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我不想让孩子成为螺丝钉 ——红旗下长大的母亲对中共教育的觉醒与抗争

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作者:熊小芳  编辑:王梦梦  责任编辑:罗志飞  鲁慧文

教育,本应是启迪人心、传播真理、塑造人格的神圣事业,然而中国共产党深知若想控制一个民族的思想,必须从孩提时代抓起。于是,共党将教育变成了一种维护政权的工具,一种驯化人民的手段。

我是一个80后,自幼在红旗下长大,从小被灌输“听党话、跟党走”的思想。小学二年级,我被选入学校合唱团的时候,心中就充满着荣耀。我们反复唱着《没有共产党就没有新中国》、《我们是共产主义接班人》、《东方红》、《少年先锋队队歌》等“红歌”,在一次次的合唱比赛中,我深信“党的恩情比山高比海深”,并高喊“为共产主义事业奋斗终身!”。在我们的课本中,也充斥着“毛主席是最伟大的人”,共产党“解放了全中国”等政治标语,那时的我,对这一切我从未质疑。

后来,我先后在小学、中学、大学任教,始终成为中共思想的传声筒,那些灌输给我的内容再重复给我的学生。大学期间,我曾担任“思想政治理论课”的教师,继续将“听党话、跟党走”作为自己的信仰,并信以为真地生活着。

没想到一次偶然的香港之行,竟然彻底地颠覆了我的观念。彼时的香港,尚有相对自由的言论空间。街头传单、书店书籍,带给我强烈的冲击与不安。此时,我开始接触更多知道真相的人,并通过翻墙了解墙外的世界。从“六四”、“文革”、“大跃进”到“法轮功”,我看到了无数从未在课本中出现的历史。这些真相不仅让我震惊,更让我羞愧——一直自诩受过良好教育的我,竟对这些重大事件一无所知。

这时的我不仅是一位教师,更是一位母亲,我开始关注孩子正在接受的教育。“大跃进”饿殍遍野,可历史课本却将其轻描淡写为“宝贵经验”;“文化大革命”摧毁了无数知识分子,却被包装成“探索道路”;“六四屠杀”更是被彻底封锁,仿佛从未存在……这样的教育,不是在传递真理,而是在灌输谎言。

当我三岁的小儿子回家唱着“把我们的血肉,筑成我们新的长城”的时候,当我看到大儿子每天戴着红领巾,背诵着被篡改的历史的时候,我内心无法平静。我问我自己,难道我的孩子也要成为维护专制政权的“螺丝钉”吗?我听到了内心斩钉截铁的答案,绝不!

痛定思痛之后,我做出了两个决定,一是让两个孩子退学,进行家庭教育;二是辞去大学的“思想政治理论课”的教学工作。因为我既不能容忍自己的孩子在谎言中长大,更不可能再违背良知地站在讲台上传播谎言。

在中国像我这样的80后太少,大多数人被动地接受教育,从未思考和质疑,以至于把洗脑当作“爱国”。但我想,真正的教育不是为党培养“接班人”,不是驯化的“优等生”,更不是制造没有思想、没有自尊、唯命是从的工具人,真正的教育是培养敢于独立思考、敢于质疑、能够自由表达的人。

当你开始问:“为什么党总要我们感恩?”“为什么每年‘六四’前后气氛如此紧张?”“为什么李文亮要被训诫?”——那么,恭喜你,你已踏上觉醒之路。

觉醒,不意味着反叛,而是意味着开始做回真正的自己,而不是政权的复制品。

教育的使命,是唤醒人的自我意识,激发理性思维,鼓励个性发展,而不是教人歌颂权力、抹去历史、麻木顺从、保持沉默。愿我们每一个人,都从反洗脑教育开始——唤醒自己、唤醒孩子、唤醒整个社会。

熊小芳

2025年6月30日

“I Refuse to Let My Children Become Cogs in the Machine”

— A Mother Raised Under the Red Flag Awakens to and Resists CCP Education

By: Xiong Xiaofang  Editor: Wang Mengmeng  Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

Education is meant to enlighten minds, convey truth, and shape character. Yet the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has long understood that to control a people’s thoughts, it must begin with their children. As such, the CCP has transformed education into a tool of political control and ideological domestication—a means of keeping its authoritarian grip firmly in place.

I was born in the 1980s and raised under the red flag, indoctrinated from an early age with slogans like “Obey the Party, follow the Party.” In the second grade, I was selected to join the school choir—a moment that filled me with pride. We sang “Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China,” “We Are the Successors of Communism,” “The East Is Red,” and “Young Pioneers Anthem” over and over. Through countless rehearsals and performances, I came to believe deeply that “the Party’s grace is higher than the mountains and deeper than the seas,” and I shouted with conviction: “I vow to fight for communism all my life!”

Our textbooks were filled with messages like “Chairman Mao is the greatest man” and claims that the CCP had “liberated all of China.” At the time, I never questioned any of it.

Later, I became a teacher—first in elementary school, then middle school, then university—repeating the same ideology that had been instilled in me. At university, I even taught political theory, wholeheartedly spreading the message of “obeying the Party, following the Party,” believing it to be the truth, and living by it.

Then one unexpected trip to Hong Kong completely shattered my worldview.

Back then, Hong Kong still had a relatively free space for speech. The leaflets on the streets and the books in independent bookstores left me stunned and unsettled. I started meeting people who knew the truth and began climbing over the Great Firewall to access the world beyond it. I learned about Tiananmen, the Cultural Revolution, the Great Leap Forward, and Falun Gong—countless historical truths I had never seen in any textbook. I was not only shocked but deeply ashamed: I had always thought of myself as well-educated, yet I had known nothing of these major events.

By then, I was not just a teacher—I was a mother. I began to scrutinize the education my children were receiving.

The Great Leap Forward starved millions, yet history books gloss over it as a “valuable lesson.” The Cultural Revolution devastated countless intellectuals, yet it’s portrayed as “a time of exploration.” The Tiananmen Massacre is so thoroughly censored that it is treated as if it never happened. This is not an education grounded in truth—it is a system built on lies.

When my three-year-old son came home singing “With our flesh and blood, we shall build a new Great Wall,” and when I saw my older son wearing a red scarf and reciting distorted versions of history, I felt deeply unsettled. I asked myself:

Will my children also become cogs in the machine upholding authoritarian rule?

And I heard my heart answer firmly: Absolutely not.

After much soul-searching, I made two decisions.

First, I withdrew both of my children from school to homeschool them.

Second, I resigned from my university position teaching political theory.

Because I could no longer allow my children to grow up in a system of lies, and I could no longer stand on a podium and spread those lies myself.

There are far too few people like me in China’s post-1980s generation. Most passively accept the system, never stopping to reflect or question. Many have confused indoctrination with patriotism. But I believe real education is not about training successors for the Party, nor producing obedient “model students,” nor creating docile tools with no mind or dignity of their own. True education cultivates individuals who can think critically, question authority, and speak freely.

The moment you start asking,

“Why are we always told to be grateful to the Party?”

“Why is the atmosphere so tense every year around June Fourth?”

“Why was Dr. Li Wenliang reprimanded for telling the truth?”

—at that moment, you have begun to awaken.

Awakening does not mean rebellion. It means becoming your true self—not a copy of the regime.

The mission of education is to awaken self-awareness, inspire rational thought, and encourage the development of unique personalities—not to glorify power, erase history, numb minds, or enforce silence.

May we each begin by resisting brainwashing—

Awakening ourselves.

Awakening our children.

Awakening our society.

Xiong Xiaofang

June 30, 2025

中共的教育陷阱——如何制造盲目的‘小粉红’?

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作者:钟然 编辑:王新叶 责任编辑:鲁慧文

近年来,中国年轻人中涌现大量“小粉红”,他们高喊爱国口号,却分不清国家与中共政权的本质区别。这种盲目狂热并非自发,而是中共精心操控教育体系下的产物。正是中共教育体系中通识教育的缺失,让一代青年丧失独立思考能力,沦为中共巩固统治的工具。

通识教育的价值与中共的压制

通识教育在民主国家如美国、加拿大、英国普遍推行。这些国家通过历史、哲学、法律等课程,同时沟通表达和参与实践活动深化理解,在多学科融合的学习环境下,通过讨论伦理道德、社会现象、法律常识等多方面内容,帮助学生打开多元视角形成独立判断。这种教育注重培养学生批判性思维能力,旨在让学生成为有独立思考能力的现代公民而非盲从的顺民,从而更好地参与建设一个长久自由而繁荣的社会。

反观中国,中共选择了完全相反的道路,中国的教育本质可以简单概括为:理科为经济服务,文科为王权服务。教育被中共政权用于意识形态控制、洗脑和统治的工具。中共的这种教育丧失了教育的启迪思想的意义,成为了一种禁锢头脑的驯化。这种畸形的教育系统旨在把学生培养成对权威绝对忠诚的顺民,而非敢于反思和质疑的公民。

历史篡改:抗日战争的真相被掩盖

以抗日战争(1937-1945)为例,通识教育会将这段历史置于全球背景分析。学生不仅学习中国抗战的全过程,也会探讨国际援助、国共合作、各地民众的牺牲、以及盟军(尤其是美军对日本的战略打击)在胜利中所起的决定性作用。

然而,中国课本却将抗战简化为“中共领导全民胜利”的神话,淡化甚至污蔑国民党作用,忽略甚至不提盟友贡献,一切抗战成果都被归功于中共。中共这种对历史的剪裁与重写,不仅剥夺了青年了解真实历史的权利,更将抗战教育变成了对党的歌功颂德,彻底背离了通识教育应有的求真精神与历史责任。类似这样扭曲的事实在中国学生的课本上比比皆是。

华语通识教育灯塔的覆灭

香港的通识教育曾是华语的通识教育灯塔,点燃了无数独立思想的灵魂。那里的学生通过探讨历史、公民权利和全球议题,学会质疑权威,形成独立判断。例如,2010年代的通识科要求分析六四事件背景,鼓励学生思考抗争与权力的关系。但因为这种教育培养了具有批判精神和公民担当的青年,直接威胁中共的独裁统治,因而被中共刻意摧毁,彻底熄灭了华语世界通识教育的灯塔。

2019年“反送中”运动爆发,大量未成年学生走上街头,高喊“自由”“民主”,北京认定通识教育“煽动叛乱”。2020年《香港国安法》出台,为清洗教育铺路。2021年,香港教育局废除通识科,推出审查严格的“公民与社会发展科”。新课程剔除敏感内容,如公民抗争讨论,代之以“爱国”和“国家认同”的灌输。据2021年香港教育工作者联会调查,超60%的教师表示课堂讨论自由被限制,学生被迫背诵《国安法》条款。自此,香港的批判思维被中共彻底扼杀,自由思想的灯塔被无情熄灭。

小粉红” 的诞生与网络推波助澜

在扼杀通识教育基础上,中共操控教育体系,让千万中国学生苦读十余载,最终却被塑造成“没有头脑的小粉红”。中共精心设计的愚民教育体系下,他们用机械记忆换取成绩,却从未被教过如何思考;他们习惯背诵权威,却无力质疑权威;他们被灌输“爱国=服从”,却被剥夺了作为公民应有的权利与责任。他们成了专制政权最坚实的盾牌,却也是自己人格独立的最大牺牲品。社交媒体如微博进一步放大这种狂热,城乡青年在网络舆论的裹挟下,陷入群体盲从。城市中产青年受民族主义情绪驱动,农村青年则更多受传统教育影响,但结果都是成为中共的“忠诚盾牌”。这些青年习惯背诵权威答案,却未学会质疑,他们因而也无法成为一个具有独立思考能力的现代公民。

为什么中共不发展通识教育?

通识教育这么多的价值,为什么中共就是不发展呢?——因为中共害怕自由的思想和独立的人格。

一旦有了通识教育,就会有人开始质疑:“为什么不能批评政府?”、“谁来监督权力?”、“公民与国家的关系到底是什么?”——这些会威胁到中共独裁专制统治。因此,通识教育对中共来说不是育人,而是“养敌”,必须彻底根除。

中共教育只能混淆正义与邪恶的界限,将专制政权包装成“唯一正义”,把任何异议和批评污名化为“卖国”、“颠覆”,学生在长期的洗脑教育下接受简单粗暴的“敌我二分法”,被驯化成盲目的粉红,从而盲目跟随中共,不再危胁中共的独裁专制统治。

如何打破中共的教育陷阱?

面对中共的这种控制,我们民间力量也许可以做些什么来改变一点点,打破中共的教育陷阱。比如,海外华人社区和在线平台可以行动起来,提供历史、公民教育等课程,讲述被中共掩盖的历史事实,传播真相;组织讨论会,鼓励青年探讨公民与国家的关系等等,培养青年的批判思维。

教育不是奴役的工具,而是启蒙的利剑。而只有打破中共教育陷阱,才能从中共的洗脑教育中夺回思想主权。这样才能让教育成为点燃思想的火焰,而非驯服忠诚的锁链;从而让中国青年摆脱“小粉红”的桎梏,迎来自由与进步。

The CCP’s Education Trap: How China Manufactures Blind Nationalists (“Little Pinks”)

By: Zhong Ran Editor: Wang Xinye Executive Editor: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

In recent years, China has seen the rapid rise of a wave of so-called “Little Pinks”—young nationalists who fervently chant patriotic slogans yet fail to distinguish between the Chinese nation and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime. This blind fanaticism is not spontaneous; it is the calculated product of the CCP’s tightly controlled education system. The systematic elimination of liberal education in China has deprived a generation of youth of the ability to think independently, reducing them to instruments of authoritarian control.

The Value of Liberal Education vs. CCP Suppression

Liberal or general education is widely embraced in democratic nations such as the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Through subjects like history, philosophy, and law—along with opportunities for open dialogue and civic engagement—students are exposed to diverse perspectives and taught to develop independent judgment. These curricula aim to cultivate critical thinking, shaping students into informed citizens capable of contributing to a free and prosperous society—not submissive subjects.

In stark contrast, China has taken the opposite path. In essence, the Chinese education system functions as follows: science and technology serve economic productivity, while the humanities serve political control. Education under the CCP has been weaponized as a tool for ideological indoctrination, serving to reinforce loyalty to the regime rather than to awaken minds. The result is a generation trained not to question but to obey.

Historical Distortion: The Truth Behind the War of Resistance

Take the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) as an example. In a liberal education context, students would learn not only about China’s resistance efforts but also the broader international context: the role of foreign aid, the sacrifices of civilians, the complex cooperation between the Nationalists and Communists, and the decisive impact of Allied forces—particularly American military campaigns—in defeating Japan.

In China, however, textbooks have turned the war into a myth of “the Communist Party leading the nation to victory.” The Nationalists’ efforts are downplayed or vilified, and the Allied contribution is nearly erased. This rewriting of history deprives young people of their right to the truth and turns education into propaganda. Countless other distorted narratives pervade Chinese curricula, replacing historical inquiry with political loyalty.

The Fall of Hong Kong: A Beacon of Liberal Education Extinguished

Hong Kong once stood as a beacon of liberal education in the Chinese-speaking world. Students there learned to question authority and explore civic and historical issues critically. For example, liberal studies curricula in the 2010s encouraged students to analyze the context of the Tiananmen Massacre and reflect on the dynamics of protest and power.

Because this education nurtured critical thinkers and socially conscious citizens, it posed a direct threat to CCP authoritarianism—and was swiftly dismantled. After the 2019 Anti-Extradition Movement, in which many high school students took to the streets shouting “freedom” and “democracy,” Beijing blamed liberal education for “inciting rebellion.” The 2020 Hong Kong National Security Law paved the way for an educational purge. In 2021, the Hong Kong Education Bureau abolished liberal studies, replacing it with “Citizenship and Social Development,” a tightly censored course promoting patriotism and national identity.

According to a 2021 survey by the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers, over 60% of teachers reported severe restrictions on classroom discussion. Students were forced to memorize clauses of the National Security Law. The CCP had successfully silenced critical thinking in Hong Kong—the torch of liberal education was extinguished.

The Rise of the “Little Pinks” and the Amplification of Online Nationalism

With liberal education destroyed, the CCP’s indoctrination system churns out millions of students who study for over a decade only to become “mindless Little Pinks.” Under this system, academic success comes through rote memorization, not critical thinking. Students are trained to recite authority but not question it. They are taught that patriotism means obedience, while being stripped of the rights and responsibilities of true citizenship. These youth become the regime’s most loyal defenders—and the greatest casualties of its assault on intellectual autonomy.

Social media platforms like Weibo amplify this fervor. Urban middle-class youth, driven by manipulated nationalist sentiment, and rural youth, shaped by rigid traditional education, all fall under the sway of online echo chambers. They know how to repeat official narratives but lack the tools to think independently. They cannot become modern citizens—only ideological foot soldiers.

Why Won’t the CCP Embrace Liberal Education?

If liberal education is so beneficial, why does the CCP resist it?

Because the Party fears free thought and independent minds.

Liberal education leads people to ask dangerous questions:

“Why can’t we criticize the government?”

“Who holds power accountable?”

“What is the true relationship between citizen and state?”

These questions threaten authoritarian rule. To the CCP, liberal education does not cultivate citizens—it breeds “enemies.” Hence, it must be eliminated.

The CCP’s education instead seeks to confuse the lines between justice and oppression, presenting authoritarianism as the sole form of righteousness. All dissent and criticism are vilified as “subversion” or “betrayal.” Students are subjected to years of ideological conditioning and trained to see the world in black-and-white terms—friend or foe. The result is an obedient generation, blindly loyal to the Party, devoid of critical thought.

How Can We Break the CCP’s Educational Trap?

Despite this bleak reality, grassroots efforts can begin to chip away at the CCP’s education trap.

Overseas Chinese communities and digital platforms can take the lead by offering independent courses in history and civic education, revealing suppressed truths and spreading real knowledge. They can organize public forums that encourage young people to reflect on the nature of citizenship, democracy, and human rights—helping cultivate the critical thinking skills that the CCP seeks to destroy.

Education should not be a tool of submission but a weapon of enlightenment. Only by breaking free from the CCP’s ideological machinery can Chinese youth reclaim their intellectual sovereignty. Only then can education become a flame that ignites thought, not a chain that enslaves loyalty.

And only then can young people escape the grip of blind nationalism and step into a future of liberty and progress.

吕耿松:一位中国民主党人的信仰

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吕耿松:一位中国民主党人的信仰

作者:胡丽莉

编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑:田永德 鲁慧文

吕耿松,曾任中国民主党浙江委员会主席,现担任《在野党》杂志荣誉编辑。1956年1月7日生于浙江杭州,1983年毕业于杭州大学历史系,后在浙江省公安高等专科学校任教。1992年,他秘密撰写7万字小册子《论反对共产党独裁统治》,尝试筹组反对派组织,被校方查获并隔离审查近两个月,1993年初遭开除公职,从此以摆地摊维生,成为体制外的自由撰稿人。

吕耿松:一位中国民主党人的信仰

吕耿松始终未曾放弃过一丝对民主的信仰。他于1998年参与“公民运动”,于1999年初加入了中国民主党(如下图),2000年出版《中共贪官污吏》一书,严重抨击中国体制的腐败。2005年,他因夜市被强拆带头维权,并开始向境外媒体投稿,引起民主圈广泛关注。同年,他以扎实的法律功底担任维权案件公民代理人,虽遭庭审驱逐,却以坚定担当赢得广泛尊重。民主党员陈树庆回忆,吕“特别真诚,毫无遮拦”,具法律功底,维权敏感,具天然的民运骨干气质。

吕耿松1999年初加入了中国民主党,自左起:吕耿松、江棋生、朱虞夫、王东海、祝正明。(朱虞夫提供)

但这份信仰很快引来了中共的强烈报复。2007年8月24日,吕耿松因言获罪,遭国保抄家并被刑拘,2008年2月5日被杭州市中院以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判刑四年,剥夺政治权利一年,2008年4月二审维持原判,入余杭西郊监狱服刑。服刑期间,吕获独立中文笔会2008年“狱中作家奖”,2011年8月出狱。

出狱后,吕依然坚持写作,密切参与中国民主党浙江的组织事务。吕的文章笔锋锐利,直指中共制度弊病;他关注军队国家化、警察中立化,为维权者、法轮功学员等弱势群体奔走呼号。正如民主党员陈树庆所说:“他犹如一篇篇讨伐檄文,惹恼了中共高层的反动势力。”

2012年12月31日—2013年1月1日,中国民主党召开“黄山会议”,会议上吕耿松被选举为中国民主党浙江委员会主席,但不久后与副主席陈树庆先后被捕。2014年7月7日刑拘,8月13日被正式批捕。2016年6月17日,吕耿松被以“颠覆国家政权罪”重判11年,剥夺政治权利5年。2016年11月二审维持原判,刑期至2025年7月6日。

吕耿松在狱中遭到非法对待,朱虞夫和戚惠民陪同吕耿松妻子汪雪娥到浙江省监狱管理局投诉。(朱虞夫提供)

2023年3月18日,狱中探视时,他当众拉下口罩,露出内侧写着的“救救我”三个字,并称新任监管员杨帆处处刁难他。随后话筒被切断,狱方多人闯入现场试图“解释”,场面十分紧张。

家属反映,吕耿松多次在服刑期间受到虐待,营养不良,多颗牙齿脱落,狱方未积极安排装假牙,牙齿不好,没法吃东西。睡眠与饮食极差,体重严重下降,此外,他患有糖尿病、高血压及心脏病,早前检验出胆囊坏死,狱方将安排他做手术,但暂时未知时间,对他的健康情况担忧。鉴于吕耿松先生在狱中遭受到多次的人权侵害和身体健康情况不断恶化,家属多次向狱方申请保外就医,但一直无果。

吕耿松的家属亦屡次成为株连对象,承受着中共当局持续不断的骚扰与压力。早在2007年8月吕首次被捕时,其家就被警方严控,吕妻汪雪娥接受采访说:“我们家被控制了,其他人不能随意进出。”这是一场持久的家庭磨难。其女儿吕飘旗公开曝光父亲狱中遭遇后,遭国保上门威胁,要求“封口”。她在接受采访时表示:“我没有做过亏心事,为什么骚扰我?”并强调不会因此沉默。律师丁锡奎表示,吕女儿遭国保骚扰系严重违法,将考虑提起行政诉讼。

吕耿松是一位扎根底层、知识与行动并重的民运先锋。他不仅拥有理论写作与维权实战的双重能力,更具备极强的组织感召力。早在2002年左右,在收到《在野党》杂志后他热忱响应,表明“随时愿意为民主党出力”。彼时,中国民主党正处于严打后的低谷期,自建党至今,在监狱里一直不间断的关押着中国民主党人。吕耿松的挺身而出,为组织注入了新的活力。

他参与起草《中国政党法草案》,是中国民主党走出困境、重建组织规范与法律基础的重要推手之一。此后,他主持推动“民主茶话会”定期化与群众化,使党务从闭门讨论走向民间落地,成功打通民主组织与维权实践的双向通道,也改变了维权行动孤立分散的局面,奠定了浙江民主运动的群众基础。

中国民主党浙江委员会部分成员,自左至右:楼保生、王富华、萧利斌(前)、洪家炯(已去世)、胡臣、陈子亮(已去世)、毛庆祥 、来金彪、吕耿松(前)、陈开频、胡远明(已去世)、邹巍、沈建民、席传曦。(朱虞夫提供)

他参与代理《王富华案》,直面法庭暴力,成为中国民主党法律维权路线的重要象征。他积极投身强拆抗争、声援访民、宗教自由、劳工维权等多个议题,不仅代表了民主党的对外参与姿态,也扩大了中国民主党在民间和国际间的影响力。他不是传统意义上的异议人士,而是一位自觉投身组织建设的政治参与者。

在监狱中不断受虐的恶劣环境下,在身体健康每况日下的情况下,吕耿松依然坚持民主信仰,高举民主之火,毅然挺身而出,担任《在野党》复刊的荣誉编辑,用行动回应恐惧,用文字对抗谎言。

2025年7月6日,吕耿松走出高墙。这不仅是他个人的重生,更是在沉闷时代中,一次有希望的回响。他的归来,或许无法立刻改变体制,但足以唤醒沉睡的人心——即便在极权最深的夜晚,也总有人不曾熄灭信念之光。

Lv Gengsong: A Chinese Democratic Party Member’s Faith

By: Hu Lili

Edited by: Luo Zhifei

Executive Editors: Tian Yongde, Lu Huiwen

Translator: Lu Huiwen

Lv Gengsong, former chairman of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democratic Party and currently honorary editor of The Opposition magazine, was born on January 7, 1956, in Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province. He graduated from the Department of History at Hangzhou University in 1983 and later taught at the Zhejiang Public Security Higher Professional School. In 1992, he secretly authored a 70,000-character booklet titled On Opposing the Communist Party’s Dictatorship and attempted to organize an opposition group. The school discovered the manuscript, subjected him to nearly two months of isolation and investigation, and ultimately dismissed him from his teaching position in early 1993. From then on, he made a living as a street vendor and became an independent writer outside the system.

吕耿松:一位中国民主党人的信仰

Lv never wavered in his faith in democracy. In 1998, he participated in the “Citizens’ Movement” and officially joined the China Democratic Party in early 1999 (as seen in the photo below). In 2000, he published The Chinese Communist Party’s Corrupt Officials, a book that sharply criticized the systemic corruption of the Chinese regime. In 2005, after his night market stall was forcibly demolished, he took the lead in a rights defense protest and began contributing to overseas media, drawing wide attention in pro-democracy circles. That same year, relying on his solid legal knowledge, he began serving as a citizen advocate in rights defense cases. Though often expelled from courtrooms, he gained widespread respect for his unwavering stance.

Fellow democracy activist Chen Shuqing recalls:

“Lv was exceptionally sincere and straightforward. He had a strong legal foundation, a keen instinct for rights defense, and a natural charisma as a democratic movement leader.”

Lv Gengsong joined into the China Democratic Party in 1999.From left:Lv Gengsong,Jiang Qisheng,Zhu Yufu,Wang Donghai,Zhu Zhengming。(Provided by Zhu Yufu)

But Lv’s unwavering faith soon drew harsh retaliation from the Chinese Communist Party. On August 24, 2007, he was arrested for his writings. State Security officers raided his home, and he was placed under criminal detention. On February 5, 2008, the Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to four years in prison and one year of political rights deprivation for “inciting subversion of state power.” His appeal was rejected in April 2008, and he was transferred to Yuhang West Suburban Prison to serve his sentence. During his imprisonment, Lv was awarded the 2008 Freedom to Write Award by the Independent Chinese PEN Center. He was released in August 2011.

After his release, Lv remained committed to writing and took an active role in the organizational work of the China Democratic Party in Zhejiang. His essays were sharply critical of the Communist regime, frequently targeting the structural flaws of the system. He strongly advocated for the nationalization of the military and the political neutrality of the police, while also speaking out in defense of vulnerable groups, including rights defenders and Falun Gong practitioners.

As fellow party member Chen Shuqing remarked:

“His articles read like one battle cry after another, enraging the reactionary forces at the highest levels of the CCP.”

December 31, 2012 – January 1, 2013, during the China Democratic Party’s “Huangshan Conference,” Lv was elected Chairman of the Zhejiang Committee. However, not long after, he and Vice Chairman Chen Shuqing were both arrested. Lv was taken into custody on July 7, 2014, and formally arrested on August 13. On June 17, 2016, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison and 5 years of political rights deprivation for “subversion of state power.” The sentence was upheld on appeal in November 2016. His current term is set to end on July 6, 2025.

Lv Gengsong was subjected to unlawful treatment while in prison. Zhu Yufu and Qi Huimin accompanied Lv’s wife, Wang Xue’e, to file a complaint at the Zhejiang Provincial Prison Administration Bureau.

(Photo courtesy of Zhu Yufu)

On March 18, 2023, during a prison visit, Lv Gengsong pulled down his mask in front of others, revealing the words “Save me” written on the inside. He alleged that his new supervising officer, Yang Fan, had been deliberately making things difficult for him. Immediately afterward, the microphone was cut off, and multiple prison personnel rushed in to “explain” the situation, creating a tense and chaotic scene.

Lv’s family members report that he has suffered repeated mistreatment during his imprisonment. He is malnourished, has lost multiple teeth, and the prison has failed to arrange proper dental care, including the installation of dentures. With poor teeth, he struggles to eat. He suffers from severe insomnia and loss of appetite, and his weight has dropped drastically. In addition to diabetes, hypertension, and heart disease, he has been diagnosed with gallbladder necrosis. While prison authorities have indicated that surgery will be arranged, no specific timeline has been given, leaving his family deeply concerned about his deteriorating health. Due to repeated violations of his human rights and his worsening medical condition, the family has filed multiple applications for medical parole, all of which have been denied or ignored.

Lv Gengsong’s family has also been subjected to collective punishment, enduring persistent harassment and pressure from the Chinese authorities. As early as August 2007, during Lv’s first arrest, his home was placed under tight surveillance by the police. His wife, Wang Xue’e, stated in an interview:

“Our home was placed under control. No one could come and go freely.”

She described the ordeal as a prolonged and traumatic family struggle.

After Lv’s daughter, Lv Piaoqi, publicly exposed her father’s mistreatment in prison, she was threatened by state security officers who came to her home and ordered her to “keep quiet.” In an interview, she responded:

“I’ve done nothing wrong—why are they harassing me?”

She emphasized that she would not be silenced.

Attorney Ding Xikui stated that the harassment of Lv’s daughter by state security agents constitutes a serious violation of the law and that they are considering filing an administrative lawsuit.

Lv Gengsong is a grassroots-driven pioneer of China’s pro-democracy movement, known for his rare combination of intellectual rigor and hands-on activism. He possesses not only strong abilities in theoretical writing and rights defense but also exceptional organizational charisma. As early as 2002, upon receiving a copy of The Opposition magazine, he responded with great enthusiasm, declaring that he was “ready at any time to contribute to the China Democratic Party.” At that time, the Party was in a deep trough following harsh crackdowns, and since its founding, members had been continuously imprisoned. Lv’s bold commitment breathed new life into the organization.

He was a key contributor to the drafting of the Draft Law on Political Parties in China, playing a pivotal role in helping the China Democratic Party emerge from crisis and reestablish its legal and organizational foundations. Later, he took the lead in promoting the regularization and public engagement of “Democracy Teahouse” gatherings, transitioning internal party discussions into broader grassroots outreach. His efforts successfully built a bridge between democratic organization and rights defense activism, breaking the isolation of fragmented protests and laying a solid popular foundation for the democracy movement in Zhejiang.

Some members of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democratic Party, from left to right: Lou Baosheng, Wang Fuhua, Xiao Libin (front), Hong Jiajiong (deceased), Hu Chen, Chen Ziliang (deceased), Mao Qingxiang, Lai Jinbiao, Lv Gengsong (front), Chen Kaipin, Hu Yuanming (deceased), Zou Wei, Shen Jianmin, Xi Chuanxi. (Photo courtesy of Zhu Yufu)

He served as a legal advocate in the Wang Fuhua case, directly confronting courtroom violence and becoming a key symbol of the China Democratic Party’s legal rights defense strategy. Actively engaged in anti-demolition protests, supporting petitioners, advocating for religious freedom, and defending labor rights, Lv Gengsong embodied not only the Party’s outward-facing commitment to public engagement but also expanded its influence among grassroots communities and international circles. He was not a dissident in the conventional sense, but a politically engaged actor consciously devoted to building democratic institutions.

Even under relentless abuse in prison and amid steadily deteriorating health, Lv remained steadfast in his faith in democracy. He held high the torch of freedom, rising with courage to become honorary editor of the revived Opposition magazine, using his actions to answer fear, and his words to counter lies.

On July 6, 2025, Lv Gengsong is set to walk free from behind prison walls. This moment marks not only a personal rebirth, but also a hopeful echo in an era of repression. His return may not immediately transform the system, but it carries the power to awaken hearts long numbed—reminding us that even in the darkest nights of tyranny, there are always those who never let the light of conviction die out.

民不聊生,人间炼狱:中国共产党统治下的经济大溃败

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作者/编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文

        2025年的中国,已经陷入了前所未有的经济黑暗时代。这个曾被中共吹嘘为“世界第二大经济体”的国家,如今正迅速滑向深渊:外资加速撤离,企业接连裁员,工人维权无门,大学生毕业即失业,整个社会如同一口没有底的深井,正在吞噬着人民的希望与尊严。医院、学校等事业单位频频拖欠工资,烂尾楼成片,流浪汉遍地,社会秩序岌岌可危。这一切的罪魁祸首,正是独裁专制、闭关锁国、贪污腐败的中国共产党!

        近年来,中国吸引外资的“光环”早已褪色。2024年,中国FDI(外商直接投资)同比暴跌82%,创历史新低。2025年第一季度,这一趋势继续加剧,跨国企业纷纷迁往越南、印度、墨西哥等更自由透明的国家和地区。苹果、三星、特斯拉、索尼、戴尔等跨国巨头,或关厂或缩产,大批离开中国,搬迁产业链。而就在此过程中,广东、江苏、浙江等制造业重镇出现前所未有的“工厂关门潮”和“就业断崖潮”。资本是逐利的,但更怕政治风险。中共的“动态清零”余震犹在,战狼外交与反美情绪让外资企业如坐针毡,“外企=间谍”的舆论打压更是令人心寒。当“依法治国”沦为口号,“国进民退”成为常态,谁还敢在中共治下投资未来?

        中国的劳动市场已经深陷失业危机。据官方数据(极度粉饰之后),2024年中国青年失业率高达21.3%。但根据真实民间调查,大学毕业生失业率可能高达40%!这些年轻人寒窗十载,却迎来“考公无门、进厂无望、创业即死”的社会绝望。大量年轻人不得不加入外卖骑手、快递员、网约车司机的行列,靠“自谋出路”苦苦挣扎。

        三十岁以上的“中年人”更是惨不忍睹。互联网裁员潮席卷阿里、腾讯、百度,制造业大量倒闭,房地产行业崩盘带走数百万相关就业岗位——人到中年,负债累累,上有老下有小,突然被企业“一纸通知”扫地出门,这不是电视剧,是现实!一个真正的“就业地狱”已经在中国大地形成,遍地哀号,怨声载道。中共所谓的“高质量发展”,就是靠榨干普通人民的血汗来掩盖权贵集团的贪婪!

        不仅私营企业泥菩萨过江,连原本“旱涝保收”的体制内单位也开始入不敷出。2025年以来,四川、贵州、黑龙江、河南、广西等地频频爆出公立医院、乡镇学校教师、村干部被拖欠工资的丑闻。不少地方政府甚至发出“以物抵薪”的无耻公告,妄图用鸡蛋、蔬菜、甚至马桶抵扣应发工资!财政枯竭,地方债爆雷,中共权贵大肆挥霍,最后买单的却是底层公务员与人民教师。这是对人民公信力的彻底摧毁!连医生、教师都无法维持基本生活,这样的政权还有什么存在的必要?

        房地产,这个中共亲手制造的泡沫怪兽,终于开始反噬社会。据不完全统计,截至2025年,中国大陆已有超过2500个“烂尾楼”项目,影响购房者超过1200万人。许多人背负三代人的积蓄,却未见房子的一砖一瓦。更可怕的是,维权成了“违法”。河南、广西、江西、湖南等地的“停贷潮”爆发后,无数业主走上街头,却被警察暴力镇压,维权代表被秘密拘捕,媒体全面封杀。当一个国家不能保护购房者的合法权益,反而将其打压为“敌对势力”,这不是国家,是黑帮!

        在大城市的天桥下、商场门口、火车站角落,流浪汉的身影正日益增多。他们曾经是打工者、送货员、甚至小老板,如今却流落街头,食不果腹、衣不蔽体。江苏苏州、山东青岛、广东东莞、贵州毕节等地,流浪人员“聚居区”正在形成,这些人被中共统称为“低端人口”,实则是中共经济政策失败的无声控诉。而在社交平台上,越来越多的人公开讲述自己的绝望:欠下网贷、被裁员、无力还房贷、得病无钱医治、甚至萌生轻生念头。底层民众早已没有“希望”二字,只剩苟延残喘!

        中国的居民人均债务率早已突破GDP的70%,部分城市家庭债务占收入比例甚至高达200%。老百姓上班是为银行打工,房贷、车贷、信用卡、教育贷压得人喘不过气。而另一方面,中共巧立名目,增税提费、社保拖延、隐形税负不断升级:从个税、增值税、印花税,到各种“城市维护建设费”“教育附加费”“数据资源税”,压榨人民血汗毫不手软。“富人不交税,穷人税如山”,这就是中共自诩“社会主义”的真面目!

        所有这一切的根源,归结到一点:中共的独裁体制与极端腐败!是中共为了维稳、面子工程而掏空财政,让民生项目资金短缺;是中共打压舆论、封锁真相,导致企业无法真实评估风险而破产;是中共纵容高层权贵掠夺民脂民膏,把中国变成了官商勾结的天堂;是中共控制金融与资源命脉,让普通人永远无法翻身,只能被奴役;而当一切崩溃之时,正是中共高喊国家安全、用“台湾是中国的”来欺骗中国人,转移注意力!

        人民不是为维稳而活,人民是为了尊严、自由与幸福而活。中共一党专政的体制,已经走到了尽头。它无法拯救中国经济,只会制造更大灾难。它无法保障人民权益,只会通过暴力与欺骗维持统治。我们需要的,不是“共存”,不是“忍耐”,而是彻底清算!中国人民已经用血泪交出答卷:中共不倒,中国不安;中共不亡,民不聊生!

        我们面对失业的兄弟、流浪的邻居、维权被抓的朋友时,是否还能沉默?当我们亲眼见到这片土地满目疮痍、人间惨剧,是否还能对中共抱有幻想?一个压迫人民、摧毁经济、扼杀希望的政权,必须被终结。未来的中国,必须在中共的废墟上重建!

A Living Hell: The CCP’s Economic Collapse and the People’s Despair

By/Editor: Li Congling | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

In 2025, China has plunged into an unprecedented economic dark age. Once touted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as the “world’s second-largest economy,” the country is now rapidly descending into chaos: foreign capital is fleeing, companies are laying off workers in droves, workers have nowhere to seek justice, and university graduates face unemployment the moment they graduate. The entire society resembles a bottomless pit, devouring the people’s hope and dignity. Public institutions like hospitals and schools are defaulting on salaries, unfinished housing projects stretch across the country, and homelessness is rampant. Social order teeters on the brink of collapse. The root cause of all this? The authoritarian, isolationist, corrupt regime of the Chinese Communist Party!

In recent years, China’s former “shine” as a destination for foreign investment has completely faded. In 2024, China’s FDI (foreign direct investment) plummeted by 82% year-on-year—a historic low. The trend worsened in the first quarter of 2025 as multinational corporations fled to freer, more transparent countries like Vietnam, India, and Mexico. Giants like Apple, Samsung, Tesla, Sony, and Dell have either closed factories, scaled back production, or fully relocated their supply chains. In their wake, manufacturing hubs like Guangdong, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang are facing an unprecedented “factory shutdown wave” and an “employment cliff.” Capital seeks profit—but fears political risk even more. The aftershocks of Xi Jinping’s “Zero COVID” policy still linger. “Wolf warrior diplomacy” and rising anti-Western sentiment have made foreign investors increasingly uneasy. The smear campaign equating foreign companies with “spies” is chilling. When “rule of law” becomes an empty slogan and “state-owned expansion, private sector retreat” becomes the norm, who dares invest in such a future?

China’s labor market is in a deep unemployment crisis. Even after heavy data sanitization, the official youth unemployment rate reached 21.3% in 2024. Independent surveys suggest the real number for college graduates may be as high as 40%! After years of academic hardship, they face a society where “civil service exams are out of reach, factory jobs are dead ends, and entrepreneurship equals suicide.” Many young people have been forced into low-paying gig jobs—delivery drivers, couriers, ride-share drivers—barely surviving through self-reliance.

Those over 30 fare even worse. Mass layoffs have hit tech giants like Alibaba, Tencent, and Baidu. Manufacturing is collapsing. The real estate crash has erased millions of jobs. Middle-aged people, burdened with debt and family responsibilities, are being thrown out of work with a single dismissal notice. This isn’t a TV drama—this is reality. A true employment hell has taken root across China, with cries of despair echoing through every province. The CCP’s so-called “high-quality development” is nothing but a mask for elite greed built on the back-breaking toil of ordinary people.

Even public sector jobs—once seen as stable and “crisis-proof”—are crumbling. Since 2025, regions like Sichuan, Guizhou, Heilongjiang, Henan, and Guangxi have reported wage arrears for public hospital staff, rural teachers, and village officials. Some local governments have even issued shameless “in-kind payment” notices, attempting to pay workers with eggs, vegetables, even toilets instead of wages! Fiscal coffers are empty. Local debt is imploding. The CCP elite continues their lavish spending, but the bill is handed to grassroots civil servants and public workers. This is a total collapse of public trust. When even doctors and teachers can’t afford to survive, what legitimacy does such a government have?

Real estate—the monstrous bubble nurtured by the CCP—has finally turned on society. As of 2025, over 2,500 “unfinished building” projects have left more than 12 million homebuyers in limbo.

Families have poured in the savings of three generations, only to receive not a single brick. Worse still, fighting for one’s rights is now a crime. In provinces like Henan, Guangxi, Jiangxi, and Hunan, waves of mortgage boycotts have broken out. Protesters are violently suppressed. Activists are secretly detained. Media coverage is completely blacked out. When a country cannot protect the legal rights of homebuyers and instead treats them as enemies of the state, it ceases to be a nation—it becomes a mafia.

In the shadows of overpasses, near shopping centers, and at train stations in major cities, homeless people are becoming a common sight. Many were once factory workers, delivery men, even small business owners. Now they wander the streets, cold and starving. In places like Suzhou, Qingdao, Dongguan, and Bijie, “homeless clusters” are forming. The CCP labels them “low-end populations”—but they are the living evidence of the regime’s economic failure. On social media, more and more people are publicly sharing their despair: buried in online loans, laid off without warning, defaulting on mortgages, sick without money for treatment—some even expressing suicidal thoughts. For the masses, “hope” is long gone. All that remains is survival.

China’s household debt-to-GDP ratio has exceeded 70%, and in some cities, household debt is over 200% of income. People don’t work for themselves anymore—they work for the banks. Mortgage loans, car loans, credit cards, education loans—the pressure is crushing. At the same time, the CCP invents new taxes, delays social benefits, and piles on hidden fees: income tax, VAT, stamp tax, urban maintenance tax, education surcharges, “data resource taxes”—it never stops squeezing. “The rich pay no tax, the poor are buried in it.” This is the true face of the CCP’s so-called socialism.

All of this traces back to one root: the CCP’s authoritarianism and rampant corruption! It is the CCP that drained public funds for “stability maintenance” and vanity projects, leaving people’s livelihoods unfunded. It is the CCP that silenced the press and blocked the truth, making it impossible for businesses to assess real risks. It is the CCP that enabled elite looting, turning China into a playground of collusion between officials and businessmen. It is the CCP that controls finance and resources, ensuring ordinary citizens can never rise up—only be enslaved. And when the whole system collapses, the CCP shouts “National Security!” and waves the Taiwan issue to distract the public.

The people do not live to “maintain stability.” The people live for dignity, for freedom, and for happiness. The one-party dictatorship of the CCP has reached its end. It cannot save China’s economy—it can only deepen the disaster. It cannot protect people’s rights—it can only rule by fear and lies. What we need is not coexistence or patience—but reckoning and justice! The Chinese people have spoken through blood and tears: There will be no peace in China unless the CCP falls; there will be no survival for the people unless the CCP is gone!

Can we remain silent as we watch our brothers lose their jobs, our neighbors sleep on the streets, and our friends imprisoned for defending their rights? Can we still harbor illusions about the CCP when our land is scorched and lives shattered? A regime that oppresses its people, destroys its economy, and kills hope must be brought to an end. The future of China must be rebuilt atop the ruins of the Chinese Communist Party!

马克思主义——崇高幻象下的局限性

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作者:张兴贵(大陆中国民主党员)

编辑:王新叶 责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文

马克思主义,它曾以“自由”与“平等”的空口号激励了19世纪的劳工运动,让无数人以为看到了理想社会的幻象。然而其理论的缺陷与实践的失败,表明这一理想社会难以兑现,只会让人类社会陷入奴役与贫穷的深渊。

一、理论的局限:空想的逻辑漏洞

马克思主义主张消灭私有制、通过暴力革命实现“按需分配”,理想很崇高,但其逻辑存在严重缺陷:

首先,私有制是经济激励的基石,中央计划导致信息不对称与资源错配。私有制赋予个人努力与回报的关联,激励创新与生产,消灭私有制就破坏了经济激励的基石。而马克思主义主张将生产资料收归国有,由中央计划分配资源,但中央计划者无法掌握市场中分散的、动态的需求信息。这种信息不对称导致了资源错配,生产停滞,最终,社会财富终将枯竭枯竭(来自哈耶克《通往奴役之路》一书)。

其次,按需分配的不可操作性:需求的主观性使分配标准沦为掌权者的工具,催生出特权阶层。马克思主义的理想是实现人类的解放,建立一个无阶级、自由平等的社会。这种理想很崇高,但由于违背了人类的本性而无法达到。人类的需求多样且主观,谁来定义“需要”的标准?答案是掌权者。这一过程不可避免地导致权力的高度集中,普通人的需求被忽视,所谓的“平等”沦为少数人操控的工具。最终,集中权力不仅无法实现平等,反而催生新的特权阶层。

最后,暴力革命的后果:列宁的“先锋队”理论预示了权力的集中在逻辑上势必会走向独裁。暴力革命需要强力领导,但权力一旦集中,便难以分散。列宁的“先锋队”理论要求少数精英掌控革命进程,这在逻辑上预示了独裁的必然性。

二、历史的教训:奴役与贫穷的疮疤

理论的缺陷在实践中会被放大为巨大的灾难。经济学家阿马蒂亚·森指出,市场经济通过价格机制调节供需,而苏联的计划经济导致资源严重浪费与生产停滞。让我们以历史的镜子,审视马克思主义的实践带来的严重后果。

苏联:1917年革命后,斯大林的计划经济导致物资匮乏,数百万人死于迫害或饥荒。中央计划经济造成物资匮乏,1985年苏联人均GDP仅为美国的1/3(世界银行数据),民众排队数小时只为购买面包求温饱。斯大林的集权统治更是导致大清洗,数百万人死于迫害。这不是平等,而是贫困;这不是自由,而是奴役。

中国:1949年后的土地改革和“大跃进”试图实现马克思主义的理想,却导致了灾难性的后果。1949-1978年的土地改革与“大跃进”造成约3000万-4500万非正常死亡(《毛泽东的大饥荒》)。改革开放后,中国引入市场经济,中国才逐步摆脱贫困,亿万人的生活水平才显著提升。这一转变证明,马克思主义只会导致社会的极度贫穷。

其他案例:朝鲜1990年代饥荒(约60万人死亡)与古巴经济停滞,均验证了计划经济的低效:经济崩溃、自由受限、人民困苦。马克思主义的试验场,留下的只有奴役与贫穷的疮疤。

三、人性的现实:自由驱动繁荣

马克思主义忽视个体追求自由与利益的天性。人性是理性与自利的结合,追求自由与个人价值是我们的本能。马克思主义试图通过集体主义压制这一本能,定会导致社会的严重倒退。

亚当·斯密的“看不见的手”表明,自由市场通过竞争与激励推动创新。从工业革命到信息时代,市场经济显著提升生活水平。个人追求自身利益,通过竞争与合作推动社会整体福祉。虽然资本主义并非完美,但它通过自由选择与激励机制,释放了人类的创造力。从工业革命到信息时代,科技进步、医疗改善、生活水平产生了质的飞跃,这无一不是自由市场的成果。反观马克思主义,扼杀了社会创新,窒息了经济活力。

托克维尔警告,强制平等可能导致“平等的压迫”。真正的公平源于机会平等,而非消灭差异。马克思主义的实践历史验证了这一逻辑:拥有平等之名,却剥夺了个人自由,普通人被奴役于体制,特权阶层却凌驾于众人之上,从而制造了权力的严重不对等。

结论:

马克思主义的理想在思想逻辑与社会实践中均不可行。以自由市场为基础,辅以社会保障和法治,是实现繁荣与公平的更可行路径。马克思主义建立在空想之上,它的实践也带来灾难的后果,它的幻象已被逻辑与历史的铁锤粉碎,它许诺的自由与平等不过是奴役与贫穷的伪装。

Marxism: The Limitations Behind Its Noble Illusion

By Zhang Xinggui (Mainland Member of the China Democracy Party)

Edited by Wang Xinye | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen

Marxism once inspired 19th-century labor movements with lofty slogans of “freedom” and “equality,” leading countless people to believe they saw a vision of an ideal society. Yet the flaws in its theory and the repeated failures in its practice prove that this so-called ideal is nothing more than an illusion—one that leads humanity into the abyss of servitude and poverty.

I. Theoretical Limitations: The Logical Pitfalls of Utopianism

Marxism advocates for the abolition of private property and the realization of “distribution according to need” through violent revolution. While this may sound noble, its logic is fundamentally flawed:

1. Abolishing Private Property Undermines Economic Incentives

Private ownership is the foundation of economic motivation. It creates a link between individual effort and reward, thus encouraging innovation and productivity. Marxism seeks to nationalize the means of production and allocate resources through central planning. However, central planners cannot grasp the dispersed, ever-changing information of the market. This information asymmetry leads to massive resource misallocation and stagnation. As Friedrich Hayek warns in The Road to Serfdom, central planning ultimately exhausts societal wealth.

2. “Distribution According to Need” Is Unworkable

Needs are inherently subjective—who defines them? In a Marxist system, the answer is: those in power. This inevitably leads to centralized control and the emergence of new elites. Far from achieving equality, such a system becomes a tool for power consolidation, where the masses are ignored and a privileged ruling class thrives.

3. Violent Revolution Breeds Tyranny

Lenin’s concept of the “vanguard party” requires a small elite to lead the revolution. But once power is centralized, it rarely disperses. The logic of a violent seizure of power sets the stage for dictatorship, not democracy.

II. Historical Lessons: The Scars of Slavery and Poverty

Theory becomes tragedy when applied in reality. Economist Amartya Sen argues that market economies regulate supply and demand through price mechanisms, while centrally planned economies suffer from severe inefficiencies. Let history be our mirror:

The Soviet Union:

After the 1917 revolution, Stalin’s planned economy led to shortages, mass repression, and famine. By 1985, Soviet GDP per capita was only one-third of that of the United States (World Bank). Citizens queued for hours just to buy bread. The Great Purge cost millions of lives. This was not equality—it was poverty. It was not freedom—it was slavery.

China:

Land reform and the Great Leap Forward between 1949–1978 aimed to realize Marxist ideals, but resulted in catastrophe. Between 30 to 45 million people died from man-made famine (Mao’s Great Famine). It was only after the market reforms of the 1980s that China began lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty. The economic resurgence proved one thing: Marxist dogma leads to disaster, not prosperity.

Other Cases:

North Korea’s 1990s famine (over 600,000 deaths) and Cuba’s decades of stagnation confirm the inefficiency of planned economies: economic collapse, curtailed freedoms, and mass suffering. Wherever Marxism was tried, it left behind scars of servitude and poverty.

III. Human Nature and the Drive for Freedom

Marxism ignores the fundamental human drive for liberty and personal interest. Human nature is a blend of reason and self-interest. Attempts to suppress these through collectivist ideology are doomed to fail.

Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” shows that free markets, driven by competition and individual choice, promote innovation and societal well-being. From the Industrial Revolution to the Information Age, every leap in human progress—from technology to medicine to quality of life—has been fueled by free-market dynamics. Marxism, in contrast, stifles innovation and smothers economic vitality.

Alexis de Tocqueville warned that “forced equality” can become a form of “equality in oppression.” True fairness stems from equality of opportunity—not forced uniformity. Marxist regimes, in practice, preach equality while stripping away freedom. Ordinary citizens are enslaved to the system, while a privileged elite stands above the law. This is not justice; it is tyranny.

Conclusion

Marxism, both in theory and practice, is fundamentally flawed. A system grounded in free markets, supplemented by social safety nets and the rule of law, offers a far more viable path to both prosperity and justice.

Marxism was born of utopian ideals—but its reality has brought catastrophe. Its promises of freedom and equality are but a disguise for enslavement and impoverishment. Its illusions have been shattered by the hammer of logic and the anvil of history.

一个流亡者的怒吼–七月一日感言

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作者/编辑:赵杰 二零二五年七月一日 责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文

七月一日,是中共的建党日,却也是整个中国人民悲剧的开始。这个从西伯利亚飘来的魔鬼,用谎言、暴力与灭绝人性的手段强占了我们的家园,摧毁了几代中国人辛苦建立的亚洲第一个共和体制——中华民国。

民国初期虽然有许多不完善之处,但毕竟开创了一个“民国十年,大师辈出”的时代。反观中共篡政之后,一步步摧毁了民国时代建立的文明制度,制造各种运动,强取豪夺,摧残人性,压制思想。和平年代竟然能活生生饿死几千万中国人,这不仅仅是治理的失败,更是制度的罪恶。

苏联曾饿死几百万乌克兰人,红色高棉在柬埔寨四年时间就屠杀了全国三分之一人口。如今苏联已亡,红色高棉被清算,然而中国至今仍被中共独裁统治,那个杀死几千万中国人的魔鬼——毛泽东的尸体,竟还被保留在棺材里供人瞻仰,这本身就是对人性的极大嘲讽。

中共政权比日本侵略者更令人憎恨。我个人认为,中共的统治甚至不如日本人占领中国时期的统治。可怜几百万国军将士的牺牲,几千万中国人的抗战流血,最终却换来一片旧河山,落入了一个打着共产主义旗号招摇撞骗、实则恢复奴隶制的魔鬼政权手中。中国人的苦难,并未随抗战胜利而终结,而是在中共统治下变本加厉地延续。

我们是这种苦难的亲历者。

而今我们“用脚投票”,逃离了中共的魔掌,却也因此失去了故乡,失去了与父母的相守,成为了流亡者。我至今还记得离开家之前的日子,我哭着请求父母跟我一起离开。母亲说她还有照顾双亲的责任,父亲则愤怒地对我说:“我真不明白,别人都在这里活得下去,你还有一份不错的工作,为什么你不能呢?” ,我只能回答:“我不能。”

我不能看着自己的家园被中共治理得千疮百孔、满目疮痍,却连一句质问都不敢问出口。一问就被封号、喝斥,甚至失去自由。文革才过去几十年,习近平却借疫情之名制造了新的文革,各种荒唐事件、荒唐词语接连出现。历史告诉我们:当一个靠抢劫起家的政权陷入困境、走投无路的时候,它只会重操旧业,再次通过暴力与剥夺延续它的统治。

那些日子, 我怕, 我总觉得头上有一把无形的刀,整日活在恐惧之中。我决定带着孩子逃离了那个地方,哪怕前路充满未知和危险,我也要走。

今日我们来到了自由之地。

我们获得了言论的自由、思想的自由、生活的自由。但我们不该忘记自己的故乡。胡适先生曾说:“一个肚子饿得要死的人,也许可以勉强忍受一时的饥饿;但一个长期活在没有自由的环境中的人,他的精神和人格将彻底被摧毁。 假使我们只能在‘有面包而无自由’的制度中求生,那我们和牲口又有何分别?

我们就是那些从“只有面包”的体制里逃出来的人,我们选择了“有自由,哪怕暂时没有面包”。

朱虞夫先生曾说:“流亡者最后的武器就是笔。”如今我们终于可以张开在国内被中共捂住的嘴巴, 发出自己真实的怒吼。我们要告诉中共,也告诉全世界:中共政权不能代表中国!

我们只承认中华民国。中华民国不只是台湾人的中华民国,更是所有中国人的中华民国。驱逐马列,恢复中华,这是每一个中华儿女应当承担的使命。

愿我们的下一代,能在真正自由的土地上重新认识自己的根、自己的文化和自己的尊严。

The Roar of an Exile

Reflections on July 1st

By/Edited by: Zhao Jie

July 1st, 2025

Editors-in-chief: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen

Translator: Lu Huiwen

July 1st is the anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, but it also marks the beginning of a national tragedy for the Chinese people. This demon that drifted in from Siberia seized our homeland with lies, violence, and inhuman cruelty, destroying the first republic in Asia that generations of Chinese had worked so hard to establish—the Republic of China.

Although the early Republic had its shortcomings, it still ushered in an era known as the “Ten Glorious Years of the Republic,” when great minds flourished. In contrast, after the CCP usurped power, it systematically dismantled the civilized institutions of the Republic era, launched endless political movements, looted the people, trampled human nature, and crushed independent thought. In a time of peace, it managed to starve tens of millions to death—not merely a failure of governance, but a crime of the system itself.

The Soviet Union starved millions of Ukrainians; the Khmer Rouge slaughtered a third of Cambodia’s population in just four years. The Soviet Union has since collapsed, and the Khmer Rouge has been brought to justice. But China remains under the CCP’s brutal dictatorship. The corpse of Mao Zedong—the man who caused the death of tens of millions—still lies in a glass coffin, shamelessly displayed for public veneration. This is a grotesque mockery of human dignity.

The CCP regime is more detestable than the Japanese invaders. In my opinion, its rule is even more brutal than the Japanese occupation of China. The sacrifices of millions of Nationalist soldiers and the bloodshed of tens of millions during the war of resistance ultimately failed to bring peace. Our ancient homeland fell into the hands of a regime that parades under the banner of communism while in fact restoring a form of slavery. The suffering of the Chinese people did not end with the victory in the war—it only deepened under CCP rule.

We are witnesses to that suffering.

Today, we have “voted with our feet” and fled from the CCP’s grasp. But in doing so, we lost our homeland, our families, and our right to stay by our parents’ side. I still remember the days before I left. I wept, begging my parents to leave with me. My mother said she had to care for her own aging parents. My father, furious, shouted at me: “I don’t understand! Everyone else manages to live here. You have a decent job. Why can’t you?” I could only answer, “Because I can’t.”

I cannot stand by while my homeland is ravaged by the CCP, reduced to ruin, and not even dare to ask why. The moment I do, I’m silenced, banned, or imprisoned. The Cultural Revolution ended only decades ago, and yet Xi Jinping used the pandemic as an excuse to launch a new Cultural Revolution, complete with absurd slogans and surreal crackdowns. History tells us that when a regime founded on robbery faces crisis, it will inevitably return to its roots—violence and plunder—to cling to power.

In those final days, I lived in fear, constantly feeling a blade hanging over my head. I fled with my child, uncertain of what lay ahead. But I had to leave.

Now, we are in the land of freedom.

We have freedom of speech, of thought, and of life itself. But we must never forget our homeland. Hu Shi once said, “A man dying of hunger may endure his fate for a time, but a man deprived of freedom will see his spirit and humanity destroyed. If we must survive in a system that offers bread but no liberty, how are we different from livestock?”

We are those who escaped a system that offered only bread—we chose liberty, even if it meant going without bread.

As Mr. Zhu Yufu once said, “The last weapon of the exile is the pen.” Now, at last, we can open the mouths that the CCP once forced shut, and let out our true roar. We want to tell the CCP—and the world: The Chinese Communist Party does not represent China!

We only recognize the Republic of China.

The Republic of China is not just for the people of Taiwan—it belongs to all Chinese people. To expel Marxism-Leninism and restore China—this is the sacred duty of every child of our nation.

May the next generation grow up on free soil, where they can rediscover their roots, their culture, and their dignity.

马群:我在洛杉矶星光大道声援《香港47人案》

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我是中国民主党党员马群,我在洛杉矶星光大道声援《香港47人案》,时代革命,光复香港!

一次街头行动不能促成中国的政治变革,但只要能让海外华人、美国人以及墙内人看清一点点的中共邪恶本质,我们的行动就会变得有意义。

作者:马群   责任编辑:罗志飞

I am Ma Qun, a member of the China Democracy Party. I stood on Hollywood Walk of Fame in Los Angeles to voice support for the “Hong Kong 47” case, for the movement of our times, and for the liberation of Hong Kong!

A single street action may not bring about political change in China. But if it helps overseas Chinese, Americans, or people inside the Great Firewall see even a little more clearly the evil nature of the Chinese Communist Party, then our action is meaningful.

By Ma Qun

Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen