作者：张孔松
编辑：李聪玲 校对：程筱筱 翻译：戈冰
今天，是一个值得世界铭记的日子。284年前的今天，《巴黎和约》正式签署，美国独立战争取得最终胜利。这不仅标志着十三个殖民地摆脱帝国统治，更是人类历史上第一次清晰地向世界宣告：人民有权反抗暴政，人民有权决定自己的命运。美国的独立，并非来自皇帝的仁慈，而是来自人民的勇气、牺牲与坚持。《巴黎和约》证明了一件事——当人民站起来，历史就会为他们让路。两百多年过去了，中国却仍然深陷皇权式专制体制之中，令人无限唏嘘。正因如此，我们中国民主党人必须凝聚力量，以推翻中共暴政为使命，让中国早日成为一个民主、宪政、自由的国家。
2025年，是我人生中最痛苦、也是最清醒的一年。12月15日，我的母亲去世了。在她生命最后的两个月里，我们彼此承受了巨大的痛苦，每一天都在煎熬中渡过，而我却被迫滞留海外，不敢回国陪伴，无法送终，只能靠视频电话问候。这是我一生中最大的遗憾。这是我个人的悲剧，但我很清楚，它并非个案，而是中国现实政治长期制造的人道灾难之一。
母亲临终前两天，当她听到电话那头是我的声音时，已经说不出话，却仍然拼命做手势想要抢电话。那一刻我明白，她想问的不是：我快不行了，你为什么还不回来见我最后一面？而是为什么一出国，就再也不敢回来了？”我无法回答，因为我比任何时候都清楚——我不是不想回国，而是不敢回国。
个人的不幸，往往并非偶然，而是制度性灾难的直接后果。这种灾难的破坏力远比天灾人祸更可怕，天灾只发生在局部，而暴政无处不在，无时无刻不在盯着每一个普通人。我成长于计划生育的极权年代，本身就是受害者之一，所幸侥幸逃脱。我的姐姐十二岁时被拐卖，明明知道犯罪嫌疑人是谁，却无法将其绳之以法，因为对方背后有共产党的官员保护，这正是法治缺失的真实写照。我的堂哥离奇失踪十几年，至今生死不明，而这也绝非孤例。每年中国失踪人口高达几十万，中共拥有全球最庞大的监控系统，却连一个失踪人口都找不到，因为这套系统从来不是用来服务人民的，而是用来监控、压制和控制人民的。
在生活中，我无意间接触到外网信息，再结合自身经历，整个人突然清醒过来。我开始发表反对中共的政治言论，随之而来的，是警察的威胁与殴打、社交账号被封禁，以及现实生活中的全面排斥。许多朋友将我拉黑，留下来的也不敢与我有任何公开互动，甚至不敢在朋友圈点一个赞。我感到前所未有的孤独。但让我感到欣慰的是，在我微信被封、无法发声的那段时间，仍有人私信关心，仍有人认同我的观点。哪怕只能启发一个人清醒，我也觉得自己的付出没有白费。
这些经历并非“个案”，而是高度集权体制对普通人进行系统性碾压的结果。2025年，中国发生了大量触目惊心的事件：香港鸿福苑大火后，当局拒绝追责、压制舆论，对死者家属的维权进行控制与威胁；四川江油“千人反霸”事件中，基层权力与黑恶势力长期勾连，普通民众被逼到极限，最终爆发大规模抗争；陕西蒲城学生坠亡事件疑点重重，当局试图强行定性为“自杀”，却引发上万民众上街抗议，并遭到强力镇压；河南许昌第六中学，上千名学生与家长集体抗议压迫性教育制度，现场冲突激烈；云贵高原农民反对强制火葬运动，地方政府以“文明殡葬”为名，强行剥夺少数民族与农村地区的基本人伦权利；云南昆明街头摊贩与城管的持续冲突，底层生计被系统性摧毁，执法暴力常态化；甘肃天水幼儿园投毒案中，家长依法维权，却被视为“维稳对象”，信息遭到封锁。
这些事件有一个共同点：人民不是违法者，而是被逼到绝境的受害者。而中共政权的回应，永远只有两种方式——封锁和镇压。所有的结论最终都指向同一个事实：问题不在具体事件，而在政权本身。
正是这些血淋淋的现实，让我彻底放弃幻想。我不再相信所谓的“体制内改良”，不再相信“渐进改革”，也不再相信“忍一忍就会好”。我得出的结论只有一个：只要中共政权不结束，中国人民的苦难就不会结束。委内瑞拉、伊朗等国家的反抗实践已经清楚证明，当人民不再恐惧，专制政权并没有它宣称的那么强大。所谓“高科技维稳”“天网系统”“绝对控制”，在真实的社会崩塌面前，都是纸糊的神话。
正是基于这种判断，我加入了中国民主党，旗帜鲜明地反对中国共产党。推翻中国共产党，是我一生的使命，生命不熄，抗议不止。因此，我无法回国，这不是假设，而是必然。在当前的中国政治环境下，参与海外民主组织活动的人，一旦回国，等待的只会是坐牢、被失踪，甚至肉体上的毁灭。
我选择战斗，而不是沉默。母亲的去世让我付出了巨大的情感代价，但正因为如此，我更加清楚自己为何而战。为了不再有中国人像我一样流浪海外、无法回家，为了让每一个人都能拥有一个安定的家，想去哪里就去哪里，为了让人民真正实现民主与自由，我们必须更加努力，凝聚力量，早日推翻中共暴政。
人生最大的幸福是什么？最大的幸福，就是生长在一个正常的国家。
New Year Reflections: Thoughts on History and Reality
Abstract: Drawing on personal experiences and multiple mass incidents in Chinese society, the author identifies their common root cause as the systematic oppression of the people under the CCP’s highly centralized rule. Consequently, the author completely abandons illusions of reform from within the system, resolutely opposes CCP tyranny, and calls for an end to suffering through democracy and freedom.
Author: Zhang Kongsong
Editor: Li Congling Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing
Today is a day the world should remember. 284 years ago today, the Treaty of Paris was formally signed, marking the final victory of the American Revolutionary War. This event not only signaled the thirteen colonies’ liberation from imperial rule but also constituted the first clear declaration in human history: the people have the right to resist tyranny and determine their own destiny. American independence did not stem from an emperor’s benevolence, but from the courage, sacrifice, and perseverance of its people. The Treaty of Paris proved one thing: when the people rise up, history makes way for them. Yet over two centuries later, China remains mired in an imperial-style autocratic system, a state of affairs that inspires profound regret. Precisely for this reason, we members of the China Democracy Party must unite our strength, taking as our mission the overthrow of the CCP’s tyranny, so that China may soon become a democratic, constitutional, and free nation.
The year 2025 was the most painful yet most sobering year of my life. On December 15th, my mother passed away. During her final two months, we endured immense suffering together, each day a torment. Yet I was forced to remain overseas, too afraid to return home to be by her side, unable to be present at her passing. All I could do was offer comfort through video calls. This remains my deepest regret. While a personal tragedy, I know it is not an isolated case but one of the humanitarian disasters perpetuated by China’s political reality.
Two days before her passing, when she recognized my voice on the phone, she could no longer speak. Yet she desperately gestured, trying to grab the receiver. In that moment, I understood: her question wasn’t, “I’m dying—why haven’t you come back to see me one last time?” But why, once I left the country, did I never dare return?” I couldn’t answer, for I knew better than ever—it wasn’t that I didn’t want to return, but that I dared not.
Personal misfortune is rarely accidental; it is often the direct consequence of systemic catastrophe. The destructive power of such disasters far surpasses that of natural or man-made calamities. Natural disasters strike only locally, while tyranny is omnipresent, constantly watching every ordinary person. I grew up during the totalitarian era of the One-Child Policy, a victim myself who somehow managed to escape. My sister was abducted at twelve. Though we knew who the perpetrator was, we couldn’t bring him to justice because he was shielded by Communist Party officials—a stark illustration of the absence of rule of law. My cousin vanished under mysterious circumstances over a decade ago, his fate still unknown—and this is far from an isolated case. Hundreds of thousands go missing in China annually. Despite operating the world’s largest surveillance network, the CCP cannot locate a single missing person because this system was never designed to serve the people. Its purpose is to monitor, suppress, and control them.
In daily life, I accidentally accessed information from the outside world. Combining this with my personal experiences, I suddenly woke up. I began voicing political opinions opposing the CCP. What followed were threats and beatings from the police, the suspension of my social media accounts, and complete rejection in real life. Many friends blocked me. Those who stayed dared not interact with me publicly, not even daring to like a post in my Moments. I felt an unprecedented loneliness. Yet what brought me solace was that even during the period when my WeChat was blocked and I could not speak out, people still messaged me privately to show concern, and others still agreed with my views. Even if I could only awaken one person to the truth, I would feel my efforts were not in vain.
These experiences are not isolated incidents but the result of a highly centralized system systematically crushing ordinary people. In 2025, China witnessed a series of shocking events: Following the Hong Fuk Court fire in Hong Kong, authorities refused accountability, suppressed public discourse, and controlled and threatened the bereaved families seeking justice; In the “Thousand-Person Anti-Bullying” incident in Jiangyou, Sichuan, long-standing collusion between local authorities and criminal gangs pushed ordinary citizens to their limits, culminating in large-scale protests; The death of a student in Pucheng, Shaanxi, was shrouded in suspicion. Authorities attempted to forcefully label it a “suicide,” sparking protests by tens of thousands of citizens who were met with violent suppression; At Xuchang No. 6 Middle School in Henan, thousands of students and parents staged collective protests against oppressive educational policies, leading to intense on-site clashes; Farmers on the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau resisted forced cremation campaigns, as local governments, under the guise of “civilized funerals,” forcibly stripped ethnic minorities and rural communities of fundamental human rights; Ongoing conflicts between street vendors and urban management officers in Kunming, Yunnan, reflect the systematic destruction of livelihoods for the underprivileged and the normalization of enforcement violence; In the Tianshui kindergarten poisoning case, parents seeking legal redress were labeled “stability maintenance targets,” with information about the incident blocked.
These incidents share a common thread: the people are not lawbreakers, but victims driven to desperation. The CCP regime’s response invariably takes one of two forms—blockade or suppression. All conclusions ultimately point to the same truth: the problem lies not in specific incidents, but in the regime itself.
It is precisely these bloody realities that have made me abandon all illusions. I no longer believe in so-called “reform from within the system,” nor in “gradual reform,” nor in the notion that “things will get better if we just endure.” My conclusion is singular: as long as the CCP regime persists, the suffering of the Chinese people will endure. Resistance movements in nations like Venezuela and Iran have unequivocally demonstrated that when people overcome fear, authoritarian regimes prove far less formidable than they claim. So-called “high-tech social stability maintenance,” “SkyNet surveillance systems,” and “absolute control” crumble like paper castles before genuine societal collapse.
It is precisely based on this assessment that I joined the China Democracy Party, taking a clear stand against the Chinese Communist Party. Overthrowing the Chinese Communist Party is my lifelong mission; as long as I live, my protest will continue. Therefore, I cannot return to China—this is not a hypothetical possibility, but an inevitability. In China’s current political climate, anyone involved in overseas democratic organizations who returns home can only expect imprisonment, enforced disappearance, or even physical destruction.
I choose to fight, not to remain silent. My mother’s passing exacted a tremendous emotional toll, yet it has sharpened my purpose. I fight so that no Chinese person need wander abroad like me, unable to return home. I fight so every person may have a secure home and travel freely. I fight so the people may truly attain democracy and freedom. We must redouble our efforts, unite our strength, and overthrow the CCP’s tyranny without delay.
What is life’s greatest happiness? The greatest happiness is to grow up in a normal country.
