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信仰不是恩赐,而是权利

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Faith Is Not a Gift, but a Right — Tibetan Buddhism and Freedom of Religion

作者:陈婷
编辑:程伟 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:鲁慧文

如果一个人连祈祷的自由都失去了,那么他的生命中,还能剩下多少真正属于自己的部分?这不仅是一个令人心痛的追问,也是我们不得不正视的现实。在今天这个全球化与人权意识不断扩展的时代,仍有不少人因为信仰的选择而被怀疑、被限制,甚至被剥夺表达的权利。对于藏传佛教的信徒来说,这不是遥远的哲学讨论,而是切切实实的日常经历。

纵观人类文明的历史,宗教与信仰不仅是心灵的寄托,更是文化与智慧的重要源泉。不同地域的信仰传统,如同涓涓清流,汇聚成我们共同的文化海洋。当我们谈到宗教信仰自由时,谈的不是某个群体的特殊诉求,而是每个人与生俱来的基本权利。《世界人权宣言》第十八条明确指出:人人有思想、良心与宗教信仰自由。这种自由不仅包括信与不信的权利,还包括实践信仰、开展宗教活动、传承宗教文化的权利。这是天赋人权,而非任何政府、机构或个人的“恩赐”,更不应该成为被歧视与被迫害的理由。

藏传佛教是一颗璀璨而独特的文化明珠。它不仅是一种信仰,更承载着深邃的哲学思想、独特的艺术形式、古老的语言文字和独有的生活方式。走进西藏的寺院,色彩绚丽的唐卡、经堂中低沉悠远的诵经声、缓缓转动的转经轮……这一切都在诉说着一个民族数百年的精神传承。早课、诵经、朝圣、法会,不只是宗教仪式,更是信徒生活的节奏与文化身份的象征。当这些权利被限制或剥夺时,实际上就是在干预个人的思想自由——因为信仰不仅存在于庙宇之中,更深植于人心深处。

藏传佛教与藏族文化紧密相连,它不仅塑造了宗教生活,也塑造了语言、音乐、舞蹈、建筑、文学和医学。寺院壁画、唐卡绘画、藏文经典、传统节日……这一切都离不开信仰的滋养。文化可以借助艺术和教育延续,但如果失去了信仰的内核,文化就会逐渐变成空壳——被简化成表演和符号,沦为旅游的装饰,而不再是民族灵魂的寄托。

在世界的许多地方,藏传佛教不仅能够自由存在,还为社会发展作出积极贡献。比如在尼泊尔、不丹、蒙古,藏传佛教是国家文化的重要组成部分;在欧美,也有越来越多人通过藏传佛教的禅修寻找内心的平静与智慧。这些事实证明,在没有人为压制的环境下,藏传佛教不仅能健康成长,还能跨越文化界限,给予更多人精神滋养。与之形成鲜明对比的是,在中国,信徒的宗教活动被严格限制——法会需要审批,朝圣需要许可,甚至公开表达信仰都可能带来风险。在这样的环境里,信仰只能在沉默中存活,而沉默的代价,便是文化的慢慢消逝。

或许有人会觉得,宗教问题只是信徒的事,与自己无关。但事实上,宗教信仰自由是社会稳定与文明的基石。当一个社会尊重多元信仰,它的包容力、创造力与凝聚力都会增强。不同思想和文化的交流,不会削弱国家力量,反而能让社会在多样性中找到平衡与活力。相反,如果信仰自由得不到保障,受害的不仅是特定群体,还包括整个社会的公正与信任。历史无数次证明,打压信仰往往伴随着思想收缩与社会分裂,而一旦这种趋势蔓延,任何人都可能成为下一个失去自由的对象。你想成为下一个吗?

信仰的价值,不仅在于提供心灵的安慰,更在于它承载着一个民族的历史、文化与存在感。当一个民族的信仰被束缚,就意味着思想被禁锢,文化被压抑。宗教信仰自由,从来不是少数人的话题,而是全人类共同的权利。它保障了文化的多样性,也是社会文明的重要标志。今天我们为藏传佛教的信仰自由发声,明天这种力量或许就会保护到其他遭受压制的群体。

在全球化和多元化日益加深的今天,守护宗教信仰自由,不仅是对历史的尊重,也是对未来的承诺。无论是普通公众还是信仰群体,都有能力、也有责任在自己的位置上播撒尊重与包容的种子。因为真正自由的社会,不仅容许不同声音存在,还能让它们在交流中共同成长。

Faith Is Not a Gift, but a Right — Tibetan Buddhism and Freedom of Religion

Author: Chen Ting
Editor: Cheng Wei Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Lu Huiwen

If a person has even lost the freedom to pray, how much of his life can still truly belong to himself? This is not only a heart-wrenching question, but also a reality we cannot avoid confronting. In today’s world, where globalization and human rights awareness are steadily expanding, there are still many who, because of their choice of faith, are suspected, restricted, and even deprived of the right to express themselves. For Tibetan Buddhist believers, this is not some distant philosophical discussion, but a lived, daily experience.

Throughout human civilization, religion and faith have been not only a source of spiritual sustenance, but also an important fountainhead of culture and wisdom. Faith traditions in different regions are like trickling streams, merging into the vast ocean of our shared culture. When we speak of freedom of religion, we are not talking about the special demands of one group, but about an inherent and inalienable right of every person. Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights clearly states: Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. This freedom includes not only the right to believe or not to believe, but also the right to practice one’s faith, to conduct religious activities, and to pass down religious culture. It is a natural human right, not a “gift” from any government, institution, or individual, and should never become a reason for discrimination or persecution.

Tibetan Buddhism is a brilliant and unique cultural jewel. It is not only a faith, but also carries profound philosophical thought, distinctive artistic forms, an ancient written language, and a unique way of life. Step into a monastery in Tibet, and the brightly colored thangkas, the deep, resonant chanting in the assembly hall, the slowly turning prayer wheels—all speak of a people’s spiritual heritage spanning centuries. Morning prayers, scripture recitation, pilgrimages, and religious assemblies are not just religious rituals, but the rhythm of believers’ lives and a symbol of their cultural identity. When these rights are restricted or stripped away, it is in fact an interference with personal freedom of thought—because faith exists not only in temples, but is deeply rooted in the human heart.

Tibetan Buddhism is closely intertwined with Tibetan culture, shaping not only religious life, but also language, music, dance, architecture, literature, and medicine. Monastery murals, thangka painting, Tibetan classics, traditional festivals—all of these are nourished by faith. Culture can be preserved through art and education, but if it loses the core of faith, it will gradually become an empty shell—reduced to performance and symbols, a decoration for tourism, no longer a vessel for the soul of a people.

In many places around the world, Tibetan Buddhism not only exists freely, but also contributes positively to social development. In Nepal, Bhutan, and Mongolia, Tibetan Buddhism is an important part of national culture; in Europe and America, more and more people are finding peace and wisdom through its meditation practices. These facts prove that in an environment free from human repression, Tibetan Buddhism can thrive and even transcend cultural boundaries, offering spiritual nourishment to many more people. In stark contrast, in China, the religious activities of believers are strictly restricted—religious assemblies require approval, pilgrimages require permits, and even openly expressing faith may bring risk.

In such an environment, faith can only survive in silence—and the price of silence is the gradual disappearance of culture.

Some may think that religion is only the concern of the faithful, unrelated to themselves. But in reality, freedom of religion is a cornerstone of social stability and civilization. When a society respects diverse beliefs, its inclusiveness, creativity, and cohesion all increase. The exchange of different ideas and cultures does not weaken a nation; rather, it allows society to find balance and vitality in diversity. On the other hand, if freedom of faith is not guaranteed, the victims will not be limited to a particular group, but will include the fairness and trust of the entire society. History has proven time and again that the suppression of faith often goes hand in hand with the shrinking of thought and the fragmentation of society—and once such a trend spreads, anyone could become the next person to lose their freedom. Do you want to be next?

The value of faith lies not only in offering comfort to the soul, but also in carrying the history, culture, and sense of identity of a people. When a people’s faith is bound, it means their thought is shackled and their culture suppressed. Freedom of religion has never been the concern of only a few; it is a right shared by all humanity. It safeguards cultural diversity and is an important marker of a civilized society. Today, we speak out for the religious freedom of Tibetan Buddhism; tomorrow, this same force may protect other groups under oppression.

In an era of deepening globalization and diversity, defending freedom of religion is not only an act of respect for history, but also a commitment to the future. Whether as members of the public or as part of a faith community, we all have the ability and the responsibility to sow seeds of respect and tolerance from where we stand. For in a truly free society, different voices are not only permitted to exist, but are allowed to grow together through dialogue.

对比江油事件和电影(南京照相馆)

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Comparing the Jiangyou Incident and the Film Nanjing Photo Studio — Learn to Recognize the People’s True Enemy!

对比江油事件和电影(南京照相馆)

我是中国民主党员吕峰,今日站在中国大使馆门前,为那位在江油遭受长达数小时残酷霸凌的女孩呐喊。这起惨案的热度,已在中共的封锁与镇压下迅速降温。与此同时,电影《南京照相馆》在全国热映——这再次印证了中共的一贯手法:他们高喊“不能忘记历史”,却竭力掩盖当下的现实;他们在银幕上宣称要“记录真相”,却在现场封锁一切消息;他们用艺术包装仇恨的叙事,却用暴力镇压抗议的人民。

作者:吕峰

编辑:赵杰 责任编辑:鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

Comparing the Jiangyou Incident and the Film Nanjing Photo Studio — Learn to Recognize the People’s True Enemy!

对比江油事件和电影(南京照相馆)

I am Lü Feng, a member of the China Democracy Party, and today I stand in front of the Chinese Embassy to speak out for the young girl in Jiangyou who endured hours of brutal bullying.

The public attention to this tragedy has already been rapidly suppressed under the CCP’s censorship and repression.

Meanwhile, the film Nanjing Photo Studio is being shown nationwide—once again proving the CCP’s habitual tactics:

They loudly proclaim “Never forget history,” yet spare no effort to cover up the reality of the present.

They claim on screen to be “recording the truth,” yet block all information at the scene.

They use art to package a narrative of hatred, yet use violence to crush the people who protest.

Author: Lü Feng

Editor: Zhao Jie Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen

洛杉矶 8月17日 《全球覺醒》第36期 强烈要求中共释放高智晟律師!

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Los Angeles — August 17th

Global Awakening, Issue 36

The Bell of Freedom Rings — Global Awakening — Democratic Alliance — Eliminate Dictatorship — Overthrow Tyranny

洛杉矶 8月17日 《全球覺醒》第36期 强烈要求中共释放高智晟律師!

《全球覺醒》第三十六期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】:中國良心八年生死未卜,强烈要求中共释放高智晟律師!

時間:2025年8月17日(星期日)4:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館 443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:劉廣賢/王尊福

活動規劃:李傑/孫曄

活動主持:呂峰

組織者:

胡月明4806536918/梁振華6268289079

鐘文9094372745/欧阳博文 9095676152

魏少强6266975115

活動義工:王付青/劉樂園/于海龍/王彪/勞紹海

攝影:Ji Luo/陳錦波/陸敏健/王永

主辦單位:

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部/中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會/中國民主人權聯盟

高智晟,1964年4月20日生於陝西省榆林市佳縣,出身貧寒卻自學成才,成為備受尊敬的律師。上世紀90年代末起,他為弱勢群體、宗教信徒、訪民以及遭受酷刑的民眾提供法律援助,三度被評為「中國十大傑出律師」。然而,正因為他不畏強權、揭露中共對人權的踐踏,自2006年起,他多次被非法拘押,秘密判刑與軟禁,並被威脅恐嚇,毆打,腳踹,剝奪睡眠,電擊,竹簽捅生殖器等酷刑折磨,人格和尊嚴被極度羞辱和摧殘。

2014年刑滿出獄後,他仍被嚴密監控、與外界隔絕。2017年8月13日,高智晟在家中再次被帶走,自此失蹤,當局至今拒絕公佈任何下落,亦不允家屬探視。八年間,他的妻子耿和與孩子漂泊海外,日夜煎熬,只盼證明他還活著。

高智晟的遭遇,是中共濫用國家機器、剝奪公民自由的血證!他的勇氣與信念,象徵著中國人爭取公義與尊嚴的意志;他的失蹤,揭露了中共司法黑幕與人權災難的真相!

8月17日這一天,我們不能沉默!我們將前往中共駐洛杉磯總領事館,要求中共立即公開高智晟的下落,保障他的生命安全,釋放一切政治犯,結束一黨專政!

Los Angeles — August 17th

Global Awakening, Issue 36

The Bell of Freedom Rings — Global Awakening — Democratic Alliance — Eliminate Dictatorship — Overthrow Tyranny

洛杉矶 8月17日 《全球覺醒》第36期 强烈要求中共释放高智晟律師!

Theme: Eight Years of Uncertainty for China’s Conscience — Strong Demand for the CCP to Release Lawyer Gao Zhisheng!

Time: Sunday, August 17, 2025 — 4:30 PM

Location: Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in Los Angeles

443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

Event Conveners: Liu Guangxian / Wang Zunfu

Event Planning: Li Jie / Sun Ye

Event Host: Lü Feng

Organizers:

Hu Yueming 480-653-6918 / Liang Zhenhua 626-828-9079

Zhong Wen 909-437-2745 / Ouyang Bowen 909-567-6152

Wei Shaoqiang 626-697-5115

Event Volunteers: Wang Fuqing / Liu Leyuan / Yu Hailong / Wang Biao / Lao Shaohai

Photography: Ji Luo / Chen Jinbo / Lu Minjian / Wang Yong

Hosted by:

China Democracy Party National Committee Western U.S. Branch / China Democracy Party National Committee Southern U.S. Branch

Liberty Bell Democracy Foundation / China Democracy & Human Rights Alliance

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About Gao Zhisheng:

Born April 20, 1964, in Jia County, Yulin City, Shaanxi Province, Gao Zhisheng came from a poor background but was self-taught and became a highly respected lawyer. In the late 1990s, he began providing legal aid to vulnerable groups, religious believers, petitioners, and victims of torture. He was named one of “China’s Top Ten Outstanding Lawyers” three times. However, because he dared to stand up to power and expose the CCP’s human rights abuses, he was subjected to repeated illegal detentions, secret trials, and house arrest since 2006, along with threats, beatings, kicks, sleep deprivation, electric shocks, and even torture with bamboo sticks to his genitals — all causing extreme humiliation and destruction of his dignity.

After his release from prison in 2014, he remained under strict surveillance and was cut off from the outside world. On August 13, 2017, Gao was taken from his home again and has been missing ever since. Authorities have refused to disclose his whereabouts or allow family visits. For eight years, his wife Geng He and their children have endured the agony of exile overseas, clinging to the hope that he is still alive.

Gao Zhisheng’s case is undeniable proof of the CCP’s abuse of state power and deprivation of citizens’ freedoms! His courage and convictions symbolize the Chinese people’s will to fight for justice and dignity; his disappearance exposes the CCP’s judicial darkness and human rights catastrophe.

On August 17, we will not remain silent! We will go to the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles to demand that the CCP immediately disclose Gao Zhisheng’s whereabouts, ensure his safety, release all political prisoners, and end one-party dictatorship!

旧金山 8月24日 抗战胜利八十周年纪念演讲座谈会

San Francisco — August 24th

80th Anniversary of the Victory in the War of Resistance Commemorative Lecture & Forum

旧金山 8月24日 抗战胜利八十周年纪念演讲座谈会

抗戰勝利八十週年紀念演講座談會

誰是真抗戰?!

——駁斥中共九三閱兵虛假宣傳!

主讲嘉宾:辛灝年 教授

嘉宾:

谢幼田 教授、封从德 博士、杨海平 委员

阮大仁 教授、林炳昌 总监、梁国伟 会长

任送林 博士、熊 焱 博士、方 政 会长

汪 泯 主席、余武良 会长、赵炳贤 盟长

时间:2025年8月24日 上午10:30

地点:国父纪念馆礼堂

838 Stockton St San Francisco CA 94108

中国民主教育基金会、五洲洪门致公总堂

联合举办

San Francisco — August 24th

80th Anniversary of the Victory in the War of Resistance Commemorative Lecture & Forum

旧金山 8月24日 抗战胜利八十周年纪念演讲座谈会

80th Anniversary of the Victory in the War of Resistance

Who Truly Fought the War of Resistance?!

— Refuting the CCP’s False Propaganda about the “September 3rd” Military Parade!

Keynote Speaker: Professor Xin Haonian

Guest Speakers:

Professor Xie Youtian, Dr. Feng Congde, Committee Member Yang Haiping

Professor Ruan Daren, Director Lin Bingchang, President Liang Guowei

Dr. Ren Songlin, Dr. Xiong Yan, President Fang Zheng

Chairman Wang Min, President Yu Wuliang, Alliance Leader Zhao Bingxian

Time: August 24, 2025 — 10:30 AM

Venue: Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall Auditorium

838 Stockton St, San Francisco, CA 94108

Co-hosted by: China Democracy Education Foundation & Chee Kung Tong Global Headquarters

湾区 8月15日 反法西斯战争胜利八十周年纪念集会

Bay Area August 15th Anti-Fascist War Victory 80th Anniversary Commemoration Rally

湾区 8月15日 反法西斯战争胜利八十周年纪念集会

缅怀牺牲 英勇传承

反法西斯战争胜利八十周年

旧金山 纪念集会

地点:2145 McKee Rd,San Jose,CA95116

时间:2025年8月15日 7:00 PM

主办方:中国民主党旧金山党部 / 中国民主教育基金会

召集人:方政、赵长青

组织人:郑云、郝剑平、关永杰、丁多、李吉成、胡丕政

负责人:刘静涛、 吴京、何聪、袁强、庄帆、张小钜、蔡晓丽、邢贵、张善城

Bay Area August 15th Anti-Fascist War Victory 80th Anniversary Commemoration Rally

湾区 8月15日 反法西斯战争胜利八十周年纪念集会

In Memory of the Fallen — Carrying Forward the Spirit of Courage

80th Anniversary of the Victory in the Anti-Fascist War

San Francisco Commemoration Rally

Location: 2145 McKee Rd, San Jose, CA 95116

Time: August 15, 2025 — 7:00 PM

Organizers: China Democracy Party San Francisco Branch / China Democracy Education Foundation

Conveners: Fang Zheng, Zhao Changqing

Coordinators: Zheng Yun, Hao Jianping, Guan Yongjie, Ding Duo, Li Jicheng, Hu Pizheng

Persons in Charge: Liu Jingtao, Wu Jing, He Cong, Yuan Qiang, Zhuang Fan, Zhang Xiaoju, Cai Xiaoli, Xing Gui, Zhang Shancheng

剪辫百年后

A hundred years after cutting braids

作者:张致君

编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

从2025年8月5日四川江油特警镇压人民之后,我就想写一篇文章。校园霸凌屡禁不止,单最近两年就听闻数起,更甚者孩子被虐待致死。河北邯郸13岁男孩遭凌虐致死并被埋尸,陕西蒲城职校学生坠楼案,河南许昌初中女生跳楼案等等最后都没有了关注度。尤其蒲城事件,与江油案件中国人民奋起抗争却被中共警察镇压的场面如出一辙。

理应在每次群体事件发生后,作为中国人民要向制度问责时,避免惨剧再次发生。而中共制造的舆论导向却总能把节奏带到“避重就轻”,网络的千军万马让清醒者看着中国人的境地更加可悲。

这次倒也不是高谈阔论谈霸凌和维稳一再发生的体制原罪,而在此次事件中有一股充斥恶意的声音异军突起,在中共统治下尤其显著,以制造“男女对立”疯狂打压“女性“来转移矛盾重点。

而恰恰有一批在辛亥革命时刚剪掉辫子的中国男人,如今就喊着“短发”成了男性性特征。这是我在公共群体事件中如何也想不到的走向。

剪辫百年后

事情起因简单,一张霸凌事件的AI图。为了能最大可能规避掉中共在中国境内的审核机制,让公共事件不被屏蔽而传播,用漫画还原或做修改现场事件再加标注是最容易过审的。而该引战图片恰恰正是从中国社交媒体下载回传至推特,为保护扩散者,我特意截掉了原出处,甚至损失了原图标注的“公民”。谁料到一群嘴里喊着一定要奸杀女性的人冲到评论区,刻意放大漫画右上图“校园霸凌者”短发问题,批评一张为了让”镇压事件”广为传播的漫画图是刻意制造男女对立。(有兴趣查看详情可以点击推特链接:://x.com/standwithfree/status/1952554527078662480)

(图片来自作者推特截图)

从漫画制作来看,可以明白标注者把“上位”都统一用了“者”来表达,“下位”只是单纯标明身份,无论是普通的“父母”还是“女生”以及被作者截掉的“公民”。而批评者的重点却在漫画里的霸凌者是短发,为什么画成男生,我不禁要问什么时候短发成了男生的“性特征”?中国男人的辫子从辛亥革命才剪掉,留短发也百年了了,有些还是被政府拿着剪刀强制剪的,如今的中国男人倒是留不得长发,女人就不能是短发了。

在中共恶政的原罪下,“下位”不配为“人”,也是漫画所传达出来的涵义。谁会在乎上位者是男是女?政府对校园暴力的不作为、对民众抗议的压制,反倒被模糊乃至遗忘。

无论是霸凌还是镇压的现场视频以及照片足够多,保持正确记忆靠的是视频、照片,也并非是几张为了躲避审核的漫画。就算是男女混淆,真的重要吗?

霸凌本身得不到妥善处理这件事不比男女重要吗?

普通百姓需要跪在中共官员脚下祈求公正这件事不比男女重要吗?

中国公民为维护公义和平抗争却被中共政府暴力镇压这件事不够重要吗?

我从这些如此重要的事情中,看到了“恨意”与“恶意”,是在中共统治下的舆论带来的并且在逐步扩大的矛盾,对女性的恨与恶,这不禁让我背后发凉。

中共从未建国开始就不断制造内部斗争来转移党与人民的矛盾。更甚是执政以后,例如文革中制造的文化阶层冲突,地主与农民冲突等等,数不胜数,如今我似乎又看到新一轮的“内部仇恨”,性别仇恨。

2025年8月10日,一则曝光出来的男生因骚扰女生不成功,连捅十几刀致女生死亡的小新闻,更是印证了涌入作者推下只关注“男女对立”评论者的刻画形象。

现在在中国,一部分男性群体在面对公共悲剧时,不选择批判权力、不关注制度压迫,却执着于性别争斗。这背后折射的,不仅仅再是性别意识的扭曲,更是一种政治冷感与被规训后的集体心理防御机制。

在民主社会,当民众面对警察暴力、制度冷漠、司法不公时,天然会将注意力投向制度改革、权力制衡等议题。但在中国,尤其是在社交媒体平台中,一部分中国男性网民似乎极少质疑“警察为什么镇压群众”“学校是否承担监管责任”等关键问题,反而更关心“是不是女权分子炒作了这件事”“是不是女的打女的就该被嘲笑”。

这种“失焦”是有根源的。是中共执政几十年来,通过一整套话语体系,将“民权”“人权”“民主”“维权”等词语污名化,植入“境外势力”“颜色革命”等负面标签,成功在大众心理中建立起“反权力即危险”的条件反射机制。尤其是男性群体,被灌输为“国家的脊梁”“家庭的支柱”,在体制内外都被鼓励维护现状、服从权威、回避对国家机器的质疑。

换言之,权力对男性的规训方式不是压迫,而是同化。相比之下,女性在就业、教育、婚姻中往往面对更直接的压迫,更容易意识到制度对个体的压迫性,因此许多维权议题中常有女性身影。而那些不愿反思体制的男性,则将这种女性参与视为“挑衅”——于是,女权主义,甚至仅仅是女性,在他们眼中成为“最容易被攻击的替罪羊”。

中共近年来不断强化民族主义宣传,并将“传统性别秩序”作为民族复兴的一部分。宣传“女人别太强”“男孩该阳刚”,否定女性、鼓吹传统父权家庭结构。这种思潮的扩散与性别对立的产生密切相关。

在当下宣传的意识形态中,男性被灌输“主导社会”的集体角色,被寄予“拯救中华民族”的厚望。而当他们在现实生活中遭遇内卷、失业、婚姻恐慌等焦虑时,又无法指向真正压迫他们的体制——因为那被定义为“不可触碰”的红线。于是,他们将愤怒转嫁到“看起来比他们更自由”的女性身上,构建一种“幻想中的剥削链”:

“我们当牛做马,结果女的还要权利?”

这种想法荒谬却具有传播性。它建立了一个被压迫者之间的敌对想象,从而巧妙地替权力系统卸责,让人民互斗,转移矛盾。

不少研究指出,中国近年来“厌女文化”明显抬头。从“母狗”“公主病”“田园女权”到“短发=男”“不化妆=装中性”,性别刻板印象极端化,成为社交网络语言暴力的核心内容。这种厌女并非出自单一仇恨,而是社会结构与文化情绪的复合产物。

婚恋市场失衡下的焦虑外化,男性面对“娶不起老婆”“找不到对象”的现实困境,将其归咎于“女性挑剔”“女权害的”。当社会阶层上升通道受阻,阶层固化下的剥夺感导致性特权的幻觉开始破灭,一些人便需要一个“过得比我好”的靶子作为出气口——在网络上看似独立的女性成了最合适的对象。并且传统观念中,“男人要挣钱养家”, 现实中,这一角色要求往往让底层男性感到失败与羞耻,于是他们更容易借助网络攻击“她们”来掩饰自我否定,实则是自我价值感的崩塌。

回到江油事件,我必须清醒地指出:一名年轻女孩被霸凌,求助无果,是校园与社会共同失职的悲剧;父母正当维权却要跪在权贵脚下;而民众自发和平抗议,却被警察粗暴镇压,是权力与人权的严重冲突。

这三个问题,本应成为社会共同追问的焦点。

但如今,舆论在“女权是不是带节奏”“短发是不是男的”上浪费时间,恰恰说明了极权体制话语操控的成功。只要群众彼此对立、互相撕咬,就不会有人再去问:“学校怎么管教失职了?”“公安凭什么镇压群众?”“一个女孩的命运,谁来负责?”“中国人如何问责中共政府?”

真正该反思的,是一个制度如何制造出如此多不信任、不团结、不理性的受害者。而在这些受害者中,一部分男性选择以“反女权”来逃避直面社会结构问题,这不是偶然,而是制度设计的必然结果。

我不能否认性别议题的重要性,但也必须强调:所有权利的基础,都是“人”的权利——不论性别、不论地区、不论阶层。

在一个权力结构不断制造“次要矛盾”的国家,任何真实关心公正与自由的个体,都应该学会抵抗被舆论操控的手段,重新把焦点投向体制的原罪。

今天一名女性的死亡、一群女性被辱骂,并不是“性别之间的战争”,而是制度冷漠对“普通人”的一场共同压迫。将其简化为“男女之争”,只是在帮助权力遮蔽真正的罪行。

在每一场人命关天的社会事件中,在每一场中国人争取自己应该有的权利中,在民众对抗中共权力的时候,如果一个人最在意的是“男女”,那么他其实早已被权力训练得失去了同情、判断与行动的能力。

而这一点,才是最值得警惕的。

而这样的现状,是中共极权最喜欢看到的现状。

A hundred years after cutting braids

Abstract: The Jiangyou incident exposed the Chinese Communist Party’s system to manipulate public opinion, create gender antagonism and transfer contradictions, and cover up core issues such as campus bullying, rights protection pressure, and institutional indifference, which is alarming.

Author: Zhang Zhijun

Editor: Li Congling Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Ming Cheng

I want to write an article after the Sichuan Jiangyou Special Police suppressed the people on August 5, 2025. Bullying on campus has been repeatedly banned, and several cases have been heard in the past two years alone, and children have been abused to death. A 13-year-old boy in Handan, Hebei Province, was abused to death and his body was buried. The case of a student falling from a vocational school in Pucheng, Shaanxi Province, and the case of a girl jumping from a junior high school in Xuchang, Henan Province, etc. finally fell out of attention. In particular, the Pucheng incident is the same as the scene where the Chinese people rose up to fight in the Jiangyou case but were suppressed by the Chinese Communist Party of China police.

After each group incident, as the Chinese people want to hold the system accountable, we should avoid the tragedy from happening again. However, the public opinion guidance created by the Communist Party of China can always lead the rhythm to “avoid the heavy and light”, and the thousands of troops on the Internet make the sober people look at the situation of the Chinese more pathetic.

This time, it is not the original sin of the system that has repeatedly occurred in bullying and maintaining stability. In this incident, there is a malicious voice, which is especially prominent under the rule of the Communist Party of China, in order to create “male and female antagonism” and crazily suppress “women” to shift the focus of contradictions.

And just a group of Chinese men who had just cut their braids during the 1911 Revolution are now shouting that “short hair” has become a masculine characteristic. This is the unexpected direction in my public group incident.

剪辫百年后

The cause of the matter is simple, an AI diagram of a bullying incident. In order to avoid the audit mechanism of the Communist Party of China as much as possible, so that public events are not blocked and spread, it is easiest to pass the review by using comics to restore or modify on-site events and mark them. And the war-progging picture was just downloaded from Chinese social media and sent back to Twitter. In order to protect the spreader, I deliberately cut off the original source and even lost the “citizens” of the original icon annotation. Who would have expected that a group of people shouting that they must rape and kill women rushed to the comment area, deliberately enlarging the short-haired problem of “campus bully” in the upper right corner of the cartoon, and criticized that a cartoon picture to spread the “suppression incident” was deliberately creating antagonism between men and women. ( If you are interested in checking the details, you can click the Twitter link: https://x.com/standwithfree/status/1952554527078626480). The picture comes from the author’s Twitter screenshot)

Judging from the production of comics, it can be understood that the labeler uses “people” to express the “upper” uniformly, and the “lower” is just a simple identification of identity, whether it is ordinary “parents” or “girls” and “citizens” cut off by the author. The critic’s focus is that the bully in the comics is short hair. Why are they painted as boys? I can’t help but ask when short hair became the “sexual characteristics” of boys? Chinese men’s braids have only been cut off since the 1911 Revolution, and they have had short hair for a hundred years. Some of them are still forced to cut by the government with scissors. Today’s Chinese men can’t have long hair, and women can’t have short hair.

Under the original sin of the evil government of the Communist Party of China, “lower rank” is not worthy of “people”, which is also the connotation conveyed by comics. Who cares whether the upper class is a man or a woman? The government’s inaction on campus violence and the suppression of people’s protests have been blurred and even forgotten.

Whether there are enough live videos and photos of bullying or suppression, maintaining correct memory depends on videos and photos, not a few comics to avoid review. Even if it’s a mixture of men and women, is it really important?

Isn’t bullying itself more important than men and women if it is not properly handled?

Isn’t it more important for ordinary people to kneel at the feet of Chinese Communist Party officials to pray for justice than men and women?

Isn’t it important enough that Chinese citizens are violently suppressed by the Communist Party of China government to fight for justice and peace?

From these important things, I see “hatred” and “malice”, which are the gradually expanding contradictions brought about by public opinion under the rule of the Communist Party of China. Hatred and evil towards women can’t help but make me feel cold.

From the beginning of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the Communist Party of China has constantly created internal struggles to divert the contradictions between the Party and the people. What’s more, after the government, such as the conflicts of the cultural class created during the Cultural Revolution, the conflicts between landlords and peasants, etc., are countless. Now I seem to see a new round of “internal hatred”, gender hatred.

On August 10, 2025, a small news that a boy failed to harassed girls and stabbed more than a dozen times in a row, which confirmed the portrayal image of the author’s comments who only paid attention to the “adversion between men and women”.

Now in China, when facing public tragedy, some male groups do not choose to criticize power or pay attention to institutional oppression, but persist in gender struggles. Behind this, it is not only the distortion of gender consciousness, but also a political coldness and a collective psychological defense mechanism after being disciplined.

In a democratic society, when the people face police violence, institutional indifference and judicial injustice, they will naturally pay attention to issues such as institutional reform and power checks and balances. However, in China, especially on social media platforms, some Chinese male netizens rarely seem to question key issues such as “why the police suppress the masses” and “whether schools bear the responsibility for supervision”. Instead, they are more concerned about “whether feminists hyped this matter” and “whether women beat women should be laughed at”.

This kind of “misfocus” has its root cause. It is the Communist Party of China in the decades that has been in power. Through a complete set of discourse systems, words such as “civil rights”, “human rights”, “democracy” and “rights protection” have been stigmatized, and negative labels such as “overseas forces” and “color revolution” have been implanted, and successfully established a conditioned reflex mechanism of “anti-power is danger” in public psychology. In particular, men, who have been indoctrinated as the “backbone of the country” and “the pillar of the family”, are encouraged to maintain the status quo, obey the authority, and avoid questioning the state apparatus inside and outside the system.

In other words, the way power disciplines men is not oppression, but assimilation. In contrast, women often face more direct oppression in employment, education and marriage, and are more likely to realize the oppression of the system on individuals. Therefore, women are often present in many rights protection issues. And those men who are unwilling to reflect on the system regard this kind of female participation as “provocation” – so feminism, even just women, becomes “the most vulnerable scapegoat” in their eyes.

In recent years, the Communist Party of China has continuously strengthened nationalist propaganda and regarded the “traditional gender order” as part of national rejuvenation. Promote “women should not be too strong” and “boys should be masculine”, deny women and advocate the traditional patriarchal family structure. The spread of this trend is closely related to the emergence of gender antagonism.

In the current propaganda ideology, men are indoctrinated with the collective role of “dominating society” and are given the high hope of “saving the Chinese nation”. And when they encounter anxiety such as internal volume, unemployment, marriage panic, etc. in real life, they cannot point to the system that really oppresses them – because it is defined as an “untouchable” red line. Therefore, they transferred their anger to women who “look more free than them” and built a “chain of exploitation in fantasy”:

“We treat cows and horses, but women still need rights?”

This idea is absurd but communicative. It establishes a hostile imagination between the oppressed, so as to cleverly blame the power system, let the people fight each other, and divert the contradictions.

Many studies have pointed out that China’s “misogyny culture” has risen significantly in recent years. From “bitch”, “princess disease” and “pastoral feminism” to “short hair = male” and “no makeup = neutral”, gender stereotypes have become the core content of social network language violence. This kind of misogynism does not come from a single hatred, but a composite of social structure and cultural emotions.

Anxiety is externalized under the imbalance in the marriage and love market. In the face of the real dilemma of “can’t afford to marry a wife” and “can’t find a partner”, men blame it on “women’s pickiness” and “women’s power”. When the upward channel of the social class is blocked, and the sense of deprivation under the solidification of the class leads to the hallucination of sexual privilege, some people need a target that “lives better than me” as an outlet – women who seem to be independent on the Internet become the most suitable object. And in the traditional concept, “men should earn money to support their families”. In reality, this role requires that men at the bottom often feel failure and shame, so they are more likely to use the network to attack “them” to cover up self-denial, which is actually the collapse of self-worth.

Back to the Jiangyou incident, I must soberly point out that a young girl was bullied and asked for help to no avail, which was a tragedy of common negligence between the campus and society; parents had to kneel at the feet of the powerful to protect their rights; and the people spontaneously protested peacefully, but were brutally suppressed by the police, which was a serious conflict of power and human rights.

These three questions should have become the focus of common questions in society.

But now, public opinion wastes time on “whether the rhythm of women’s rights” and “whether short hair is male”, which shows the success of the speech manipulation of the totalitarian system. As long as the masses stand against each other and bite each other apart, no one will ask again: “How did the school dereliction of duty?” Why does the public security suppress the masses?” Who is responsible for the fate of a girl?” How can Chinese people hold the Communist Party of China accountable?”

What really should be reflected on is how a system has created so many victims of distrust, disunity and irrationality. Among these victims, some men choose to avoid facing social structural problems with “anti-feminism”, which is not accidental, but the inevitable result of institutional design.

I can’t deny the importance of gender issues, but I must also emphasize that the basis of all rights is the rights of “people” – regardless of gender, region or class.

In a country where the power structure continues to create “secondary contradictions”, any individual who truly cares about justice and freedom should learn to resist the means of being manipulated by public opinion and refocus on the original sin of the system.

Today, the death of a woman and the abuse of a group of women are not a “war between the sexes”, but a common oppression of “ordinary people” by the indifference of the system. It is simplified to “gait between men and women”, which is only helping power shield the real crime.

In every social event where human life is at risk, in every Chinese struggle for the rights they should have, when the people are against the power of the Communist Party of China, if a person cares most about “men and women”, then he has already been trained by power to lose the ability to sympathize, judge and act.

And this is the most vigilant point.

And this kind of current situation is the favorite status quo of the Communist Party of China.

聚集声援、江油女孩,公开真相、公正处理

Gather solidarity, Jiangyou girls, disclose the truth and deal with it fairly

作者:何清风

编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

8月10日,一场由中国民主党美西党部组织的公众集会在中共国驻洛杉矶领事馆前举行,参与者齐聚一堂,为在四川江油遭遇长达4小时校园霸凌的女孩发声。现场呼声震耳——不仅是为受害者和她的家庭,也是为所有可能成为下一个受害者的孩子。活动过程中,参与者强烈批评了相关部门的处理态度,并呼吁社会正视青少年校园霸凌问题及其背后的集权制度的缺陷。本次活动由民主党党员吕峰主持。

聚集声援、江油女孩,公开真相、公正处理

近日,一段在网络上广泛传播的视频引发社会关注,视频显示,一名未成年女孩在一栋废弃大楼内遭受多名施暴者轮番掌掴、飞踹、强迫脱衣等侮辱性行为,整个过程持续长达4小时。施暴者不仅录下视频,还在网络上传播,并在过程中叫嚣道:“报警啊,我们怕么?二十分钟就出来了”。

据知情人士透露,受害女孩的母亲为聋哑人,父亲为残疾人,家庭条件困难。事件发生后,受害者父母报警求助,但警方介入姗姗来迟,最终施暴者仅受到轻描淡写的处罚,这一结果引发公众不满。

在今天的集会中,参与者们举起标语,高喊口号,要求公开案件处理细节、追究施暴者的法律责任、并改善未成年人保护法的漏洞。现场有父母、教师、学生以及社会公益人士的参与,他们认为,霸凌并非个案,而是共产党集权制度下,悲剧的反复上演。

“我们愤怒的,不仅是霸凌事件本身,而是事件发生后,中共政府的冷漠与敷衍。”现场还有父亲分享自己的心情,他说“根本不敢细看视频”,因为那是一场对身体与尊严的双重摧残。集会中,不少人提到一个鲜明的对比——在电影《南京照相馆》热映期间,官方高喊“不能忘记历史”,而现实中却在掩盖当下的真相。

集会在近两个小时后结束,但呼声并未停止。组织者表示,将继续跟进案件进展,并在必要时再次发起行动。一位参与者在活动结束时表示:“正义可能迟到,但不会自己到来,它需要我们去争取。”此次集会不仅是一次对霸凌事件的回应,更是一场对集权暴政和执法公正的质疑。人们期待,一个真正重视弱者、尊重真相的社会,能早日到来。

Gather solidarity, Jiangyou girls, disclose the truth and deal with it fairly

Abstract: On August 10, a public rally organized by the Western Party Department of the Democratic Party of China was held in front of the Consulate of the Communist Party of China in Los Angeles to speak out for the girl who was bullied on campus in Jiangyou, Sichuan.

Author: He Qingfeng

Editor: Li Congling Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Ming Cheng

On August 10, a public rally organized by the U.S. Western Party Department of the Democratic Party of China was held in front of the Consulate of the Communist Party of China in Los Angeles. Participants gathered together to speak out for the girl who was bullied on campus for 4 hours in Jiangyou, Sichuan. The on-site cry was deafening – not only for the victim and her family, but also for all the children who may become the next victim. During the activity, the participants strongly criticized the handling attitude of the relevant departments and called on the society to face the problem of youth campus bullying and the shortcomings of the centralized system behind it. This activity was hosted by Lv Feng, a member of the Democratic Party.

聚集声援、江油女孩,公开真相、公正处理

Recently, a video widely spread on the Internet attracted public attention. The video showed that an underage girl was slapped, kicked, forced to undress, and other insulting behaviors by several perpetrators in an abandoned building. The whole process lasted for up to 4 hours. The abuser not only recorded the video, but also spread it on the Internet, and shouted in the process: “Call the police, are we afraid? It will come out in twenty minutes.

According to people familiar with the matter, the victim’s mother is deaf and dumb, and her father is disabled, and her family conditions are difficult. After the incident, the victim’s parents called the police for help, but the police intervened late. In the end, the perpetrator was only lightly punished, which caused public dissatisfaction.

In today’s rally, the participants raised slogans and shouted slogans, demanding that the details of the case be disclosed, the legal responsibility of the abusters should be investigated, and the loopholes in the Juvenile Protection Law should be improved. Parents, teachers, students and social welfare figures participated at the scene. They believed that bullying was not a case, but a repeated tragedy under the centralized system of the Communist Party.

“What we are angry about is not only the bullying incident itself, but also the indifference and perfunctory of the Communist Party of China government after the incident.” There was also a father at the scene who shared his feelings. He said, “I didn’t dare to watch the video carefully at all”, because it was a double destruction of body and dignity. During the rally, many people mentioned a sharp contrast – during the hot screening of the movie Nanjing Photo Studio, the official shouted “We can’t forget history”, but in reality, it covered up the current truth.

The rally ended nearly two hours later, but the shouts did not stop. The organizers said that they would continue to follow up the progress of the case and take action again if necessary. One participant said at the end of the event: “Justice may be late, but it will not come by itself. It needs us to fight for it.” This rally is not only a response to bullying, but also a question of centralized tyranny and justice in law enforcement. People expect that a society that truly values the weak and respects the truth will come as soon as possible.

清算共产党

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清算共产党

Bring the CCP to Justice

我是中国民主党党员钟然,今天与同为中国民主党党员的妻子胡丽莉,一同在金门大桥参加“全民反抗运动宣言”旧金山站全球发布仪式。与全球热爱自由、追求民主的人们并肩,我们怀着坚定的信念与无畏的勇气,誓要终结中共专制,迎来自由民主的新纪元!

作者:钟然 胡丽莉
编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑:鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

清算共产党

Bring the CCP to Justice

I am Zhong Ran, a member of the China Democracy Party. Today, together with my wife, Hu Lili, who is also a member of the China Democracy Party, I participated in the San Francisco stop of the Global Launch Ceremony of the “National Resistance Movement Declaration” at the Golden Gate Bridge.

Standing shoulder to shoulder with freedom-loving and democracy-seeking people around the world, we carry steadfast faith and fearless courage, vowing to end the CCP’s dictatorship and usher in a new era of freedom and democracy!

Author: Zhong Ran, Hu Lili
Editor: Luo Zhifei
Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen
Translation: Lu Huiwen

全球“全民反抗运动”接力行动旧金山站举行 民主人士金门大桥宣誓终结专制

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Global “National Resistance Movement” Relay – San Francisco Stop: Democracy Advocates at the Golden Gate Bridge Vow to End Tyranny

作者:胡丽莉 编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

全球“全民反抗运动”接力行动旧金山站举行 民主人士金门大桥宣誓终结专制

2025年8月8日至9日,“全民反抗运动”在纽约、华盛顿、洛杉矶、旧金山、伦敦、柏林、悉尼、多伦多、东京等十余座城市接力举行。今日,来自湾区及美国各地的民主人士齐聚旧金山金门大桥二战时期的“海角堡”(Fort Point)附近,向世界发出结束专制、追求自由民主的呼声。

海角堡建于 1850 年代末至 1860 年代初,最初是美国西海岸的重要海防堡垒,二战时期曾作为防御日军入侵的重要军事据点。如今,它已成为美国国家历史地标,象征着捍卫家园与自由的决心。将这场反抗集会选在这里,既是为了呼应历史上守护自由的精神,也寓意反抗暴政、捍卫人类普世价值。

今日云雾弥漫,金门大桥若隐若现,海风吹乱了民主人士的发丝,却吹不散他们坚定的信念。中国民主教育基金会会长方政、八九学运领袖赵常青,以及中国民主党全委会执行长陈闯创等多位知名民主人士先后发表讲话,鼓舞与会者坚定信念、团结行动。发言者强调:中共专制政权是中国人民自由与尊严的最大障碍,海外民主力量必须汇聚更多声音,推动全球关注与行动。

“是时候了,必须以非凡的决心和勇气采取行动,终结专制、开创自由民主的新纪元!”这是方政在现场的慷慨激昂发言,也是全民反抗运动的核心诉求。

仪式结尾,全体与会者集体放飞印有“滚球 CCP”和 “民主自由文明”形象的气球,代表中国人民对中共和习近平说:滚球!

此次旧金山站活动不仅与全球其他城市的集会形成呼应,也为未来更大规模的国际联合行动奠定了基础。组织者表示,接力行动将继续扩展至更多城市,直至自由的曙光照进中国。

本文部分图片由Yongjie Guan提供

Global “National Resistance Movement” Relay – San Francisco Stop: Democracy Advocates at the Golden Gate Bridge Vow to End Tyranny

Summary: On August 9, 2025, the “National Resistance Movement” took place in San Francisco.

Author: Hu Lili

Editor: Li Congling Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen Translation: Lu Huiwen

全球“全民反抗运动”接力行动旧金山站举行 民主人士金门大桥宣誓终结专制

From August 8 to 9, 2025, the “National Resistance Movement” was held in relay fashion across more than a dozen cities, including New York, Washington, Los Angeles, San Francisco, London, Berlin, Sydney, Toronto, and Tokyo. Today, democracy advocates from the Bay Area and across the United States gathered near “Fort Point,” a World War II–era military post by the Golden Gate Bridge, sending a message to the world: end tyranny and pursue freedom and democracy.

Fort Point was built in the late 1850s to early 1860s and originally served as a key coastal defense fortification on the U.S. West Coast. During World War II, it was an important military outpost guarding against Japanese invasion. Today, it is a U.S. National Historic Landmark, symbolizing the resolve to defend one’s homeland and freedom. Holding this resistance rally here was not only a tribute to the historical spirit of safeguarding liberty but also a declaration of opposition to tyranny and defense of humanity’s universal values.

Today, shrouded in mist, the Golden Gate Bridge appeared and disappeared in the fog. Sea winds tousled the hair of the democracy advocates but could not shake their steadfast resolve. Fang Zheng, Chairman of the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation; Zhao Changqing, a leader of the 1989 student movement; and Chen Chuangchuang, Executive Director of the China Democracy Party National Committee, along with other prominent democracy figures, delivered speeches one after another, encouraging attendees to hold firm in their convictions and unite in action. Speakers stressed that the CCP’s authoritarian regime is the greatest obstacle to the Chinese people’s freedom and dignity, and that overseas democratic forces must rally more voices to drive global attention and action.

“It is time to act—with extraordinary determination and courage—to end tyranny and usher in a new era of freedom and democracy!” declared Fang Zheng in his passionate address, capturing the core demand of the National Resistance Movement.

At the end of the ceremony, all participants released balloons printed with the phrases “Go Rolling, CCP” and “Democracy, Freedom, Civilization,” symbolizing the Chinese people’s message to the CCP and Xi Jinping: “Go rolling!”

This San Francisco rally not only resonated with gatherings in other cities worldwide but also laid the groundwork for larger-scale international joint actions in the future. Organizers stated that the relay will continue to expand to more cities until the dawn of freedom shines upon China.

Some photos in this article were provided by Yongjie Guan.