“六四”纪念馆活动预告7月27日
June Fourth Memorial Museum Event Preview – July 27
7月27日（周日）下午2点—-4点:
林培瑞教授系列课程之三：刘宾雁的启示
欢迎报名参加：https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum
June Fourth Memorial Museum Event Preview – July 27
Sunday, July 27, 2:00 PM – 4:00 PM
Professor Perry Link’s Lecture Series – Part 3: The Inspiration of Liu Binyan
All are welcome to register and attend.
https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum
制度浮选，青年沉没
Systemic Flotation, Youth Submerged
— The Deaths of Six Northeastern University Students Were No Accident
作者：钟然
编辑：罗志飞 责任编辑：鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
2025年7月23日，六名东北大学三年级学生，在内蒙古中国黄金集团乌努格吐山铜钼矿的选矿厂“实习参观”时，站在浮选槽上方的格栅板上，连同一名年轻教师，一同坠入充满矿浆与化学药剂的浮选槽。六人全部溺亡，教师受伤。年仅二十出头的青年，在一块老化脱焊的钢板下，被吞没于这个国家对生命的系统性漠视之中。
这是一次不折不扣的工业杀人事件，是制度、资本与权力三方共谋的结果——也是对“教育”“安全”“责任”这几个词最后的羞辱。
一、他们不是“溺死”，是被制度谋杀
据官方通报，这块载着七人的钢格栅板，因焊缝“陈旧性裂纹”脱落；事故平台“未设承载标识”；实习协议中“未明确监护、限员和应急流程”。一句“意外”，试图将人祸归于天命。
但这是怎样的“意外”？出事企业于今年2月份刚“局部更换”的格栅板，为什么没有做全覆盖无损检测？浮选槽是选矿车间中已知的高危区域，学生为何被带上工作平台？7个人站在3米长钢板上，没有限制、没有监护、没有防护绳索——这不是意外，这是谋杀，是用最低标准压榨教育资源的后果！
而且，这不是一个人的失误，而是一个系统的共谋：教育部沉默、企业宣传“零事故”、学校卸责、政府推诿，一整套官方语言正在努力“消音”这场青年死亡的震响。
二、东北大学：从“重点高校”到“人才输出车间”
东北大学，是教育部直属“双一流”高校，是曾为中国提供过无数工程人才的老牌学府。但它今天的角色，是资本与权力共谋的“人力外包商”。
“黄金班”“联合培养”“实地教学”——美其名曰“产教融合”，实则是官办大学为国企巨兽输血的管道。这些年轻人不是学生，而是未经防护就被送入矿井的试验品，是挂着“教育”招牌的廉价劳工。
六名死亡学生，多数来自县乡地区，其中刘某刚刚保研，母亲以他为傲，全村以他为光。他不是来献身于矿业的，而是来用知识改变命运的。他们从寒门走入大学，却从格栅板坠入泥浆——这是当下“精致教育”最残酷的终点。
三、事故发生前吹“零事故”，发生后赔“工伤”？
事发地 禁止入内
车间主任在隔壁相似厂房还原事故经过，当时讲解位置与学生所站位置大致在这里
事故发生五个月前，中国黄金内蒙古公司还在宣称“零事故目标完成”；事故发生两天后，涉事平台的现场被拉起警戒线，禁止入内。这个国有企业巨兽，公开吹嘘“安全技改”，暗地却让带病钢板承载七人生命。
选矿厂的浮选槽，充满泡沫、泥浆、化学药剂，是《危险化学品目录》所列的剧毒操作区域，稍有不慎即可能灼伤、中毒、窒息。而中国黄金集团却让未经培训的学生上平台“观摩学习”，甚至没有设定人数限制。这是学习？还是屠宰？
事故发生后，企业迅速“停产整顿”“协商赔偿”，并强调“按《工伤保险条例》赔偿”。请问：他们是你们的工人吗？是你们签了合同的劳工吗？还是在你们剥削体制下的“准牺牲品”？这是中国式事故处理中最恶臭、最惯常的一幕：一边拿着带血的支票谈“抚恤”，一边对外宣传“正在调查”“依法处置”，最终换来一份“完满解决”的新闻稿——而失去孩子的家庭，从此要在沉默与屈辱中度过余生。赔偿不是正义，赔偿不是真相，赔偿不是忏悔，赔偿只是中国官僚体系对责任的逃避方式，是用金钱埋葬公共问责的黑色手段。
四、学校、企业、政府：三位一体的责任共犯
不要把责任推给一块钢板。这不是一块钢板塌了，是整个体制坍塌了。
东北大学把学生送进矿井，却连实习协议中最基本的安全条款都不落实；企业对事故平台进行局部维修，却不做全面检测；监管部门竟然连事发地是否合规都事后才调查；而教育部、国务院、矿山安全监察局，没有一句公开的痛悼，没有一次正面的发声。
这是什么国家？在这片土地上，连教育与生命都可以作为行政绩效与利润目标的附属指标。一个家长将孩子送进大学，是想让他读书，不是想让他下矿。一个教师带学生实习，是为了教学，不是集体赴死。
他们是矿井下的“应试祭品”，是制度浮选中的沉渣，是GDP与“项目合作”中的牺牲者。真正该坠入泥浆的，是那群高坐办公室、签署协议却对死伤无动于衷的人。
五、我们要问责的，不止是一块焊缝
我们要问责的，是为什么学生实习变成了“无保护劳工”？我们要问责的，是谁批准这些协议、谁安排这些参观、谁在掩盖事故真相？我们要问责的，是中国高校为何普遍沦为企业的人力资源外包基地？我们要问责的，是这政权对年轻人生命到底还有没有一丝敬意？
六名大学生的遗体还未入土，体制已迫不及待地略过他们往后看了。然而我们不能，我们必须记住他们的名字，必须逼问这个国家：你还能不能保护你优秀的青年？
我们不是要一纸赔偿，我们要有人负责，我们要制度改变。否则，浮选槽里还会有下一个刘某，下一个你、我的孩子。
Systemic Flotation, Youth Submerged
— The Deaths of Six Northeastern University Students Were No Accident
By Zhong Ran Date: July 23, 2025
Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translator: Lu Huiwen
On July 23, 2025, six third-year students from Northeastern University, along with a young instructor, fell into a flotation tank filled with slurry and chemical agents at the Unugtu Mountain Copper-Molybdenum Ore Concentration Plant, owned by China National Gold Group in Inner Mongolia. The students—all in their early twenties—were standing on a metal grate above the tank during what was described as an “internship tour.” All six students drowned; the instructor was injured. Beneath an aging, fractured steel panel, they were swallowed by this nation’s systemic disregard for human life.
This was not a “tragic accident.”
It was a premeditated industrial killing, a product of collusion among system, capital, and power—and the final insult to the words “education,” “safety,” and “responsibility.”
I. They Didn’t Drown—They Were Murdered by the System
According to the official report, the steel grate holding seven people collapsed due to “pre-existing cracks in the welds.” The accident platform “lacked load-bearing warnings.” The internship agreement “did not clarify supervision, personnel limits, or emergency procedures.”
One word—“accident”—tries to dismiss a man-made disaster as fate.
But what kind of “accident” was this?
The company had partially replaced the grates in February 2025. Why wasn’t comprehensive nondestructive testing conducted?
Flotation tanks are well-known high-risk zones in ore processing. Why were students brought onto the platform at all? Seven people stood on a three-meter steel panel—without restrictions, without supervision, without safety ropes.
This is not an accident—this is murder. This is the outcome of squeezing educational resources to the lowest cost.
And this wasn’t an individual error. It was systemic collusion:
The Ministry of Education remained silent.
The company boasted of “zero accidents.”
The university dodged responsibility.
The local government passed the buck.
An entire arsenal of official jargon is working overtime to silence the echo of these young deaths.
II. Northeastern University: From “Elite School” to Talent Pipeline for Industry
Northeastern University is a “Double First-Class” institution under the Ministry of Education—once a proud supplier of top engineering talent in China. Today, it acts as a human resources outsourcing contractor for state-owned industrial giants.
“Golden Class,” “joint training,” “on-site instruction”—these are all fancy terms for state-run universities feeding fresh blood to state-owned beasts.
These young people were not students, but unprotected test subjects thrown into the mines—cheap labor under the guise of “education.”
Most of the six students came from rural or county-level backgrounds. One of them, Liu, had just been admitted to a graduate program. His mother was proud of him; his entire village saw him as their pride.
He didn’t go to the mine to sacrifice his life—he went to change his destiny through knowledge.
They came from humble families to attend university, only to fall from a steel plate into a slurry pit.
This is the cruelest end of China’s so-called “elite education.”
III. Before the Incident: “Zero Accidents” — Afterward: “Workplace Injury Compensation”?
Just five months before the incident, China National Gold Inner Mongolia boasted about achieving its “zero-accident target.”
Two days after the deaths, a yellow tape sealed off the accident site. The same state-owned industrial giant that boasted about “safety reforms” had placed the lives of seven people on a faulty steel panel.
The flotation tanks are filled with foam, slurry, and chemical reagents. Listed in the Catalogue of Hazardous Chemicals, these are deadly operational zones where even minor errors can cause burns, poisoning, or suffocation.
And yet, China National Gold Group allowed untrained students to “observe and learn” on these platforms—without any cap on participant numbers.
Is this education—or execution?
After the incident, the company quickly halted production, offered “compensation negotiations,” and insisted on settling “under the Work-Related Injury Insurance Regulations.”
We ask:
Were these students your employees?
Were they on your payroll?
Or were they quasi-sacrificial victims under your exploitative system?
This is the darkest, most common routine in China’s accident management:
One hand hands over a blood-stained check, while the other hand feeds the media statements like “under investigation” and “being handled legally.”
In the end, a sanitized press release is published declaring “the issue resolved”—while the bereaved families must spend the rest of their lives in silence and humiliation.
Compensation is not justice.
Compensation is not truth.
Compensation is not remorse.
It is merely a way for China’s bureaucratic system to evade responsibility—a black-market tool to bury public accountability with money.
IV. University, Enterprise, and Government: A Trinity of Complicity
Don’t blame the steel plate.
It wasn’t just a piece of metal that collapsed—it was the entire system.
Northeastern University sent its students into the mines but failed to enforce even the most basic safety clauses in the internship agreement.
The company conducted only partial maintenance on a hazardous platform.
Regulators only began checking for compliance after the deaths occurred.
And the Ministry of Education, State Council, and Mine Safety Administration have not issued a single statement of mourning—no voice, no apology.
What kind of country is this—where even education and life itself become mere metrics for administrative performance and profit?
Parents send their children to college to learn—not to die in a mine.
Teachers take students on internships to educate them—not to lead them to collective death.
They are the sacrificial victims of exam-based survival, the sediment sinking in this nation’s systemic flotation tank, the offerings to GDP figures and “industry-university partnerships.”
The ones who truly deserve to drown in the slurry are those sitting in offices, signing agreements with no concern for the lives buried beneath their pens.
V. We Demand Accountability—Beyond a Broken Weld
We demand answers:
• Why has “student internship” turned into unprotected labor?
• Who approved these agreements, who organized these visits, and who is covering up the truth?
• Why have Chinese universities become HR outsourcing bases for corporations?
• Does this regime hold even a shred of respect for the lives of its young people?
The six students’ bodies haven’t even been buried, and yet the system has already moved on.
But we cannot move on.
We must remember their names.
We must demand answers from this country:
Can you still protect your best and brightest?
We don’t want a piece of paper called “compensation.”
We want accountability.
We want systemic change.
Otherwise, the next person to fall into that flotation tank could be another Liu—
Or your child.
Or mine.
我为什么如此关注香港
Why I Care So Deeply About Hong Kong
— Written on the Sixth Anniversary of the Yuen Long MTR Attack
作者：吕峰
编辑：赵杰 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：鲁慧文
与大多数同龄人一样，我认识香港，是从黑白电视里的周润发和赵雅芝开始的。后来，录像机和录音机带来了成龙、吴孟达、刘德华、张学友的身影和歌声。那时年幼的我并不明白，理论上大家都是中国人，但他们的生活状态却像是在另一个世界：街道整洁，秩序井然，娱乐多元，言论自由。
在中共的教育体制下，我也曾是一个热血的“爱国少年”，是学校里的共青团积极分子。1997年7月1日零点，全世界瞩目的香港回归仪式，我全程观看了电视直播。那一刻，心中油然而生的是强烈的民族自豪感。像这样重要的历史事件，时政考试必考，所以至今我仍记得那个口号：“一国两制，港人治港；高度自治，一百年不变。”其实，少年时代的我并不真正理解“一国两制”的意义，只知道“我们赢了”。甚至当时听说香港特首是民众投票选出来的，我的第一反应竟是：“董建华竟然不是国家指派的？他要是不听话怎么办？”
随着互联网的兴起，我接触到越来越多的信息，也听到了更多不同的声音。结合自己工作和生活的经历，我开始独立思考，也渐渐理解了民主与自由的真正含义。2014年，香港爆发了震惊世界、要求真普选的“占中”运动。那时，我已有家庭，有了孩子。闲暇时，我常与朋友们谈论：“中国共产党对待香港的态度，就是它对世界的态度。”
果不其然，这次抗议最终以强制清场告终。2019年，当香港各界反对修订《逃犯条例》时，中国共产党竟然直接安排一群白衣人手持棍棒，追打乘客和记者，血染地板。这不是电影，而是现实中的恐怖场景。更令人心寒的是，施暴者还被称作“爱国人士”，而警方姗姗来迟，甚至与暴徒握手致意。
那一刻，我明白了：一国两制已死。中共对香港的承诺，中共对世界的承诺，又一次被撕得粉碎。
我为什么如此关注香港？
因为它曾承载我的童年幻想，是我对文明世界的最初认知；
因为它曾是中国人骄傲的象征，是我们曾经许下的诺言；
因为今天，那些诺言在棍棒和血腥中破碎，而勇敢的人仍在坚持。
纪念“7.21”，不是为了仇恨，而是为了记住耻辱，记住那些无辜被打、被捕的人，记住自由消逝的声音。法治不是口号，自由不是施舍。没有法治、没有自由的地方，再繁华的高楼，也不过是钢筋牢笼。
自由就如同麻雀。麻雀没有美丽的羽毛，也没有婉转的歌喉；自由不需要华丽的辞藻，更不需要漂亮的口号。但若想把它们关起来，它们都会以死抗争。
六年过去了，香港变了，但我们的追求没有变。
终有一天，当人们再谈起香港，不只是叹息和遗憾，而是怀抱希望与尊严。
Why I Care So Deeply About Hong Kong
— Written on the Sixth Anniversary of the Yuen Long MTR Attack
By Lü Feng
Editor: Zhao Jie | Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei | Translated by: Huiwen Lu
Like most of my peers, my first impression of Hong Kong came from the black-and-white television—through Chow Yun-fat and Angie Chiu. Later, it was VHS tapes and cassette players that brought the faces and voices of Jackie Chan, Ng Man-tat, Andy Lau, and Jacky Cheung into my world. As a child, I didn’t understand why, in theory, we were all “Chinese people,” yet their lives seemed to belong to a completely different universe: clean streets, social order, diverse entertainment, and freedom of speech.
Raised under the Chinese Communist Party’s education system, I too was once a passionate “patriotic youth,” an active member of the Communist Youth League at school. On July 1, 1997, at midnight—the moment the world witnessed the handover of Hong Kong—I watched the live broadcast with full attention. A strong sense of national pride rose within me. It was a momentous event sure to appear on political exams, so I still remember the official slogan: “One country, two systems; Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong; high degree of autonomy, unchanged for 100 years.”
Back then, I didn’t truly understand what “one country, two systems” meant. All I knew was: we won. I even recall my reaction when I first heard that the Chief Executive of Hong Kong was elected by popular vote: “You mean Tung Chee-hwa wasn’t appointed by the central government? What if he disobeys?”
With the rise of the internet, I was exposed to more information and a wider range of voices. Combined with my own life and work experience, I began to think independently and gradually came to understand the true meaning of democracy and freedom.
In 2014, Hong Kong erupted in the Umbrella Movement—a massive protest demanding genuine universal suffrage that shocked the world. By then, I had a family and children. In my spare time, I would often discuss with friends: “The way the Chinese Communist Party treats Hong Kong is the way it treats the world.”
As expected, the protest ended in a forced clearance. Then in 2019, when people from all walks of life in Hong Kong opposed the amendment to the Extradition Bill, the CCP went so far as to organize gangs of white-clad men wielding sticks to chase down passengers and journalists in the subway, leaving blood on the floor. This was not a movie. It was a real-life horror scene. What was even more chilling was that the perpetrators were labeled “patriots,” while the police arrived late and were even seen shaking hands with the attackers.
In that moment, I realized: “One country, two systems” was dead.
The CCP’s promise to Hong Kong—its promise to the world—had once again been torn to shreds.
Why do I care so deeply about Hong Kong?
Because it once carried the dreams of my childhood—it was my first glimpse into a civilized world.
Because it once stood as a symbol of pride for all Chinese—it embodied promises we once made.
Because today, those promises have been shattered in blood and batons, and yet brave souls still resist.
To commemorate “7.21” is not to breed hatred, but to remember the humiliation, to remember those who were beaten and arrested, to remember the voice of freedom fading away.
Rule of law is not a slogan. Freedom is not a gift.
Without the rule of law or freedom, even the most dazzling skyscrapers are nothing but concrete cages.
Freedom is like a sparrow. Sparrows may not have beautiful feathers, nor enchanting songs. Freedom needs no elegant prose, no flowery slogans. But if you try to cage them, they will resist until death.
Six years have passed. Hong Kong has changed. But our pursuit has not.
One day, when people speak of Hong Kong again, it will no longer be with sighs and sorrow, but with hope—and dignity.
7月27日 旧金山中国领事馆缅怀太石村人民的勇气，致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲
July 27 | In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
In Memory of the Courage of the People of Taishi Village, In Tribute to the Sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong
二十年前，在广东番禺，一群普通的村民站了出来，勇敢地行使宪法赋予他们的民主权利，试图通过合法程序罢免贪腐的村干部。他们的村庄，太石村，从此载入历史，成为中国基层民主运动的一座丰碑。
太石村罢免事件，是中国基层民主探索中具有里程碑意义的事件。它不仅揭示了中共政权对民主的深层恐惧与顽固抵制，也向世人展示了公民觉醒的力量。太石村村民的抗争，以及众多维权人士的声援，点燃了中国民主运动的一簇火种，照亮了后来者前行的方向。。著名维权人士郭飞雄因参与支持此事件，先后被判重刑19年：2006至2011年被判刑五年，2015年11月27日被判刑6年：2022年1月被以涉嫌“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”第三次入狱，2023年5月8日被判入狱八年。郭在入狱后健康急速恶化，出现口腔大出血、行走不稳等症状，2016年4月传出性命危急，但监狱方还拒绝提供及时救治，。2022年1月10日清晨，其妻张青病故。多年来他与太石村村民共同谱写的一页抗争历史，至今仍激励着无数追求自由、公义与民主的中国人，是中国追求民主道路上的不朽篇章。
在事件二十周年之际，中国民主党、中国民主基金会谨此发起纪念活动，缅怀太石村人民的勇气，致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲，并呼吁社会各界，继续奋斗，为实现一个真正自由、民主、法治的新中国而努力.
活动将于7月27日下午2点 在旧金山中国领事馆门口举行
召集人：王军涛/赵长青
组织人：张小驹/郝剑平/郑云/张俊杰
现场负责：罗凤文/耿陆弢/缪青/吴京/罗凤文/黄晓敏
现场事务：关永杰/邢贵/庄帆/刘静涛/杨宇新
July 27 | In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
In Memory of the Courage of the People of Taishi Village, In Tribute to the Sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong
Twenty years ago, in Panyu, Guangdong, a group of ordinary villagers stood up and bravely exercised their democratic rights granted by the Constitution, attempting to remove corrupt village officials through legal procedures. Their village, Taishi Village, was thus written into history and became a monument in China’s grassroots democratic movement.
The Taishi Village Recall Incident is a milestone event in China’s exploration of grassroots democracy. It not only revealed the deep-rooted fear and stubborn resistance of the Chinese Communist regime toward democracy, but also demonstrated to the world the power of civic awakening. The resistance of the villagers in Taishi, along with the support of many rights defenders, ignited a spark in China’s democratic movement and illuminated the path for those who followed.
Renowned rights activist Guo Feixiong was sentenced to a total of 19 years for his involvement in and support of this incident:
• From 2006 to 2011, he was sentenced to five years;
• On November 27, 2015, he was sentenced to six years;
• In January 2022, he was imprisoned for the third time, charged with “inciting subversion of state power,” and on May 8, 2023, he was sentenced to eight years.
After being imprisoned, Guo’s health rapidly deteriorated, with symptoms including severe oral bleeding and unstable walking. In April 2016, reports emerged that his life was in critical danger, yet the prison authorities still refused to provide timely medical treatment. On the morning of January 10, 2022, his wife Zhang Qing passed away.
For many years, the chapter of resistance that he co-wrote with the villagers of Taishi continues to inspire countless Chinese people who yearn for freedom, justice, and democracy. It is an immortal chapter in China’s pursuit of democracy.
On the 20th anniversary of the incident, the China Democracy Party and the China Democracy Foundation hereby initiate a commemorative event to honor the courage of the people of Taishi Village, to pay tribute to the sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong, and to call on all sectors of society to continue the struggle—toward the realization of a truly free, democratic, and law-based new China.
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The event will be held on July 27 at 2:00 PM
In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
Address: 1450 Laguna St, San Francisco, CA 94115
Conveners: Wang Juntao / Zhao Changqing
Organizers: Zhang Xiaoju / Hao Jianping / Zheng Yun / Zhang Junjie
On-site Coordinators: Luo Fengwen / Geng Lutao / Miao Qing / Wu Jing / Luo Fengwen / Huang Xiaomin
Logistics: Guan Yongjie / Xing Gui / Zhuang Fan / Liu Jingtao / Yang Yuxin
中国民主党第748期茉莉花行动：声援方艺融
China Democracy Party – 748th Jasmine Action
方艺融被捕一周年：良知仍在坐牢！
今天，是中国公民方艺融在湖南新化高举横幅、抗议中共专制政权整整一周年的日子。
他不是恐怖分子，不是暴力分子，他只是一个20岁出头的青年，用最和平的方式——挂出横幅、喊出真话——表达人民对民主、自由、公正的渴望。
他喊出：“不要特权，要平等！不要封控，要自由！不要独裁，要选票！”
然而这样的声音，换来的却是秘密拘押、强力打压、至今失联。
我们不能沉默。
我们必须让世界知道：还有人记得方艺融，还有人愿意站出来，为他说话，为良知发声！
我们呼吁：
• 立即释放方艺融；
• 必须捍卫每一个中国人的发声权、行动权与生存尊严；
• 拒绝封口，拒绝恐吓，拒绝沉默！
让我们一起，汇聚力量，发出声音，守住希望！
让“做公民，不做奴才”的声音，穿越高墙，抵达每一处良知尚存的心灵！
自由中国，从不被遗忘的他们开始！
活动时间：7月26日（周六）16:00时
活动地点：中共驻洛杉矶领事馆门前
500 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
活动主持人：
青年部副部长：林养正、《在野党》杂志编辑：程铭
活动负责人：
行动部副部长：倪世成
策划：林养正、张东灏
义工：杨皓、杨长兵、马群
摄影/摄像：陀先润
China Democracy Party – 748th Jasmine Action
In Solidarity with Fang Yirong: Conscience Still ImprisonedOne Year Since Fang Yirong Was DetainedToday marks exactly one year since Chinese citizen Fang Yirong held a banner in public protest in Xinhua, Hunan, speaking out peacefully against the Chinese Communist regime.
He is not a terrorist, not a violent agitator. He is a young man in his early 20s, who used the most peaceful way—holding a banner and speaking truth—to voice the people’s yearning for democracy, freedom, and justice.
He shouted:“No privilege, we want equality!”
“No lockdowns, we want freedom!”
“No dictatorship, we want votes!”
In response, he was secretly detained, forcibly silenced—and remains disappeared to this day.
We cannot remain silent.
We must let the world know:
Fang Yirong is not forgotten.
There are people who remember him,
who speak out for him,
who speak out for conscience!
We demand:- The immediate release of Fang Yirong!
– The protection of every Chinese citizen’s right to speak, act, and live with dignity!
– No more silence. No more fear. No more suppression!
Let us come together,
gather our voices, protect our hope!
Let the call to “Be citizens, not slaves” cross every wall and reach every conscience!
A free China begins with those we refuse to forget.
Date & Time:Saturday, July 26, 2025 – 4:00 PM
Location:In front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles
500 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
Hosts:Lin Yangzheng (Deputy Director, Youth Department)
Cheng Ming (Editor, The Opposition Party Magazine)
Organizer:Ni Shicheng (Deputy Director, Action Department)
Planning Team:Lin Yangzheng, Zhang Donghao
Volunteers:Yang Hao, Yang Changbing, Ma Qun (Translation)
Photo/Video:Tuo Xianrun
重建之路：告别中共幻象，走向自由中国
The Road to Reconstruction: Farewell to the Illusion of the CCP, Toward a Free China
文/陆乾坤 编辑：冯仍 责任编辑：罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译：鲁慧文
2025年7月，美国哈德逊研究所发布了一份不同寻常的战略报告：《中共之后的中国——为后极权时代做准备》。主笔余茂春教授与其团队，并没有将目光局限于当前中共政权的危机表现，而是超前一步，思考中国如何从极权体制中走出，并完成民主重建。它并非危言耸听的政治预言，而是一份基于历史经验与现实危机的 “民主转型剧本” 。
它提出一个核心判断：中共政权的垮台不是“是否”，而是“何时”。更关键的是，崩塌不会以可控的、渐进的方式展开，而可能如苏联解体、柏林墙倒塌那样，突然发生、一夜之间。
一、中共不是国家本身
报告首先明确区分了“中共政权”与“中国国家”的本质区别。在过去的几十年里，中共将“党”与“国家”捆绑为一体，使无数国人误以为批评中共就是“反国家”，反独裁就是“乱中国”。
但现实是：中共的统治早已成为中国发展与社会进步的最大障碍。经济结构失衡、房地产泡沫破裂、青年失业率高企、地方财政入不敷出；同时，言论禁锢、司法操控、宗教打压、人心离散，空有体量却丧失动力的机器 ，仅靠维稳与洗脑维持表面秩序。
这正是报告所揭示的“虚假强大”：一个表面团结的政权，在内在已然分裂瓦解；一个庞大的社会，却长期由“未成年政治人格”（缺乏制衡、情绪化决策）操控的中央权力所主导，形成所谓“大社会、小朋友政府”的病态结构。
二、崩塌之后的第一个清晨
报告中提出，美国并不准备以“胜利者姿态”干预中国，而是制定了三阶段的“低可见度参与”方案。首先，是派遣情报人员与特种部队在政权真空出现的第一时间进入关键地区，如北京、上海、广州、成都等，确保战略通信畅通、核设施安全、边境口岸有序。
但这些小规模军事与外交行动，不是为了接管中国，而是为了在混乱初期防止恐慌蔓延，保护民众安全，并寻找地方可信力量建立过渡政权。
报告特别强调“分区接触策略”：即在中国各地自然形成地方自治政权后，不急于重建中央政府，而是容许地方多样化治理，逐步建立从下而上的联邦机制。
这意味着未来中国的转型，并非一蹴而就的“换朝代”，而是一场复杂的国家重构工程。这也是报告强调的：美国在其中的角色，更像“助产士”而非“接管者”。
三、五项民主重建核心工程
为了避免出现“后中共混乱”，报告为中国民主化制定了五项战略工程：
1. 言论与媒体自由的建立
终结新华社、央视与各级宣传部门对信息的控制，设立临时独立媒体平台“Voice of China（中国之声）”，在过渡期提供多元、透明的新闻来源，为全国各地自治力量提供信息互联支持。
2. 民间社会的复兴
取消对非政府组织、宗教团体、地方社群组织的打压，赋予其合法注册地位。报告认为，民间组织网络是社会稳定与恢复治理能力的根基，应鼓励社会自组织能力在地方生长。
3. 教育与司法改革
废除政治洗脑式教材，恢复历史事实教育、世界公民教育与独立思考能力。司法体系则彻底脱离党领导，建立现代法治系统，推进陪审团制度、法官遴选制度、宪法法院建设。
4. 宗教与文化自由
报告特别指出，宗教信仰是抗击极权、重建精神信任的天然力量，也是中共统治下首当其冲的打压对象之一。必须归还被没收的宗教场所，让被流放的宗教领袖回归，全面取消宗教审批制度，保障信仰自由。
5. 宪政民主与制宪大会
通过“全国制宪大会”制定新宪法。宪法需包含多党竞争、新闻自由、司法独立、人权保障等条款，草拟新宪法的过程，必须全民参与，不得由任何“强人”闭门操刀。
四、台湾：镜子、伙伴与共同未来
报告的视野不仅限于大陆内部，也将台湾纳入“后中共中国”的重建蓝图之中，但其定位并非传统的“统一对象”，而是“民主的伙伴”与“制度的镜子”。
台湾的历史经验，尤其是从蒋氏专政到民主宪政的和平转型，已成为华人社会中唯一成功的民主范例。报告建议，未来民主中国应以平等、合作、互尊的方式与台湾展开对话。
台湾可以派出经验丰富的法治专家、公民社会组织者、地方治理顾问，协助大陆在重建早期建立地方自治机制与转型正义框架。
更重要的是，报告主张在新宪法制定时，应讨论与台湾之间的“邦联”关系可能性，或至少承认台湾的政治自主性，而非再次滑入民族主义的“统一”幻象。
最令人振奋的一幕将是：在北京的制宪会场上，台湾代表与大陆各地民选代表并肩而坐，共同决定新中国的制度基石——这不是“收复”与“被收复”，而是文明的共建、命运的同行。
五、中国民主党的角色与历史使命
在这一场未来重建的伟大工程中，中国民主党责无旁贷。
作为中国最早公开主张结束一党专政、实行宪政民主的反对党组织，中国民主党早已预见到中共政权的末路。我们在海内外广泛布局，聚集了大量拥有专业知识、政治理想、行动经验的成员，为中国的制度重构提供智力与人力支撑。
我们清楚，这场转型无法依赖“外力接管”，也不能寄望于“宫廷政变”，必须依靠中国人民的觉醒。也只有组织起来的觉醒，才能构成历史的推力。
因此，民主党当前的工作重点是：
1、建立面向全国的“宪政预备平台”，汇聚各地民主人士与地方社团，共同参与未来制宪大会准备；
2、筹建“自由中国智库”，为过渡期的司法、教育、治理、媒体等系统提供政策蓝图；
3、组建“地方联络协调机制”，一旦中共崩塌，能第一时间与各地自然形成的地方自治力量对接；
4、推动“历史正义与社会宽和”进程，呼吁设立“真相与和解委员会”，让中共时代的压迫不被遗忘，但避免复仇与内战重演。
我们的愿景，是建设一个不再被党控制的中国，一个真正属于人民的共和国。
我们的底线，是非暴力、非报复、非复辟。
我们的目标，是在中国土地上，建立自由、民主、人权、法治与联邦自治并存的现代文明国家。
六、我们准备好了吗？
报告虽然详尽，但它也提出一个无声的疑问：
我们中国人，准备好承担自由的责任了吗？
准备好在没有中央命令的情况下，自己组织、协商、共治吗？
准备好接受多元舆论、包容异见，而不是再寻求一个“新领袖”替我们做决定？
准备好承认台湾存在的现实，并把统一口号转化为协作愿景？
如果答案尚未明确，那就意味着我们要现在开始准备。我们在海外的民主运动，不应只是宣传与揭露，更要成为制度模拟与人才培育的预演场。
我们要建构民间议会、法律实验室、媒体平台、公民教育课程，提前演练自由治理，为未来储备制度与人才。
七、结语：历史的黄河，终将入海
《中共之后的中国》报告最后引用《河殇》的意象：黄河终将入海，黄土与蓝波交汇，沉积新生土地。
我们终将告别那条闭塞、内向、以苦难为荣的黄河，奔向象征自由、包容、向外延展的蔚蓝海洋过去两个世纪，中国曾试图迈入现代世界，却在中共的极权魔咒中走入歧途。但历史不会永远冻结，极权会崩溃，自由会回归。中共不是中国，独裁不是命运。
我们，成为唤醒自由中国第一道曙光的先行者。
愿中国民主党，成为那条引导黄河入海的桥梁与灯塔。
原文引用：China after Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China https://www.hudson.org/politics-government/china-after-communism-preparing-post-ccp-china-miles-yu
2025年7月
The Road to Reconstruction: Farewell to the Illusion of the CCP, Toward a Free China
By Lu Qiankun | Edited by Feng Reng | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen | Translated by Lu Huiwen
In July 2025, the Hudson Institute in the United States released a groundbreaking strategic report titled “China After Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China.” Authored by Professor Miles Yu and his team, the report does not merely focus on the ongoing crises under the current Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime but takes a step ahead to consider how China can emerge from authoritarian rule and achieve democratic reconstruction. This is not a sensational political prediction, but a “blueprint for democratic transition” grounded in historical lessons and present realities.
At the heart of the report lies a core judgment: the collapse of the CCP regime is not a matter of “if,” but “when.” More importantly, it asserts that the collapse is unlikely to be controlled or gradual, but may occur suddenly and unexpectedly—like the fall of the Berlin Wall or the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
I. The CCP Is Not the Chinese Nation
The report first draws a clear distinction between the CCP regime and the Chinese nation. For decades, the Party has deliberately fused “Party” and “state,” leading many Chinese citizens to mistakenly equate criticism of the CCP with being “anti-China,” or to believe that opposing dictatorship means destabilizing the country.
In truth, the CCP has long become the greatest obstacle to China’s development and social progress. Economic imbalance, the collapse of the real estate bubble, soaring youth unemployment, and widespread local government debt plague the system. Simultaneously, there is censorship of speech, manipulation of justice, religious repression, and growing public disillusionment. What remains is a giant but stagnant machine sustained only by propaganda and surveillance.
The report refers to this as “illusory strength”: a seemingly unified regime that is internally fragmented; a vast society governed by an emotionally reactive and unbalanced central power structure—a “big society ruled by a childish government.”
II. The First Morning After Collapse
The report outlines that the United States does not intend to intervene as a “victor” in post-CCP China but instead proposes a three-phase “low-visibility involvement” strategy. First, intelligence and special forces would be dispatched at the earliest moment of regime collapse to key areas—Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu—to ensure strategic communications, protect nuclear facilities, and maintain border order.
These limited military and diplomatic operations are not to take control, but to prevent mass panic, safeguard civilians, and identify local trustworthy forces to form a transitional authority.
A key concept introduced is the “zonal engagement strategy”: after the natural emergence of localized autonomous governments across China, the focus would not be on rapidly restoring a central regime, but rather on encouraging regional diversity and bottom-up formation of a federal structure.
Thus, China’s transition would not be a mere “dynastic change” but a complex national reconstruction project. The report stresses that America’s role should be that of a midwife, not a caretaker.
III. Five Pillars of Democratic Reconstruction
To avoid post-collapse chaos, the report lays out five strategic projects for China’s democratic rebuilding:
1. Freedom of Speech and Independent Media
Dismantle control by Xinhua News Agency, CCTV, and propaganda departments. Establish an interim, independent media platform—“Voice of China”—to offer transparent, pluralistic news sources during the transitional period and link autonomous regions.
2. Revival of Civil Society
End repression of NGOs, religious groups, and community organizations. Grant legal status to these entities. The report views grassroots networks as the foundation of stable governance and advocates for the growth of local self-organization.
3. Educational and Judicial Reform
Can we tolerate diverse voices and accept dissent, instead of relying on another “strongman” to decide for us?
Can we recognize the political reality of Taiwan and transform calls for unification into visions of cooperation?
If not, then we must begin preparing now.
The overseas democracy movement must move beyond denunciation and exposure and become a rehearsal ground for future governance.
We must build people’s assemblies, legal laboratories, media platforms, and civic education programs—to simulate freedom, train talent, and store up institutional resources for tomorrow.
VII. Conclusion: The Yellow River Will Reach the Sea
The report ends by quoting imagery from River Elegy (He Shang): “The Yellow River will eventually reach the sea.” Yellow silt and blue waves shall converge to form new land.
We shall finally say goodbye to that closed, inward, suffering-glorifying Yellow River—and rush toward the vast ocean that symbolizes freedom, openness, and the outward gaze.
Over the past two centuries, China has tried many times to join the modern world, only to be diverted into authoritarian darkness under the CCP. But history cannot be frozen forever. Tyranny will collapse. Freedom will return. The CCP is not China. Dictatorship is not destiny.
Let us become the first rays of dawn that awaken a free China.
May the China Democracy Party be the bridge and beacon that guides the Yellow River to the sea.
Original Source:
China After Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China
Hudson Institute, July 2025
https://www.hudson.org/politics-government/china-after-communism-preparing-post-ccp-china-miles-yu
