注中国人权现状、记录良心犯案例，并共同向在押良心犯寄送贺卡，传递支持与声援。

主办：人道中国

协办：中国民主党洛杉矶党部

欢迎关心中国人权与民主发展的朋友们参加，一起发声、一同行动。

第 769 次茉莉花行动

声援中国受迫害家庭教会与牧者

时间｜2025 年 12 月 20 日（星期六）下午 3:00

地点｜中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆

443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

近年来，中国多地家庭教会持续遭受系统性打压：牧者被抓捕、信徒被传唤，正常聚会被强行取缔，信仰被污名化，人道尊严被践踏。

在圣诞与新年临近之际，主耶稣降临的光再次照亮世界。我们选择站出来——为因信仰而遭受迫害的人发声，为无法公开祈祷的人守望，为集权压制的良心作见证。

本次行动重点声援对象包括：（但不限于）：

北京锡安教会 金明日、王林牧师

成都秋雨圣约教会 王怡牧师

西安丰盛教会 廉旭亮牧师

安徽合肥甘泉教会 周松林牧师

安徽蚌埠活石归正教会 万长春牧师

安徽麦种归正教会 张森、常顺牧师

山西临汾圣约家园教会 李洁、韩晓东牧师

以及多位正遭受抓捕、监控与持续打压的牧者与教会同工。

我们相信——为义受逼迫的人有福了。

这不仅是一场抗议，更是一场守望、一次见证、一次良心的公开表达。

诚邀所有关心中国人权、宗教自由与公民尊严的朋友到场参与 · 转发声援 · 共同守望

信仰无罪｜迫害可耻

Stop Persecuting Believers!