Facing the Ocean, Resisting Without Regret

In Memory of Liu Xiaobo on the Beach at Santa Monica, Twice Over

作者：朱晓娜 2025年7月13日

编辑：赵杰 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

2024年，我第一次走上圣莫尼卡的沙滩，在刘晓波先生逝世七周年的纪念日，向大海献上白花。今年，我又如约而至，只是这一次，我带上了年幼的女儿。

作为中国民主党的一员，作为一个母亲，也作为一个曾在体制暴政中亲历伤痛的普通人，我知道，我的每一次站出来，都不是偶然。

五年前，在中国，我因疫情防控政策无法就医，失去了腹中孩子。我在网络上讲述这段经历后，被警方上门威胁，强制删帖，那一刻我明白了，连痛苦都不能自由表达的国度，是没有明天的。我选择离开，选择在美国开始新的生活，也开始了新的斗争。

来到这里后，我加入了中国民主党，参与抗议，担任财务工作；也在洛杉矶雕塑公园担任义工，用行动表达信仰，用双手建设希望。但无论做什么，每年7月13日，我都必须来到这片沙滩，向那位照亮我思想和人生方向的智者致敬。

刘晓波先生的牺牲，是中国近代思想史上的一道断裂。他的温和、他的坚持、他那句“我没有敌人”，曾让我在最愤怒的时候，仍愿相信未来。今天，我把这份信念传递给我的女儿。她还不懂“自由”为何物，但她的童年已经踩在自由的土地上，她的成长不再需要低头说谎。

感谢那些依旧不屈的人们——不论身处国内还是海外，感谢每一位坚持真相和记忆的同行者。

只要我们还记得，刘晓波就活着；只要我们还抗争，自由就不会死。

Facing the Ocean, Resisting Without Regret

In Memory of Liu Xiaobo on the Beach at Santa Monica, Twice Over

By Zhu Xiaona | July 13, 2025

Edited by: Zhao Jie | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translated by: Huiwen Lu

In 2024, I stepped onto the sands of Santa Monica for the first time. On the anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s death, I offered a white flower to the sea.

This year, I returned—this time, with my young daughter by my side.

As a member of the China Democracy Party, as a mother, and as an ordinary person who has personally suffered under authoritarian rule, I know that every time I stand up, it is never by chance.

Five years ago in China, due to pandemic control measures, I was denied medical care and lost the child I was carrying. When I shared this painful experience online, the police came to my home, threatened me, and forced me to delete the post. It was then that I understood: in a country where even grief cannot be expressed freely, there is no tomorrow.

I chose to leave. I chose to begin anew in the United States—and to begin a new resistance.

Since arriving here, I joined the China Democracy Party. I’ve taken part in protests, managed our finances, and volunteered at the Los Angeles Liberty Sculpture Park—expressing my beliefs through action, building hope with my own hands. But no matter what else I do, every July 13, I must return to this beach—to pay tribute to the thinker who lit the path of my beliefs and my life.

Liu Xiaobo’s sacrifice marked a rupture in the intellectual history of modern China. His gentleness, his perseverance, his words—“I have no enemies”—once allowed me, even in moments of deepest anger, to still believe in the future.

Today, I pass that faith on to my daughter. She doesn’t yet understand what “freedom” means, but her childhood now unfolds on free soil. She will grow up without needing to bow her head or speak lies.

I am grateful to all those who remain unyielding—whether inside China or abroad. Grateful to every companion who continues to uphold truth and memory.

As long as we remember, Liu Xiaobo lives on.

As long as we resist, freedom will not die.

Eighth Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Passing — Memorial Speech at the Sea

2025年7月13日 海祭活动 田永德先生发言稿

编辑：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

去年，我们中国民主党全委会在圣莫妮卡海滩祭奠了刘晓波先生去世七周年。今年，我们又来了。我们的纪念和祭奠，是为了不被遗忘，是为了能够更好地知道我们应该如何与中共抗争下去。

我曾与刘晓波先生有过几次交往，2008年2月，我第一次见到刘晓波先生给我的印象特别深刻。当时，朋友们去点餐，只有我们两个在单独交流。因为那几年我和高智晟律师交往密切，达到了每个星期至少通一次电话的频率，所以我们自然而然地聊起了高智晟律师发起的全国绝食维权的事。关于这件事，刘晓波先生是持不同态度的。他说；“高律师做的事，太强硬了，我们现在的抗争环境，比文革和八九时期，要好很多。他现在这么做，是在和共产党硬钢，并不是说不可以硬钢，而是中共太强大太无耻，硬钢，他肯定会把你整的死去活来，对理性抗争来说，并不是最好的。”，虽然他讲的是理性抗争，但他的这番话让我很不舒服，因为我自参与民运以来，一直在寻找合理有效的方法，这个方法既符合非暴力抗争不合作思想，也是一种新的方法，尝试一下有何不可呢？所以我竭力反驳，但刘晓波先生耐心地给我解释，可我始终不肯让步，甚至有点脸红脖子粗，正好朋友点完菜过来，看到这个情形，怕我们不欢而散，岔开了话题。为此，我愤愤不平。直到后来传出高律师受虐待的消息，我开始了反思。

刘晓波先生是亲身经历过文革并在八九学运中产生过重大影响的人，所以，中共政府的强大，无耻，残暴，卑鄙，他是有亲身体验的。这种体验让他一直在思考，一直在总结。事实证明，他的观点是正确的，是我肤浅了。而正是后来的思考，让我在后来的活动中更加理性更加温和，因为中共政府太强大太无耻！我想，我的无力感和刘晓波先生是一样的。我们的温和，并不是自愿的，而是被迫的，很无奈但很现实。

去年，陈闯创律师提到《零八宪章》，我是第一批签署者，我知道一些陈律师去年没提到过的事。整个文本，张祖桦老师是主要起草者，刘晓波先生是主要修改和联络者。当时，我在张祖桦老师主持的维权网做信息员，2008年十一月中旬，张祖桦老师给我看了经过刘晓波先生修改的零八宪章文稿，让我提出修改意见，并告诉我，初步原本打算只找一百个人以内联署就发出的。但因为刘晓波先生把文稿转发给了不少社会各阶层人士进行意见征集，所以现在超过一百人了，既然超过了，那就由你们再找人，看谁愿意联署，有多少人算多少人。我水平有限，无法提出更多修改意见，所以又带了几个朋友一起参加联署，打算在2008年12月10日世界人权日公开发表。

谁知道，2008年12月6日，张祖桦老师和刘晓波先生就被抓了。张老师曾经是团中央委员，比李克强和刘延东还要高半级，所以他很快被放回家，严密监控。我们曾经可以从他家的地下二层停车场能进去他家，零八宪章过后一段时间，进不去了，地下停车场的小铁门被锁上了。而刘晓波先生，先是在指定的地方被监视居住，后又被判十一年。在他被监视居住期间，很多人不乐观，担心他会被判刑，唯有我是乐观的。我的理由很简单，《零八宪章》是被不少人骂成是新时代公车上书的举动，是在向中共政府跪求，是没有骨气的东西。我说：“刘晓波先生的温和理性，当局是知道的，所以既然张老师被释放了，那么按照这个逻辑，刘晓波先生是应该很快就会被释放的。”，事实证明，我还是太天真了，低估了中共政府当局的无耻和残暴。他们害怕的是刘晓波先生能够沟通全社会的能力和影响力，更觉得这样的人，可以随意拿捏，所以，直到把他迫害致死。但刘晓波先生也被中共成就了他的英名。可是，我更希望他不要有这个名声，只要好好活着，哪怕没有任何更大的名声。

去年陈闯创执行长提到一个事，就是六四后，刘晓波先生曾经在电视上公开证明说，他没看到过尸体。从刘晓波先生的角度讲，并没有错，因为不管是从时间、地点来看，相信他确实没有看到尸体。

这是一种解读，而我曾看过一本书，讲述了刘晓波先生为什么会这么说的原因。那就是刘晓波先生被抓后，中共政府当局把他的老父亲带到监狱，并让他老父亲跪在他面前求他这么说，因为中共当局威胁他父亲，说刘晓波先生如果不这么说，就会被判死刑，说了，很快就被释放。他的父亲是个老共产党员，也是个知识分子，护子心切的他相信了这个政党，看着跪在地上痛哭流涕哀求自己的白发苍苍的老父亲，刘晓波先生做了他认为那是他一生的耻辱的事，在电视上证明他没在天安门广场看到尸体。

为此，他经历了人生至暗时刻，直到死亡，都在为这件事赎罪。他有一本书，书名叫幸存者手记，我还看过一个成都老右派曾伯炎老先生写的幸存者手记，那本小册子里都是控诉。但刘晓波先生这本书，不仅仅是控诉，更多的是反思。所以我推荐大家去读一读这本书，以方便更多更好地去了解刘晓波先生。

刘晓波先生说过一句让我感到很心酸的话，活着我都不怕，还怕死吗？坚持，容易吗？刘晓波先生给我们启示是：由苦痛滋生出来的平和，会更加稳定深邃，由爱滋生出来的包容，会更加真实长久。不论你是否相信，它确实如此。因此，不要排斥苦痛和爱的体验，如此，你的生命会更加厚重。

就是那次作证，刘晓波先生为了赎罪，放弃了出国的机会，留下来抗争。为此，献出了生命。所以，我后来和朋友说起他的时候，我把他视为与美国国父之一，写出《常识》这本书的托马斯·潘恩同类的人的。同样是一生都在同政府抗争，同样都是一生处于争议中，但同样都是一生都在不断付出，直到生命结束。他们是悲剧和悲情人物，他们是人类文明进程中永远无法绕开的人物。所以，刘晓波先生配得到诺贝尔和平奖这样的奖项。

刘晓波先生的诺贝尔和平奖颁奖那天，我在广州，作为独立中文笔会会员之一，应美国领事馆副领事邀请，在一家饭店观摩电视颁奖仪式。那天，有美国领事馆副领事，有香港有线电视台的记者，还有在广州的独立中文笔会会员和几个异议人士。颁奖仪式上，因为刘晓波先生无法亲自到场，所以颁奖仪式活动组织者在正中央放了一把椅子。在回头看到电视上空椅子的时候，我无意中看到窗外数不清的国家安全人员的身影。那一刻，望着空椅子，我感慨万千。后来，我出来后大致看了一下，饭店周围可能得有二三百个安全部门的人。可见，还在监狱里的刘晓波先生，让他们产生了多么大的恐惧心理。

坚持，是一个说起来和做起来都不容易的事情。我曾被我老家的国保威胁说，我弄死你就像捏死一只蚂蚁，别说你了，刘晓波来了也一样。我不知道刘晓波先生在北京是否也同样被威胁过，但我知道，精神的痛苦远超肉体的痛苦。

经历了八九的刘晓波先生，把与中共抗争写进自己骨子里，在高压下一次次冲击着中共的残暴和无耻。为我们这些后来人拓展着空间。

今天，我们又一次来到了这里，为了继承他的遗志，为了推翻残暴无耻和强大到看似不可动摇的中国共产党政府而努力。然而，我也看到有些人说我们在消费刘晓波先生，这种说法无耻至极！一个被中共政府在监狱里迫害致死的人，我们不去纪念他，那么中共政府的残暴无耻就无人去揭露；我们不去纪念他，那么就还会有更多的被中共在监狱里迫害致死的人也不会被记住。比如曹顺利、杨天水、彭明以及光我自己就认识的十几个出狱一年左右就去世的前辈们。如果我们不去纪念，将来还会有人在监狱里被迫害致死！

我们的纪念，是能够让世界知道中共政府的残暴无耻的。我只希望，我们的纪念会让中共政府能够有所收敛，不要再肆无忌惮地如此迫害中国持不同政见者。如此，怎么会是消费刘晓波先生？

只要有人在做事，总会有不同的声音出现。合理的我们虚心接受，不合理的则无需理会。希望我们今后能够作出更多的事，让中共政府的残暴和无耻，暴露在全世界的目光下。

谢谢大家！

Eighth Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s Passing — Memorial Speech at the Sea

Speaker: Mr. Tian Yongde

Delivered on July 13, 2025

Edited by: Hu Lili | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translated by: Huiwen Lu

Last year, the China Democracy Party National Committee held a memorial ceremony for Liu Xiaobo on Santa Monica Beach. This year, we are here again. Our commemoration is not merely a ritual—it is a conscious act against forgetting, a reaffirmation of how we must continue resisting the Chinese Communist Party.

I had the chance to interact with Mr. Liu Xiaobo on several occasions. Our first meeting was in February 2008, and it left a profound impression on me. Friends had stepped away to order food, leaving just the two of us in conversation. At the time, I was in close contact with lawyer Gao Zhisheng—we spoke at least once a week—so naturally, we discussed the national hunger strike movement initiated by Mr. Gao. Liu Xiaobo took a different view. He said:

“What lawyer Gao is doing is too confrontational. Compared to the Cultural Revolution and 1989, our environment for protest is much better now. If he takes this head-on approach, the CCP will crush him. It’s not that we must never confront them, but the CCP is so powerful and shameless that direct confrontation will leave you broken. It’s not the best strategy for rational resistance.”

Although he was advocating for rational, nonviolent resistance, his words made me uncomfortable. Since entering the democracy movement, I had been seeking effective and principled means of resistance—methods that embraced non-cooperation without violence, methods worth trying. So I argued back forcefully. Liu Xiaobo responded patiently, but I was unwilling to yield—my face flushed, voice raised. Just then, our friends returned with the food and, seeing the tension, quickly changed the subject. I remained indignant. It wasn’t until later, when news broke of Gao Zhisheng’s brutal mistreatment, that I began to reflect deeply.

Liu Xiaobo had lived through the Cultural Revolution and played a key role in the 1989 Tiananmen movement. He had first-hand knowledge of the CCP’s might, its shamelessness, its cruelty, and its treachery. These experiences made him cautious and strategic. In hindsight, he was right. I was the naïve one. My later growth into a more measured, more restrained activist came from this realization: the CCP’s brutality and dominance compel us to choose moderation—not out of willingness, but from necessity.

Last year, attorney Chen Chuangchuang spoke about Charter 08. I was one of its first signatories, and I know some details that weren’t mentioned. The charter was primarily drafted by Professor Zhang Zuhua, while Liu Xiaobo was responsible for editing and coordination. At the time, I worked as an information officer for Zhang’s Civil Rights & Livelihood Watch. In mid-November 2008, Zhang showed me the draft—already revised by Liu—and asked for my feedback. Originally, they planned to release the charter with fewer than 100 signatories. But Liu Xiaobo, eager for broader input, had circulated the draft widely across society. By then, signatures had exceeded 100. Zhang told me to find more people willing to sign on. I lacked the expertise to offer substantial revisions, but I did recruit a few friends to join. The plan was to release it on December 10—International Human Rights Day.

But on December 6, both Zhang and Liu were arrested. Zhang, a former member of the Communist Youth League’s Central Committee, actually ranked higher than Li Keqiang or Liu Yandong back in the day. He was quickly released under strict surveillance. We used to access his home through the basement garage, but after Charter 08, even that door was locked. Liu Xiaobo was placed under residential surveillance at a designated location, and later sentenced to 11 years in prison.

During Liu’s initial detention, many were pessimistic—fearing he would be imprisoned long-term. I, however, remained optimistic.

My reasoning was simple: many had mocked Charter 08 as a modern-day petition to the emperor, a naive plea to the regime. I said:

“Liu Xiaobo is known for his moderation. Since Zhang was released, surely Liu will be as well.”

But once again, I was too naïve. I underestimated the CCP’s shameless cruelty. What they truly feared was Liu Xiaobo’s ability to bridge different sectors of society—his power to connect. They thought he could be manipulated. So they persecuted him until death. Yet in doing so, they immortalized his name. Personally, I would have preferred he lived on in peace—even without fame.

Last year, Executive Director Chen also mentioned the moment Liu Xiaobo publicly claimed on television that he “saw no corpses” after June Fourth. From Liu’s perspective, it may have been factually accurate—depending on time and location. But I later read a book that revealed the deeper reason for that statement: after his arrest, the CCP brought his elderly father into the prison. They made the old man kneel before his son, pleading with him to say he had seen no deaths in Tiananmen. They told the father that if Liu didn’t comply, he would be sentenced to death—but if he did, he’d be released soon. Liu’s father, a loyal Party member and an intellectual, believed them. Faced with his weeping, kneeling father, Liu gave in and made that statement—an act he would later describe as the greatest shame of his life.

From that moment until his death, he lived in atonement. He even gave up the chance to go into exile, choosing instead to stay and resist. He paid for it with his life.

There is a book he wrote titled Survivor’s Notes. I’ve also read a booklet by Chengdu’s old rightist Zeng Boyan with the same title, filled with fierce accusations. But Liu’s Survivor’s Notes is more than indictment—it is a profound work of self-reflection. I highly recommend it for anyone wishing to truly understand Liu Xiaobo.

Liu once said something that has haunted me ever since:

“If I’m not afraid of living, why should I fear dying?”

Persistence is never easy. But Liu showed us that peace born from pain is deeper, and tolerance born from love is more enduring. Whether or not you believe it, it’s true. Don’t reject the experiences of pain and love—these are what make a life profound.

In private conversations, I’ve compared Liu Xiaobo to Thomas Paine—one of America’s founding fathers and the author of Common Sense. Both men resisted their governments throughout their lives. Both were controversial. Both gave everything until their final breath. Tragic and stirring figures, they are pillars in the ongoing story of human civilization. Liu Xiaobo deserved the Nobel Peace Prize. But I wish he didn’t need to earn it that way. I wish he were still alive.

On the day of the Nobel ceremony, I was in Guangzhou. As a member of the Independent Chinese PEN Center, I had been invited by a U.S. consulate official to watch the ceremony at a restaurant. There were consular staff, Hong Kong journalists, fellow PEN members, and dissidents. When Liu couldn’t attend, the organizers placed an empty chair at the center of the stage. As I turned to look at the television, I noticed through the window dozens—maybe hundreds—of state security officers surrounding the area. That empty chair on the screen mirrored the fear in the regime’s heart. Even in prison, Liu terrified them.

Persistence is not easy. A state security agent once told me:

“Killing you would be as easy as squashing an ant. Even Liu Xiaobo would be no exception.”

I don’t know if Liu ever received the same threat in Beijing. But I do know that spiritual torment is worse than physical pain. He, having survived 1989, carried the resistance deep into his bones. He pushed back against tyranny time and again, carving out space for those who followed.

Today, we gather once more—not just to mourn, but to carry on his legacy. To fight against the powerful, shameless, seemingly immovable CCP. And yet, some accuse us of “exploiting” Liu Xiaobo. Such accusations are despicable.

If we don’t remember a man persecuted to death by the CCP, then the regime’s crimes go unchecked. If we don’t speak his name, then those who die in prison—like Cao Shunli, Yang Tianshui, Peng Ming, and many others I personally knew—will also be forgotten. And more will surely die.

Our commemoration is a testimony. It shows the world the CCP’s brutality. I only hope our remembrance can bring even the slightest restraint upon their cruelty.

As long as people act, there will be voices of doubt. We accept fair criticism with humility, but we reject malicious slander. Let us strive to do more, to expose the CCP’s barbarity to the eyes of the world.

Thank you all.

Los Angeles Chinese Community Holds Memorial Rally for Liu Xiaobo: Calling for an End to Literary Inquisition and Political Persecution

作者：冯仍 2025年7月15日

编辑：何清风 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

2025年7月13日下午，一场以“追思刘晓波 / 抗议政治迫害”为主题的纪念集会在洛杉矶中国领事馆前举行。活动由中国民主党全联总美西党部、美南党部、自由钟民主基金会与中国民主人权联盟等机构联合发起，吸引了上百位中国民主党员及关心中国人权的侨民参加。集会在庄严肃穆的氛围中展开，与会者高举横幅、手持标语，缅怀2010年诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波，并表达对中共当局持续打压异议声音的强烈抗议。

图为：全体与会者在中国驻洛杉矶领事馆前集体合影，悼念刘晓波，呼吁言论自由，抗议中共政治迫害。

悼念活动以全场默哀一分钟开始，并在中国领事馆前特别设置了一处象征性的“空椅子”展台，重现2010年奥斯陆诺贝尔和平奖颁奖典礼上刘晓波因被囚禁而缺席的那张空椅。椅上安放着他的遗像与白花，静静诉说着一个时代的悲哀。一旁的标语写道：“一个不能发表不同政见的国家，不是一个真正安全的国家。” 这一画面引人驻足，令人动容。

集会发起人之一表示：“在今天的中国，说真话仍需付出沉重代价。我们在这里，不是为了仇恨谁，而是为了延续刘晓波先生所代表的和平、理性、非暴力的公民抗争精神。”

活动特别邀请了刘晓波的战友、民运资深人士王希哲先生出席并致词。他回顾了1996年自己与刘晓波在广州会面时共同签署《致国共两党的双十宣言》的经过。该宣言主张中国应回归《双十协定》与《政协决议》的宪政框架，实行真正的宪政民主。王希哲指出，刘晓波不仅是一位异见作家，更是一位始终坚守和平改革道路的理想主义者，他坚守“我没有敌人”的立场。他的一生，是良知与自由在极权阴影下的燃烧。”

图为：民运前辈王希哲先生在刘晓波遗像与象征性空椅前深深鞠躬致意，向昔日战友表达沉痛追思。

现场演讲者还诵读了刘晓波于2009年被判刑时的法庭陈述《我没有敌人》部分内容。这篇广为流传的文字中，他写道：“仇恨会腐蚀一个人的智慧和良知……我希望自己能够超越个人的遭遇，以最大的善意对待政权的敌意，以爱化解恨。”，他强调，即使身陷囹圄，也不放弃对中国实现言论自由与政治进步的信心。

集会组织者表示，此次纪念活动不仅是为了缅怀刘晓波逝世八周年，更希望唤起世人对中国持续人权迫害的关注，尤其是针对异议人士、维权律师、宗教团体等的系统性打压。他们呼吁国际社会持续关注中国的文字狱现象，并为仍在黑暗中坚持信念的良心犯发声。

集会最后，在庄严肃穆的氛围中，与会者集体高呼口号：“释放良心犯！言论自由无罪！刘晓波精神不死！”， 响亮的口号在中国驻洛杉矶领事馆前久久回荡。许多参与者眼中噙着热泪，有人点燃蜡烛，有人献上白花，整个现场气氛凝重而感人。

Los Angeles Chinese Community Holds Memorial Rally for Liu Xiaobo: Calling for an End to Literary Inquisition and Political Persecution

By Feng Reng, July 15, 2025

Editor: He Qingfeng | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translation: Huiwen Lu

On the afternoon of July 13, 2025, a solemn memorial rally themed “In Memory of Liu Xiaobo / Protest Against Political Persecution” was held in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles. The event was co-organized by the China Democracy Party (West Coast and Southern U.S. Chapters), the Liberty Bell Democracy Foundation, the Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in China, and other organizations. It drew the participation of over a hundred Chinese pro-democracy activists and members of the overseas Chinese community concerned about human rights in China. Participants held banners and signs, paying tribute to the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo and voicing strong protest against the Chinese Communist Party’s continued suppression of dissenting voices.

Photo: Attendees gather in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to mourn Liu Xiaobo, call for freedom of expression, and protest CCP political persecution.

The event began with a moment of silence. A symbolic “empty chair” display was set up in front of the consulate, recreating the haunting image from the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Oslo, where Liu Xiaobo’s absence was marked by an empty seat due to his imprisonment. On the chair rested his portrait and a bouquet of white flowers, quietly conveying the sorrow of an era. Beside it, a sign read:

“A country that does not allow dissent is not a truly safe country.”

The poignant display stirred reflection and emotion.

One of the organizers remarked:

“In today’s China, speaking the truth still comes at a heavy cost. We are here not out of hatred, but to carry forward the spirit of peaceful, rational, and nonviolent civic resistance that Liu Xiaobo represented.”

The event featured a special appearance by Mr. Wang Xizhe, a veteran figure in the Chinese democracy movement and a close comrade of Liu Xiaobo. He recalled their 1996 meeting in Guangzhou, where they jointly signed the “Double Ten Declaration to the KMT and CCP,” which advocated for a return to the constitutional framework of the 1945 Double Ten Agreement and the Political Consultative Conference resolutions. Wang emphasized that Liu Xiaobo was not only a dissident writer but also a steadfast idealist who believed in peaceful reform and upheld his famous principle of “I have no enemies.”

“His life,” Wang said, “was a blaze of conscience and freedom in the shadow of tyranny.”

Photo: Democracy elder Wang Xizhe bows deeply before Liu Xiaobo’s portrait and the symbolic empty chair, paying solemn tribute to his late comrade.

Several speakers took turns reading excerpts from Liu Xiaobo’s 2009 courtroom statement, “I Have No Enemies,” delivered at his sentencing. In this widely circulated declaration, Liu wrote:

“Hatred can corrupt a person’s wisdom and conscience… I hope to transcend my personal experiences and respond to the regime’s hostility with the utmost goodwill, to dissolve hatred with love.”

Even in prison, he never gave up hope in China’s future progress toward freedom of speech and political reform.

Organizers noted that the purpose of the memorial was not only to mark the eighth anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s death, but also to raise global awareness of China’s ongoing human rights violations—particularly the systemic persecution of dissidents, rights lawyers, and religious groups. They called on the international community to stay vigilant about the CCP’s “literary inquisition” and to speak up for prisoners of conscience who continue to hold on to their beliefs in the dark.

The rally concluded in solemn unity as participants chanted powerful slogans together:

“Free all prisoners of conscience!” “Freedom of speech is not a crime!” “Liu Xiaobo’s spirit lives on!”

The resonant cries echoed for a long time in front of the Chinese Consulate. Many had tears in their eyes.

Some lit candles; others laid down white flowers. The atmosphere was heavy, moving, and unforgettable.

From the June 4th Memorial Museum: Uniting Democratic Forces Across the Strait to Resist CCP Tyranny

作者：赵杰 2025年7月16日

编辑：李聪玲 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

2025年7月15日下午六点，台湾印太战略智库代表团一行二十余人，在智库执行长矢板明夫先生的带领下，专程参观位于洛杉矶的《六四纪念馆》。来宾包括台湾前国防部长蔡明宪、前国大代表与政经评论员黄澎孝、经济学家吴嘉隆、前高雄市卫生局长韩明荣、“台湾国”理事长陈峻涵等多位台湾政界与学界知名人士。

我作为六四纪念馆值班义工有幸与王丹老师、中国民主党全国委员会执行长陈闯创、主委耿冠军等人一同接待来宾，并向他们介绍《六四纪念馆》的背景、展览内容与设立意义。

参观过程中，矢板明夫先生讲到一句发人深省的话：“台湾人应当看到，如果让中共统治了台湾，‘六四’就是前车之鉴。”这番话道出了许多人的心声。台湾社会确实需要更深入了解中共的历史与其暴政本质，更加坚定地守护民主制度。

我也借此机会，向台湾同胞表达我们中国民主党坚定支持中华民国台湾的立场。过去我们已举行五次声援台湾、声援中华民国的公开活动。我们始终认为，中共的极权统治不仅是对中国人民的压迫，更是对整个华人世界乃至全球民主价值的威胁。只有推翻中共，实现中国大陆的真正民主，台湾的安全才有根本保障。

我们期望未来能够与台湾各界有更多交流与合作，携手对抗中共这一共同的敌人，并为中华民族的自由、民主与和平努力。

From the June 4th Memorial Museum: Uniting Democratic Forces Across the Strait to Resist CCP Tyranny

By Zhao Jie, July 16, 2025

Editor: Li Congling | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translation: Huiwen Lu

At 6:00 p.m. on July 15, 2025, a delegation of more than twenty representatives from the Taiwan Indo-Pacific Strategic Think Tank, led by Executive Director Mr. Akio Yaita, paid a special visit to the June 4th Memorial Museum in Los Angeles. The visiting guests included prominent Taiwanese figures from both the political and academic spheres, such as former Minister of National Defense Tsai Ming-hsien, former National Assembly member and political commentator Huang Peng-hsiao, economist Wu Jialong, former Director of the Kaohsiung Health Bureau Han Ming-rong, and Taiwan Statebuilding Party Chairman Chen Jun-han, among others.

As a volunteer on duty at the June 4th Memorial Museum, I had the honor of welcoming the delegation alongside Mr. Wang Dan, Mr. Chen Chuangchuang (Executive Director of the China Democracy Party National Committee), and Chairman Geng Guanjun. Together, we introduced the background, exhibitions, and mission of the museum.

During the visit, Mr. Akio Yaita shared a powerful and thought-provoking statement:

“Taiwanese people must realize that if the Chinese Communist Party were to rule Taiwan, June 4th would become their fate as well.”

These words resonated deeply. Indeed, Taiwanese society needs to gain a more profound understanding of the CCP’s history and the tyrannical nature of its regime, in order to more firmly safeguard its democratic institutions.

I also took this opportunity to express, on behalf of the China Democracy Party, our unwavering support for the Republic of China (Taiwan). In the past, we have held five public events to voice our solidarity with Taiwan and the ROC. We firmly believe that the CCP’s authoritarian rule is not only a brutal oppression of the Chinese people, but also a grave threat to the global democratic order and to the entire Chinese-speaking world.

Only by overthrowing the CCP and realizing true democracy in mainland China can Taiwan’s security be fundamentally guaranteed.

We look forward to deeper exchanges and cooperation with all sectors of Taiwanese society in the future. Let us join hands in resisting our shared enemy—the Chinese Communist Party—and strive together for the freedom, democracy, and peace of the Chinese nation.

闻道读书会 · 特别讲座

千年瓷影：东亚瓷器简介

分享人：孙诚（前《自由亚洲电台》记者）

你是否有过这样的体验：

在博物馆中流连忘返，面对宋瓷的淡雅、高丽青瓷的幽静、元明清青花瓷的华丽、珐琅彩与粉彩的斑斓——只觉得“好看”，却难以说出个所以然。

其实，这些千姿百态的艺术品，是可以被“解码”的。

本期讲座将带你穿越千年时光，从制瓷工艺的演进、审美趣味的更替，到瓷器背后的文明互动与王朝更迭。你将深入了解：

清乾隆至当代陶瓷艺术及名作

瓷器背后所映射出的帝国兴衰与文明迁移

时间： 2025年8月2日（周六）晚 7:00 – 9:00

地点： 2077 Gold St, Alviso, CA 95002

无论你是艺术爱好者、收藏新手，还是历史文化探索者——这一晚，你将开启一段“识瓷”的奇妙之旅。

 欢迎加入我们的探瓷之夜！

Wendao Reading Society · Special Lecture

Echoes of a Thousand Years: An Introduction to East Asian Ceramics

Speaker: Sun Cheng (Former journalist at Radio Free Asia)

Have you ever found yourself lingering in a museum, captivated by the quiet elegance of Song dynasty porcelain, the serene beauty of Goryeo celadon, the ornate blue-and-white wares of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, or the vibrant colors of famille-rose and enamelled porcelain—struck by their beauty, yet unsure how to describe or understand them?

In fact, these stunning artifacts can be decoded.

This special lecture will take you on a journey across a millennium—from the evolution of ceramic craftsmanship and changing aesthetic tastes, to the deeper cultural exchanges and dynastic transformations behind these works of art. You will gain insights into:

• Ceramic art and masterpieces from the Qianlong era to the present

• How ceramics reflect the rise and fall of empires and the migration of civilizations

🕖 Date & Time: Saturday, August 2, 2025, 7:00 – 9:00 PM

📍 Venue: 2077 Gold St, Alviso, CA 95002

Whether you’re an art lover, a novice collector, or a curious explorer of history and culture, this evening promises to be a magical journey into the world of porcelain.

Join us for a night of ceramic discovery!

The Empty Chair Will Not Remain Empty Forever

作者：郑伟 2025年7月15日

编辑：赵杰 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文

2025年7月13日，刘晓波先生逝世八周年。我们在洛杉矶圣莫尼卡海滩，摆放了一把象征“自由”的巨椅，手捧蜡烛，献上鲜花，为这位在囚笼中离世的诺贝尔和平奖得主，为那些仍在国内因言获罪、无处凭吊的良心犯，也为我们自己内心尚未熄灭的希望，留下一席之地。

2010年奥斯陆的诺贝尔颁奖礼。当天，刘晓波无法到场领奖，一把空椅子摆在台上，那是全世界对中国言论自由的一次无声凝视。今天，我们把这把椅子放到太平洋边，风从海上吹来，它提醒着我们：自由尚未抵达，空椅子依旧空着。

当我们在这片沙滩纪念刘晓波时，我也会想到：在大洋彼岸，浙江的钱塘江边，也曾有七位爱好自由的人，用献花和烛光纪念他，却因此身陷囹圄至今未得自由。多少年来，这样的故事一再发生：悼念成了罪名，记忆成了禁忌，可正因如此，我们才更不能沉默。

这场纪念，参与者有为争取民主自由而坐过牢的朱虞夫前辈，八九六四民运领袖王丹老师，也有刚刚逃离中国大陆来到美国的年轻人，有人流亡多年，有人家人至今在墙内承受打压；有人在八九年就与刘晓波并肩，也有人只是在读到《零八宪章》时，忽然明白“自由”二字意味着什么。我们都在这里，都是普通人。我们在风里手捧一根根蜡烛，不是要点亮什么宏大叙事，只是为了告诉自己：记住他，记住他所相信的，别让这把椅子永远空着。

有人问我，这样做有什么用？这世界冷漠久了，很多人不再相信纪念有什么意义。但我始终觉得，纪念是抵抗的一部分。当一个政权极力抹去真相、封锁历史、让人们彼此隔绝，那么哪怕我们只是一群在沙滩上点蜡烛、读诗的人，也在证明：总有人还记得。

刘晓波说过：“我没有敌人。”对一个用尽残酷手段对付他的体制来说，这是何等的羞辱，也是一种了不起的勇气。即便在牢狱里，他仍然相信温和的力量，相信通过理性和沟通推动中国走向宪政与自由。可他为此付出了生命的代价。他未竟的梦想，落在我们每个人的肩上。

这些年来，我见过无数个晓波：被逼离家乡的作家，因仗义执言而被喝茶的年轻人，声援香港反送中被帽子叔叔殴打的女生，举牌拉横幅的异议者……他们未必彼此相识，却在同一条通往自由的路上，结成一张看不见的网。这张网，就是晓波留给我们的遗产——一种不肯麻木、不肯遗忘、不肯屈服的精神。

此刻，海浪一遍遍翻腾，乌云也遮住了星光，风从大陆的方向吹来。我始终相信，总有一天，这把椅子会有人坐上去。不是因为一个人伟大到能改变一切，而是因为越来越多人选择记得、选择站出来，选择为自由留一把椅子。

愿晓波安息。愿我们不负这把空椅子背后的意义。

自由不会永远缺席，只要我们还记得。

The Empty Chair Will Not Remain Empty Forever

By Zheng Wei, July 15, 2025

Editor: Zhao Jie | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Huiwen Lu | Translation: Huiwen Lu

On July 13, 2025, the eighth anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s death, we gathered on the beach of Santa Monica in Los Angeles. We placed a giant chair—symbolizing “freedom”—in the sand, lit candles, offered flowers, and left a space not only for the Nobel Peace Prize laureate who died in captivity, but also for the prisoners of conscience still silenced in China, and for the hope that continues to burn within ourselves.

At the Nobel Prize ceremony in Oslo in 2010, Liu Xiaobo was unable to attend. In his place stood an empty chair on the stage—an unspoken gaze from the world upon China’s suppression of free speech. Today, we placed that chair by the Pacific Ocean. The wind blew from across the sea, and the chair reminded us: freedom has not yet arrived. The chair remains empty.

As we honored Liu Xiaobo on this beach, I thought of the other side of the ocean—on the banks of the Qiantang River in Zhejiang—where seven people who cherished freedom once lit candles and offered flowers in his memory. For that act, they remain in prison to this day. Such stories have repeated themselves over the years: mourning becomes a crime, and memory a taboo. But precisely because of this, we cannot remain silent.

Among those who participated in this vigil were elder Zhu Yufu, who was imprisoned for fighting for democracy; Wang Dan, a prominent leader of the 1989 student movement; young people who had just escaped from mainland China; and others who had lived in exile for years, whose families remain under persecution inside China. Some once stood shoulder to shoulder with Liu Xiaobo in 1989; others only came to understand the meaning of “freedom” upon reading Charter 08. We are all here. We are ordinary people. Holding candles in the wind, we are not trying to ignite some grand narrative—only to remind ourselves: remember him, remember what he believed in. Don’t let this chair remain empty forever.

Some have asked me, “What’s the point of this?” In a world numbed by indifference, many no longer believe that remembrance has meaning. But I have always believed: to remember is to resist. When a regime spares no effort to erase truth, block history, and isolate people from each other, then even a group of people lighting candles and reading poems on a beach is proof that someone still remembers.

Liu Xiaobo once said, “I have no enemies.” To a regime that treated him with utter brutality, this was a profound humiliation—and an extraordinary act of courage. Even in prison, he held firm to the belief in nonviolence, in reason and dialogue, as the path toward constitutional democracy and liberty in China. For this belief, he paid the ultimate price. His unfinished dream now rests on all of us.

Over the years, I have seen countless Xiaobos: writers forced from their homes, young people harassed for speaking truth, girls beaten by plainclothes thugs for supporting Hong Kong’s protests, dissidents holding banners in lonely defiance… They may not know each other, but they are all on the same road to freedom. Together they form an invisible web—a legacy Liu Xiaobo left behind. A spirit that refuses to grow numb, refuses to forget, refuses to submit.

Tonight, the waves crash again and again. The clouds have obscured the stars. The wind is blowing from the direction of the mainland. And yet, I still believe: one day, someone will sit in that chair. Not because a single person is powerful enough to change everything, but because more and more people choose to remember, choose to stand up, choose to keep a chair for freedom.

May Liu Xiaobo rest in peace.

May we live worthy of the meaning behind that empty chair.

Freedom will not be absent forever—so long as we remember.

中国民主党全委会洛杉矶地委及自由雕塑公园行动：7月16日，民主党全委会洛杉矶党部，流亡的力量：西藏与中国民主的对话

Action by the China Democracy Party Los Angeles Committee and the Liberty Sculpture Park：July 16 – CDP Los Angeles Chapter

The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement

流亡不是沉默，流亡是一种力量。

从达兰萨拉到洛杉矶，传递自由的火种

【维明有话说】

《流亡的力量：西藏与中国民主的对话》

分享会背景：

在长达数十年的流亡岁月中，西藏人民用信仰、坚韧和组织力在世界各地重建了他们的文化、社会和政治网络。而中国的民主运动，也正处在风雨飘摇的十字路口。

本次分享会邀请著名雕塑家陈维明先生讲述他与第十四世达赖喇嘛会晤的亲身经历，并结合西藏流亡政府的发展经验，探讨：

在流亡中如何保持政治愿景？

如何建立海外民运与国际社会的持续对话？

藏人社群的组织能力、文化传承对民运的启示是什么？

中共打压之下，我们还有哪些突围可能？

活动信息

时间：2025年7月16日（星期三）19:00-21:00

地点：中国民主党全委会党部

主讲人：陈维明

主持人：袁崛

组织策划：周云龙、杨雪、王乃一

特邀互动：华人流亡者、年轻行动者

Action by the China Democracy Party Los Angeles Committee and the Liberty Sculpture Park：July 16 – CDP Los Angeles Chapter

The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement

Exile is not silence. Exile is a form of strength.

From Dharamshala to Los Angeles, the torch of freedom continues to burn.

[Weiming Speaks]

“The Power of Exile: A Dialogue Between Tibet and China’s Democracy Movement”

Event Background:

For decades, the Tibetan people have, through exile, rebuilt their cultural, social, and political networks around the globe with unwavering faith, resilience, and organization. Meanwhile, China’s democracy movement finds itself at a turbulent crossroads.

This forum invites renowned sculptor Chen Weiming to share his personal encounter with the 14th Dalai Lama, and to reflect on the Tibetan government-in-exile’s development as a case study. The discussion will explore:

• How do exiled communities sustain long-term political vision?

• How can the Chinese pro-democracy movement establish lasting dialogue with international society?

• What can we learn from Tibetan organizational strength and cultural preservation?

• Under harsh CCP suppression, what breakthroughs are still possible?

Event Details

🕖 Time: Wednesday, July 16, 2025 | 7:00 PM – 9:00 PM

📍 Location: Headquarters of the China Democracy Party (CDP), Los Angeles

🎤 Speaker: Chen Weiming

🎙 Moderator: Yuan Jue

🛠 Organizers: Zhou Yunlong, Yang Xue, Wang Naiyi

✨ Special Guests: Chinese exiles, young activists