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纽约抗议记:中共二号人物李强滚出联合国

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作者:毛一炜

编辑:李聪玲     责任编辑:胡丽莉

摘要:美国多地抗议者聚集联合国总部,举横幅高喊口号,抗议李强代表独裁政权

2025年9月23日晚上9点,我们一行八人从洛杉矶出发前往纽约。经过五个半

小时的飞行,凌晨5点半抵达时,我、张娜、王梦梦、李伟几乎一夜未眠——

实际上,我们八个都没合眼。大家连行李都没放下,就背着书包直奔抗议现场。

这是我们必须发声的一天——李强来到纽约,不代表人民,只代表独裁。

九点半,我们抵达中共常驻联合国代表团大楼。我和大家一起举起横幅,上面

写着:“西藏独立、台湾独立、要民主、要自由!李强李强,下一个李克强!”同

时高声喊出:

“中共下台!信仰自由!”

“中共滚出中国!滚出联合国!”

口号声回荡在街道上,不少路人停下拍照,有人竖起大拇指表示支持。

随后,我们沿街举着横幅朝联合国总部方向前进,高声喊着:

“Freefree, China!”

“Eed CCP!”

“李强滚出美国”

“李强滚出联合国”

封道的警察挡住了去路,交通管制限制了前进。封道无法阻挡我们的行动,我们仍

在联合国大楼前的街道上高举横幅、喊出我们的诉求。

这次行动还有朋友从法拉盛赶来,他们早上八点在地铁口集合,与我们会合。不同

地方的人,因为同一个信念走到一起。我们互相照应,现场安保维持秩序,背后更

有律师团队待命。站在街头的并不只是我们几个人,而是无数同样相信自由的人在

背后支撑着我们。

中共以谎言统治,以暴力维持政权。它剥夺信仰、践踏人权、掠夺财产、制造恐惧

,却妄称代表中国人民。李强不过是这个独裁机器的代言人,他出现在联合国,本

身就是对世界的侮辱。

纽约清晨的阳光洒在联合国大楼上,我站在街头高喊“中共下台,信仰自由”,心里

格外清楚——今天的我,只是无数追求自由、反抗专制的中国人中的一员。

Protest Diary in New York: CCP No. 2 Li Qiang, Get Out of the UN

Author: Mao Yiwei

Editor: Li Congling      Executive Editor: Hu Lili

Abstract:Protesters from across the United States gathered at the United Nations headquarters, holding banners and chanting slogans to denounce Li Qiang as a representative of a dictatorship.

On the night of September 23, 2025, eight of us departed from Los Angeles for New York. After a five-and-a-half-hour flight, we landed at 5:30 a.m. — almost without sleep. In fact, none of the eight of us had closed our eyes all night. We didn’t even drop off our luggage; backpacks on our shoulders, we headed straight to the protest site.

This was a day we had to speak out — Li Qiang’s presence in New York does not represent the people; he represents dictatorship.

At 9:30 a.m., we arrived at the building of the Chinese Communist Party’s Permanent Mission to the UN. Together we held up a banner reading:

“Free Tibet! Free Taiwan! We want democracy and freedom! Li Qiang, Li Qiang — the next Li Keqiang!”

We shouted loudly:

“Down with the CCP! Freedom of belief!”

“CCP, get out of China! Get out of the United Nations!”

Our voices echoed through the street. Many passersby stopped to take photos; some gave us a thumbs-up in support.

We then marched toward the UN headquarters with our banner held high, chanting:

“Free, free China!”

“End CCP!”

“Li Qiang, get out of America!”

“Li Qiang, get out of the UN!”

Police blocking the street imposed traffic controls and tried to stop our path forward, but road closures could not halt our action. We continued to hold up our banner and voice our demands on the street in front of the UN building.

Friends from Flushing also joined us. They had gathered at the subway station at 8 a.m. and came to meet us. People from different places came together for the same belief. We looked out for one another; there was on-site security keeping order and a legal team on standby behind us. Standing on the street were not just the few of us, but countless others who believe in freedom and support us from behind.

The CCP rules through lies and maintains power through violence. It deprives people of faith, tramples human rights, plunders wealth, and spreads fear — yet it shamelessly claims to represent the Chinese people. Li Qiang is merely a spokesperson for this dictatorship machine. His presence at the United Nations is, in itself, an insult to the world.

As the morning sunlight fell on the UN building in New York, I stood on the street shouting, “Down with the CCP! Freedom of belief!” — fully aware that today I was just one among countless Chinese who yearn for freedom and resist tyranny.

民营资本为何屡遭打压

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作者:景辉辰
编辑:韩瑞媛 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:何兴强

2025年9月22日

在中国当下的体制中,民营资本屡遭打压绝非偶然,而是党国资本主义结构的必然结果。党政权力与国有
资本深度交织,形成了独特的“权力——资本一体化”模式。在这一体制下,民营资本始终处于弱势地位
,随时可能被打压、设陷、甚至被清算。许多民营企业家在夹缝中生存,最终的结局往往是资产被吞并、
自由被剥夺。

一、权力的红线:不容挑战的附庸地位

在党国体制下,民营资本的发展必须以服从权力为前提。表面上,政策鼓励民企发展,但一旦企业规模过
大,形成独立影响力,就可能触碰权力红线。

因此,许多打压并非市场竞争的结果,而是行政和政治手段的体现:突如其来的调查、严苛的监管、巨额
罚款,甚至强迫企业家“公开表态”。这样打压传递出的信号很明确——民营企业不是独立的市场主体,
而是必须服从权力的附庸。

2020年,蚂蚁集团即将上市,估值超3000亿美元,原本将创全球最大IPO。但因马云公开批评监管体系,
上市在前夕被紧急叫停,随后公司被要求全面整改,马云本人一度消失。此事凸显民企一旦触及权力红线
,便难逃政治打压。

二、资本的围猎:国资主导的吞并游戏

中国最核心的金融、能源、土地、通信等领域,几乎全部掌握在国有资本手中。凭借政策与资源优势,党
国资本在竞争中始终占据主动地位。

这意味着,即便民营企业有创新和竞争力,也很难长期立足。很多时候,打压并不是终点,而是吞并的前
奏。企业在被压低后,要么被迫低价转让股份,要么被剥夺控制权,最终被纳入国有资本的体系。

2018年,民营巨头安邦保险因“严重违法经营”被监管接管,创始人吴小晖被判刑。接管后,其核心资产
被国有资本重组,转入大家保险集团,实现了民企向国企的低价吞并,凸显国资对民营资本的主导和围猎。

三、安全的焦虑:打压背后的政治动机

民营资本屡遭打压,真正的原因并不只是经济利益,而是政权安全。民营资本一旦形成独立力量,便会带
来社会影响力与潜在的独立性,这是党国体制无法容忍的。

因此,周期性的整肃不仅是一种经济管制,更是一种政治宣示。它提醒所有企业家:在这个体制下,资本
只能依附权力而存在,否则就会被清算。

2021年,滴滴出行上市后因数据和信息安全问题被监管调查,App被下架整改并罚款。此举凸显民营平台
一旦形成独立社会影响力,就可能触碰政权安全红线,向所有企业家传递“资本必须依附权力,否则将被
清算”的政治信号。

四、现实的印证:从互联网到房地产

这种逻辑在中国被一次次验证:

互联网平台经济从繁荣到一纸政策下被“一夜清零”。房地产行业从“支柱产业”沦为“高风险领域”,大批民营房企轰然倒下,数百万从业者顷刻失业。

这些并非市场规律下的自然调整,而是权力出于政治安全和经济控制需要所做的直接干预。

五、结语:体制的必然

民营资本屡遭打压,既不是偶发事件,也不是个别政策失误,而是党国资本主义体制内的必然逻辑。财富的积累和自由的空间,最终都可能被权力吞噬。

正是在这一意义上,民营资本的困境,揭示了党国资本主义的真实逻辑,也是当代中国发展的根本桎梏



Why Private Capital Is Repeatedly Suppressed — The Truth of Party-State Capitalism (Series II)

Abstract:

The systemic root of the repeated suppression of Chinese private capital lies in the party-state capitalist model of “power–capital integration.” The independence of private capital touches the red line of regime security. Periodic crackdowns on industries are not market-driven but political purges aimed at seizing assets and eliminating threats.

Author: Jing Huichen

Editor: Han Ruiyuan Executive Editor: Hu Lili Translator:He XingQiang

Date: September 22, 2025

In China’s current system, the repeated suppression of private capital is by no means accidental; it is the inevitable result of the structure of party-state capitalism. Political power and state-owned capital are deeply intertwined, forming a unique model of “power–capital integration.” Within this system, private capital is always in a vulnerable position, liable at any time to be suppressed, entrapped, or even liquidated. Many private entrepreneurs survive only in the cracks, and their final fate is often the seizure of their assets and the loss of their personal freedom.

I. The Red Line of Power: A Subordinate Status That Cannot Be Challenged

Under the party-state system, the development of private capital must be premised on obedience to power. On the surface, policies encourage the growth of private enterprises, but once a company becomes too large and builds independent influence, it may touch the red line of political power.

Thus, many crackdowns are not the result of market competition but of administrative and political measures: sudden investigations, harsh regulatory requirements, massive fines, and even forced public self-criticism by entrepreneurs. The message is clear — private companies are not independent market players; they must exist as vassals subordinate to political power.

In 2020, Ant Group was about to go public with a valuation exceeding USD 300 billion, poised to launch the world’s largest IPO. But after Jack Ma publicly criticized the regulatory system, the listing was abruptly halted on the eve of launch. The company was then forced into a sweeping “rectification,” and Jack Ma himself disappeared from public view for a period. This case revealed that once private capital touches the power red line, it can hardly escape political suppression.

II. The Hunt for Capital: State-Owned Enterprises’ Game of Takeovers

China’s most critical sectors — finance, energy, land, telecommunications — are almost entirely controlled by state-owned capital. With policy and resource advantages, party-state capital always holds the upper hand in competition.

This means that even when private firms are innovative and competitive, it is hard for them to survive long-term. Often, suppression is not the end but the prelude to a takeover. Once driven to the brink, companies are forced either to sell shares cheaply or to surrender control, eventually being absorbed into the state-capital system.

In 2018, the private insurance giant Anbang was taken over by regulators for “serious illegal operations,” and founder Wu Xiaohui was sentenced to prison. After the takeover, its core assets were restructured and transferred into the state-controlled Dajia Insurance Group — a textbook case of private assets being swallowed by state capital.

III. Security Anxiety: The Political Motive Behind Crackdowns

The real driver behind the repeated crackdowns on private capital is not merely economic interest but regime security. Once private capital develops independent strength, it brings social influence and a potential degree of autonomy — something the party-state cannot tolerate.

Periodic purges are therefore not just economic regulation but also political signaling. They remind all entrepreneurs: under this system, capital can only exist in dependence on power; otherwise, it will be eliminated.

In 2021, Didi Chuxing was investigated by regulators for data and information security after going public. Its app was removed from stores, forced into “rectification,” and heavily fined. The move showed that once a private platform grows large enough to wield independent social influence, it may trigger the regime’s security alarm — sending a clear warning to all: “Capital must depend on power, or it will be purged.”

IV. Reality in Action: From the Internet to Real Estate

This logic has been repeatedly proven in China.

The once-booming internet platform economy was abruptly “wiped out overnight” by policy decrees. The real estate sector, once hailed as a “pillar industry,” was redefined as “high-risk,” leading to the sudden collapse of numerous private developers and mass unemployment for millions of workers.

These are not natural market adjustments but direct interventions driven by political security needs and economic control.

V. Conclusion: A Structural Inevitability

The repeated suppression of private capital is neither a series of accidents nor isolated policy mistakes; it is the inevitable logic of the party-state capitalist system. The accumulation of wealth and the space for freedom can ultimately be devoured by power.

声援张雅笛:信仰无罪,言论无罪!

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作者:毛一炜
编辑:李之洋 责任编辑:胡丽莉

22岁的张雅笛,本是普通留学生。她在法国学习藏语,结识藏人,加入“华语青年挺藏会”,只想推动汉藏之间的理解。她曾前往云南迪庆,亲眼探访藏人拆迁问题。本应在九月赴伦敦继续学业,却在回长沙探亲后失踪。至今已四十余天。

她的家人请了律师,却被一句“涉及国家秘密”拒之门外;张母寻求帮助,也遭陌生人粗暴阻拦。这样的手法并不陌生:先是失联,再是秘密关押,最后扣上莫须有的罪名。

张雅笛没有罪。她只是学习一门语言,关心被忽视的人,勇敢追求真相。可在这样的体制下,信仰被视为罪,言论被视为罪,关心少数民族命运也可能换来牢狱。今天是她,明天可能是我们中的任何人。

我敬佩她的勇气,也因此更清醒:在高压之下,站出来是必须的。无论是海外留学生、活动人士,还是单纯关心真相的人,都可能成为监控与打压的目标。

我们不能沉默。记住她的名字,记住她的勇气,就是抵抗恐惧的开始。

我们要大声说:

信仰无罪!言论无罪!

立即、无条件释放张雅笛!

公布她的现状,确保司法公正,杜绝非人道待遇!

张雅笛并不孤单。她的勇气将点燃更多人心中的火。越是高压,越说明政权心虚。只要我们不让她被遗忘,她就不会消声。

声援张雅笛,就是为我们自己争取未来的自由!

In solidarity with Zhang Yadi: Faith is innocent, speech is innocent!

Author: Mao Yiwei

Editor: Li Zhiyang Responsible Editor: Hu Lili

Abstract: Zhang Yadi, an international student, disappeared for more than 40 days after returning to China. She was suppressed for caring about the fate of ethnic minorities. Faith is innocent, speech is innocent! To be in solidarity with her is to protect our common freedom.

Zhang Yadi, who is 22 years old, was originally an ordinary international student. She studied Tibetan in France, met Tibetans, and joined the “Chinese Youth Tibetan Association”, just to promote understanding between Chinese and Tibetan. She once went to Diqing, Yunnan, to visit the demolition of Tibetans with her own eyes. He was supposed to go to London to continue his studies in September, but he disappeared after returning to Changsha to visit his relatives. It has been more than 40 days now.

Her family hired a lawyer but was turned away by the sentence “involving state secrets”; Zhang’s mother asked for help but was also rudely blocked by strangers. This method is not strange: first, the loss of contact, then the secret detention, and finally the charge of unnecessary crimes.

Zhang Yadi is not guilty. She just learns a language, cares about the neglected, and bravely pursues the truth. However, under such a system, faith is regarded as a sin, speech is regarded as a sin, and concern for the fate of ethnic minorities may also be exchanged for prison. Today is her and tomorrow may be any of us.

I admire her courage, and therefore I am more sober: under high pressure, it is necessary to stand up. Whether it is overseas students, activists, or people who simply care about the truth, they may become targets of monitoring and suppression.

We can’t be silent. Remembering her name and her courage is the beginning of resisting fear.

We should say it out loud:

Faith is innocent! Speech is innocent!

Release Zhang Yadi immediately and unconditionally!

Announce her current situation, ensure judicial fairness, and put an end to inhumane treatment!

Zhang Yadi is not alone. Her courage will ignite more people’s hearts. The more high-pressure it is, the more it shows that the regime is guilty. As long as we don’t let her be forgotten, she won’t be silent.

To support Zhang Yadi is to fight for our own future freedom!

中共病毒巡游队伍到达华盛顿国会

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中共病毒巡游队伍到达华盛顿国会

2025年9月18日 · 华盛顿

作者:杨长兵

编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:程铭

“CCP VIRUS”巡游队伍在著名雕塑家陈维明先生带领下,于美国国会大厦会见了国会办公室主管 皮耶罗·A·托齐(Piero A. Tozzi)。

中共病毒巡游队伍到达华盛顿国会

代表们指出,中共不仅是新冠病毒制造与扩散的始作俑者,更通过隐瞒疫情、操控信息,严重破坏全球公共卫生与自由环境,必须承担国际社会的追责与赔偿。代表们同时强调,中共还是一种“思想病毒”,通过渗透、宣传与跨国打压,不断迫害在美及海外的中国民主运动人士,严重威胁美国社会与全球自由。

Piero A. Tozzi 在会谈中表示,将把相关情况向议员办公室详细汇报,并持续关注涉及人权与言论自由的议题。

“CCP VIRUS”巡游队伍呼吁国际社会认清中共本质,共同追责中共的全球危害,维护人类的自由与尊严。

The Chinese Communist Party’s virus parade team arrived at the Washington Congress

September 18, 2025 · Washington

Author: Yang Changbing

Editor: Feng Jing Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Translator: Cheng Ming

Abstract: On September 18, 2025, the “Chinese Communist Party’s Virus” parade team, led by Chen Weiming, arrived at the Washington Assembly and met with Tozi, the head of the Congress Office, emphasized that the Communist Party of China is a double threat to the virus and ideology, and called on the international community to hold the Communist Party responsible for the Communist Party of China and safeguard freedom and human rights.

Led by the famous sculptor Mr. Chen Weiming, the “CCP VIRUS” parade team met with Piero A. Tozi, the head of the Congress Office, at the U.S. Capitol. Tozzi).

中共病毒巡游队伍到达华盛顿国会

The delegates pointed out that the Communist Party of China is not only the initiator of the creation and spread of COVID-19, but also seriously undermines the global public health and free environment by concealing the epidemic and manipulating information and must bear the responsibility and compensation of the international community. At the same time, the delegates stressed that the Communist Party of China is still an “ideological virus”. Through infiltration, propaganda and transnational suppression, it constantly persecutes Chinese democracy activists in the United States and overseas, seriously threatening American society and global freedom.

Piero A. Tozzi said during the talks that the relevant situation would be reported in detail to the parliamentary office and would continue to pay attention to issues involving human rights and freedom of expression.

The “CCP VIRUS” parade team called on the international community to recognize the essence of the Communist Party of China, jointly blame the global harm of the Communist Party of China, and safeguard the freedom and dignity of mankind.

洛杉矶 10月1日 反抗中共非法窃国76周年

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洛杉矶 10月1日 反抗中共非法窃国76周年
洛杉矶 10月1日 反抗中共非法窃国76周年

十月一日,中共的所谓“国庆日”。

在他们眼里,这是政权的盛典;但在我们中国人民心中,这一天是国殇日,是民族灾难的开端。

时间:十月一日(星期三)上午十点半

地点:洛杉矶共匪领事馆

欢迎大家领事馆上班时间去给共匪,习近平庆祝国庆

活动收集:胡丽莉

守望民主未来

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守望民主未来

撰稿:王梦梦 摄影:韩立华

编辑:李之洋 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吕峰

守望民主未来

【洛杉矶讯】2025年9月20日上午,基督徒民主守望联盟在负责人王中伟的组织和带领下,走进六四驻洛杉矶纪念馆,举行悼念与祷告活动。

活动于上午九时五十分正式开始,成员在馆门口集合签到。简短介绍后,由潘蒙恩带领开场祷告。随后,纪念馆工作人员刘敏引导大家参观展厅,并通过展品与史料讲述六四事件的历史真相。

在“烈士墙”前,全体成员肃立默哀,向遇难者致以深切哀悼。其后,联盟代表向纪念馆负责人递交捐款,纪念馆方面致辞感谢,并强调将继续承担守护历史与真理的使命。

多位参与者分享感受。张建平表示,透过一张张历史照片与实物,感受到那一代学生和老师的血与泪,令人痛心,但也相信神必纪念他们的付出。张娜说,代入当年学生的处境,更觉牺牲不会被掩盖,真相终将传递给后代,光明必将战胜黑暗。潘蒙恩指出,这段历史震撼人心,提醒世人唯有真理与公义才能带来真正的自由与和平。姚庆古强调,六四的残酷历史让人深受触动,基督徒应守护真相与正义,绝不能沉默。晏荣金则表示,这次参观使他更加确信:历史必须被记住,真理必须被传扬,而信仰正是赐人坚持与盼望的力量。

最后,王学光牧师以祷告作结,呼求上帝赐下安慰与力量,使公义如江河滔滔,使信仰的灯火长明。

活动于中午十二时圆满结束。此次悼念不仅是对历史的缅怀,更是对真理与信仰的坚守。与会者一致强调:历史必须被记住,真理必须被传扬。愿公义如大水滚滚,使这片土地有一天真正经历从神而来的和平与自由。

Watching Over the Future of Democracy

Abstract: The Christian Democratic Watch Alliance held a memorial prayer service at the Los Angeles June 4th Memorial Hall, honoring the victims, safeguarding truth and faith. Participants shared their heartfelt reflections, calling on people to remember history, spread the truth, and remain steadfast in justice and hope.

Written by: Wang MengmengPhotography: Han LihuaEditor: Li ZhiyangChief Editor: Hu LiliTranslation: Lyu Feng

守望民主未来

[Los Angeles Report] On the morning of September 20, 2025, under the organization and leadership of its coordinator Wang Zhongwei, the Christian Democratic Watch Alliance visited the June 4th Memorial Hall in Los Angeles and held a memorial and prayer service.

The event officially began at 9:50 a.m., with members gathering and registering at the entrance of the memorial hall. After a brief introduction, Pan Meng’en led the opening prayer. Subsequently, staff member Liu Min guided participants through the exhibition halls and recounted the historical truth of the June 4th Incident through displayed artifacts and archival materials.

In front of the “Wall of Martyrs,” all participants stood in solemn silence, paying their deepest respects to the victims. Afterwards, representatives of the Alliance presented a donation to the memorial hall leadership, who responded with words of gratitude and emphasized their continued commitment to safeguarding history and truth.

Several participants shared their reflections. Zhang Jianping noted that through photos and objects, he could feel the blood and tears of that generation of students and teachers—deeply painful, yet with the conviction that God will surely remember their sacrifice. Zhang Na said that by placing herself in the students’ situation of that year, she was convinced that their sacrifice will never be concealed, that truth will ultimately be passed on to future generations, and that light will surely triumph over darkness. Pan Meng’en observed that this history was profoundly moving, reminding people that only truth and righteousness can bring genuine freedom and peace. Yao Qinggu stressed that the brutal history of June 4th was deeply striking, and that Christians must guard truth and justice and never remain silent. Yan Rongjin expressed that this visit further strengthened his conviction that history must be remembered, truth must be proclaimed, and that faith itself is the source of perseverance and hope.

Finally, Pastor Wang Xueguang concluded with a prayer, asking God to bestow comfort and strength, to let justice roll on like a mighty river, and to keep the flame of faith burning bright.

The event concluded at noon. This memorial was not only a commemoration of history but also an affirmation of steadfast commitment to truth and faith. Participants unanimously emphasized: history must be remembered, and truth must be proclaimed. May justice roll on like mighty waters, so that one day this land may truly experience peace and freedom that come from God.

在上海醒来:我为什么反共

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——一个“岁月静好派”女性的自救手记

作者:刘芳

编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

0. 序:体面与谎言之间,总有裂缝会漏风

我曾以为,人生的终极形态叫“独善其身”:学历堂皇,上海白领,周末咖啡,朋友圈九宫格——政治这玩意儿,离我远点。后来才发现,体面是临时工,谎言是正式工;你以为在风平浪静的人生里打卡,其实是在专制的气压里待机。直到风从裂缝里灌进来——裁员、封控、禁言、黑箱——我才明白:所谓“岁月静好”,只是尚未轮到你。

于是,我开始给过去的自己写一份说明书:我为什么反共。

1. 家庭起点:善良的父母,粗暴的时代

我出身普通工人家庭。父母勤劳诚实,却在文革被剥夺了受教育的权利,青春喂了“斗”和“批”。改革以后,他们又遇到下岗潮;父亲自学成了助理工程师,却背着饥荒年代落下的病根,家计常常捉襟见肘。我们家没什么“阶级仇恨教育”,只有“谁错了先道歉”的家规。民主的家庭氛围让我从小就知道:权威可以尊敬,但必须可被质疑。

我也像标准答案里写的那样好学、听话:少先队、共青团,能上的都上;只不过当时不懂,红领巾和团徽并不等于道德与真理,它们只是组织关系。第一次对“正统叙事”生疑,是小学那年看 1989。堂哥去游行,回来背了处分。电视里说“有不法分子搅局”,我却只记得:年轻人的呐喊为什么要以学业和前途为代价?

2. 书本与银幕:独立的种子,被外语浇了水

中学时的政治课像快递:到课即签收,不含思考。答案永远只有一个,历史只剩一种版本。校规要求“统一短发与劣质校服”,我忽然明白:剃头与制服,常见于监狱与精神病院。

幸运的是,90 年代末到 00 年代初,世界还留了条缝给我。《简·爱》《傲慢与偏见》《飘》告诉我,做人的底线是尊严,自由和爱情都靠得住;《V 字仇杀队》《黑客帝国》《肖申克的救赎》教我:在系统性谎言面前,逃跑不是懦弱,思考才是冒险。一位室友劝我好好学英语——“真正的知识在墙外”。我没出国,但这门语言成了逃离精神版图的护照。

直到某天起,Facebook、YouTube、Google 被一键消失。空气里出现了一个无形词条:防火长城。我学会“翻墙”,像在黑夜里摸到一只手电筒。光很小,却足以看见房间里并非只有家具,还有锁链。

3. 科研现场:当“真问题”遇上“真 KPI”

我读的是生命科学,从细胞到分子,从观测到机理。逐步看清一个不太体面的事实:中国科研并不缺钱,缺的是把钱用在真问题上的制度。经费评审看人脉,论文数量当绩效,导师忙应酬,学生当螺丝钉。学术理想最后被六个字打包发走:发文章、要指标。

两个事件把我的“科研滤镜”砸得粉碎:

基因编辑伦理翻车:某副教授把人类胚胎当试管小白鼠,科学没跑通,伦理先失踪。最后三年牢狱出来还是教授,体制责任人“路过不背锅”。

不可复现实验的跃进:一个震惊世界的新工具,几个月后被发现“别人就是做不出来”。楼起得快,塌得更快;追问失效得最快。

科学需要时间、诚实与失败权,而体制提供 KPI、排名与宣传片。当真理被“年度汇报”衔着跑,结果往往不是突破,而是事故。

4. 职场见闻:外企的规矩,内资的魔法

博士后我留在上海。外企的第一课:流程不是摆设,合规不是口号。大家没有加班文化(至少不是996),发现不内卷也能把事情办好。但并购一来,“中国式管理”像病毒:表格宇宙、权力斗法、劣币驱逐良币。于是我转向“民族产业”,想做点真正造福病人的事,结果经历了两家“人矿工厂”。

公司 A 口号是“无边界”灵活工作,翻译成人话叫:没有边界的无偿加班。疫情爆发,他们把研发扔进疫区抢样本,“捐赠”只是 PR,合规是可选项,薪资则是闭口不谈。Apple Watch 是我健康的遗书,心率报警像上班考勤。最终产品死在审批门口——游戏一早写好,行业真正赚钱的,是早就在白名单里的既得利益者。赌徒式老板妄图抄近道,拿员工健康与性命去填坑;监管黑箱,游戏早被写好,外人只配当炮灰。

公司 B 外表“海归范儿”,内核“圈钱学”。目标不是产品上市,而是公司上市。同行之间靠诋毁竞速,内部靠 KPI 自残。抄作业被称作“国产替代”,击鼓传花被包装成“资本故事”。 离开不到一年,公司已被资本放弃停工停产。为什么两个老板都如出一辙的急功近利呢?因为他们身后都是中国急躁的资本和体制,他们被推着一起跑——“快上、快融、快退”,不然就被环境吞了。因为,资本也不确定什么时候政策就变化了,他们手里的钱就没了,还是变现走人比较安全。50年的企业简直说笑,能撑过5年的私企就不错了。

逃回外企,才发现净土也不净。面对体制内客户,“科学常需向行政鞠躬”。你说“请按法规操作”,对方说“领导要今天出报告”;你说“样本污染要稀释”,对方说“我们没时间”。我一点点明白——不是我不适应,是我不想同谋。

5. 疫情三年:谣言当口罩,封控当药方

新冠像一面照妖镜。先是甩锅输出“病毒美国造”;再是管控样本、封死信息;公民记者失踪,良心医生被训诫。城市焊门、患者寻医无门,生命像验证码一样失效。我被关家里七十多天,靠团购和运气存活;家人确诊、离世,火葬场的队伍成了我理解国家能力的曲线图。年末的突然“放开”,让我对“防疫成绩单”的评价只剩一句:数据会说话,只是不能说真话。我由此做了一个长期主义的选择:离开。

6. 出走之后:比较学,最有说服力

美国带来的第一感受是“政治表达可以归于日常”。“普通民众脸上从容和放松的神情”让我开始重新审视那套熟得不能再熟的叙事:

“资本主义水深火热”?——我在超市看到了低价牛奶,在地铁看到了微笑,在街头看到了游行队伍背后的警察维持秩序而不是驱散。

“西方打压中国”?——跨国企业的财报告诉我,数据不会爱国;中国区下滑得肉眼可见。

“我们自主创新已领先?”——一旦芯片被“卡脖子”,一些“民族之光”就会集体喘不上气。

比较出的结论朴素到有点冒犯:法治让聪明人有舞台,专制让聪明人有“后台”。

7. 我与先生:在历史里对表,在现实里校准

先生比我早看明白。他提醒我:专制的底层逻辑,是“欺骗 + 暴力”。欺骗,是把黑说成白、把侵略说成反侵略、把受害者说成“境外势力”;暴力,是把年轻的呐喊变成档案上的污点,把公民的发声变成刑法里的罪名。

我们一起复盘中共的“发家史”:延安贩毒维稳财政、土改与大跃进的人祸、文革的道德灭绝、六四的屠杀、活摘与维稳产业、修宪复辟……这一切不是“偶发”,而是体系的必然。在这样的历史里谈“岁月静好”,像在流水线上谈“手工艺美学”。

8. 为什么必须反共:因为我还想做个人

如果要把我的反共理由压成三句话:

(1)为了事实历史必须可被查证,新闻必须允许反对。没有真相,一切“成绩单”都是作文。

(2)为了专业科学需要自由的试错与坦诚的失败,医疗需要独立的监管与可问责的制度。当权力凌驾于规则,专业就变成手艺;手艺再好,也做不出良心。

(3)为了尊严人不是工具,更不是 KPI 的消耗品。尊严来自表达、结社与选择的自由,来自“可以说不”的权利。当一个社会只允许说“好”,坏事就会变成大事。

9. 结语:把恐惧变判断,把愤怒变行动

离开不是逃跑,发声不是作秀。那是一个成年人对自己的负责。对家人的健康、对职业的操守、对事实的敬畏、对未来的期待。如果你也感觉到风在体面与谎言的裂缝里灌进来,不妨先从最小的行动开始:

学会分辨“新闻”与“通告”;

给不同观点一次耐心;

在每一次“要不要说”的时刻,至少让自己听见自己。

醒悟不嫌晚,改变亦然。

Waking Up in Shanghai: Why I Became Anti-CCP

— A Survival Memoir from a Once “Keep-Your-Head-Down” Woman

Author: Liu FangEditor: Li ConglingChief Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslator: Lyu Feng

0. Prologue: Between Decency and Lies, There Are Always Cracks Where the Wind Blows In

I once believed the ultimate form of life was “minding my own business”: prestigious degree, white-collar job in Shanghai, weekend lattes, nine-grid Instagram posts—politics, please stay away from me.

Later I discovered: “decency” is a temp job; “lies” are permanent staff. What I thought was clocking in for a calm life was in fact being on standby under the pressure of dictatorship. Until the wind blew through the cracks—layoffs, lockdowns, censorship, black boxes—I finally understood: so-called “peaceful times” only mean it hasn’t reached your turn yet.

So, I began writing a manual for my past self: why I became anti-CCP.

1. Family Origins: Kind Parents, a Harsh Era

I was born into an ordinary working-class family. My parents were diligent and honest, yet the Cultural Revolution stripped them of education—youth consumed by “struggle” and “criticism.”

After reform, they faced another blow: mass layoffs. My father taught himself into becoming an assistant engineer, but carried the chronic ailments left from famine years. Our household often struggled to make ends meet.

We were not taught “class hatred,” only the rule: “whoever is wrong should apologize first.” From childhood, I knew authority could be respected, but must remain open to questioning.

I was a model student—diligent, obedient, Young Pioneers, Communist Youth League. What I didn’t know then: the red scarf and badge weren’t morality or truth, only organizational ties.

My first doubt about “orthodox narratives” came in 1989. My cousin joined the protests and came back punished. The TV called it “trouble stirred up by lawbreakers.” But what I remembered was this: why must young people’s cries cost them their studies and futures?

2. Books and Screens: Independent Seeds Watered by a Foreign Tongue

Middle-school politics class was like a delivery: you signed for it, no thinking required. One right answer only, one version of history only. The rule of “uniform short hair and shoddy school uniforms” made me realize: shaved heads and uniforms are standard in prisons and asylums.

Luckily, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the world still left me a crack.

Jane Eyre, Pride and Prejudice, Gone with the Wind taught me dignity is the baseline of being human, and freedom and love are trustworthy.V for Vendetta, The Matrix, The Shawshank Redemption showed me: in the face of systemic lies, running isn’t cowardice—thinking itself is risk-taking.

A roommate urged me to study English: “The real knowledge is outside the Wall.” I never went abroad, but the language became my passport out of the mental map.

Then one day, Facebook, YouTube, Google vanished with one click. The air filled with an invisible term: the Great Firewall. Learning to “scale the wall” was like finding a flashlight in the dark. Small, but enough to see not just furniture in the room, but chains.

3. The Lab: When “Real Problems” Meet “Real KPIs”

I studied life sciences—from cells to molecules, from observation to mechanisms. Slowly I saw a blunt fact: Chinese science is not short of money, but of a system that spends it on real problems.

Funding reviews depend on networks, paper counts serve as performance scores, professors are busy socializing, students reduced to screws in a machine. Academic ideals got packed into six words: “publish papers, meet metrics.”

Two events smashed my illusions:

The gene-editing ethics disaster: a vice professor treated human embryos like test tubes. Science wasn’t ready, ethics was absent. He served three years, then returned as professor. The system’s responsible bodies all “walked by, without blame.”

The unreproducible breakthrough: a tool hailed as world-shaking was found unreproducible within months. Towers rose fast, collapsed faster; accountability disappeared fastest.

Science requires time, honesty, and the right to fail. The system provided KPIs, rankings, and promo videos. When truth is dragged around by annual reports, the result isn’t breakthroughs but accidents.

4. Workplace Lessons: The Rules of Foreign Firms, the Magic of Domestic Ones

After my PhD I stayed in Shanghai.

In foreign companies, the first lesson: processes aren’t for show, compliance isn’t a slogan. No “996” culture—at least not mandatory. Things still got done without burnout.

But after mergers, “Chinese management” spread like a virus: form-filling universes, power games, bad money driving out good. I pivoted to “domestic industry,” hoping to do something that truly benefited patients. I ended up in two “human-mine factories.”

Company A preached “borderless flexibility,” meaning borderless unpaid overtime. During the pandemic, they threw R&D into the outbreak zones to grab samples. “Donations” were PR, compliance optional, salaries vague. My Apple Watch became my death warrant: heart-rate alarms as work check-ins. The final product died at the approval stage—the game had been scripted long ago, real profits reserved for those already on the whitelist. The boss gambled recklessly, feeding employees’ health and lives into the pit.

Company B looked “international,” but its core was “cash-grab studies.” The goal wasn’t product launch, but company IPO. Colleagues competed by slander, staff self-harmed under KPIs. Copying was called “domestic substitution,” passing the parcel became “capital story.” Less than a year after I left, it collapsed.

Why were both bosses equally short-sighted? Because behind them stood China’s impatient capital and system. They were all being driven: “rush to start, rush to raise, rush to exit.” Otherwise, the shifting policies might wipe them out overnight. In China, a 50-year enterprise is a joke; surviving 5 years as a private company is already a feat.

When I fled back to foreign firms, I realized even “clean land” wasn’t clean. Facing state-sector clients, science had to bow to administration. You say “follow regulations,” they say “the leader wants the report today.” You say “samples are contaminated,” they say “we have no time.” Slowly I saw: it wasn’t me failing to adapt—it was me refusing to collude.

5. Three Years of COVID: Rumors as Masks, Lockdowns as Medicine

COVID was a demon mirror. First, they exported blame—“virus made in USA.” Then they locked up samples, sealed off information. Citizen journalists disappeared, conscientious doctors were reprimanded.

Cities welded shut, patients left untreated, lives expired like captcha codes. I was locked inside my home for 70+ days, surviving on group-buys and luck. Relatives infected, some passed away; the funeral queues became my curve of “state capacity.”

The sudden “reopening” at year’s end left me with one review of the “pandemic report card”: the data can talk—only it cannot tell the truth.

That was when I made a long-term decision: to leave.

6. After Leaving: Comparative Studies Persuade Best

America’s first impression: “political expression belongs in daily life.” The everyday calm on ordinary faces made me re-examine the propaganda I knew by heart:

“Capitalism is misery”?—I saw cheap milk in supermarkets, smiles in subways, protests with police maintaining order rather than dispersing them.

“The West suppresses China”?—Multinational financial reports showed data doesn’t “patriotically” lie; China’s numbers were visibly sliding.

“We already lead in innovation”?—Once chips got “choked,” the so-called “national champions” collectively gasped for air.

The comparison led to a blunt, almost offensive conclusion: the rule of law gives smart people a stage; dictatorship gives smart people a backstage pass.

7. My Husband and I: Aligning with History, Adjusting to Reality

My husband saw through it earlier. He reminded me: the foundation of dictatorship is “deception + violence.”

Deception: calling black white, calling aggression “self-defense,” calling victims “foreign agents.”

Violence: turning youthful cries into stains on permanent records, turning civic voices into crimes under criminal law.

Together we reviewed the CCP’s “rise”: opium-funded Yan’an, the man-made famines of land reform and the Great Leap, the moral extermination of the Cultural Revolution, the Tiananmen massacre, organ harvesting and the security state, the constitutional rollback to lifelong rule.

These are not “accidents,” but systemic inevitabilities. To talk of “peaceful times” under such a history is like praising “handcraft aesthetics” on an assembly line.

8. Why I Must Oppose the CCP: Because I Still Want to Be Human

If I had to compress my reasons into three lines:

For truthHistory must be verifiable, journalism must allow dissent. Without truth, all “report cards” are essays.

For professionalismScience needs free trial and honest failure. Medicine needs independent oversight and accountable regulation. When power overrides rules, professions degrade into crafts; crafts, however skilled, cannot build conscience.

For dignityHumans are not tools, nor KPI consumables. Dignity comes from freedom of speech, association, and choice—from the right to say “no.” When only “yes” is allowed, every wrong becomes disaster.

9. Epilogue: Turning Fear into Judgment, Anger into Action

Leaving is not escape. Speaking out is not performance. They are acts of adult responsibility—to family health, to professional integrity, to respect for facts, to hope for the future.

If you too feel the wind blowing through the cracks between decency and lies, start with the smallest steps:

Learn to distinguish “news” from “bulletins.”

Give patience to opposing views.

At every “to speak or not” moment, at least make sure you hear yourself.

Awakening is never too late. Change, likewise.

拒绝成为中共教育孕育的恶婴

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作者:刘芳

编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

中国70、80年代出生的人,一定很熟悉葫芦娃的故事。应该记得故事里有一个金刚葫芦娃,和其他兄弟不同,他不是在山上长大的,而是由妖精带回魔窟,亲手用邪恶养育的,因此一出生就带着邪恶力量。这像极了我们这代人,童年与青春期被中国共产党体制欺骗和毒害。我们本该像藤上的葫芦一样,自然成长,拥有独立的思想与纯真的心灵。然而,我们的成长却被牢牢控制在另一只无形的手里——国家与党的教育体系。从识字的第一天起,我们唱的是“没有共产党就没有新中国”,背诵的是被删改的历史,学习的是为统治者服务的“标准答案”。在这种环境里,孩子们被刻意隔绝在真实之外,慢慢被塑造成忠诚的接班奴隶,而不是独立的人。以下事实都是我亲身所经历的荒谬事实。

一、中国式政治洗脑教育:把孩子养成驯顺的奴仆

从小就在潜移默化中变成沉默,服从的顺民。我入学的第一天,被教导就是服从,双手放在桌上,一动不动,不说话就得到表扬。而调皮反抗就会受到惩罚。但当时的父母心中,老师地位很高。父母因为文革失去了受教育的机会,非常重视教育,他们总是叮嘱我一定要听老师的话,好好学习。否则将来会一无是处。儿童的活泼好动的天性就这样被扼杀。我所在的中学会强迫学生剪短发,穿没有设计感劣质的校服,遏制爱美天性和个性。我知道的只有监狱和精神病院才需要剃头发穿制服。有一个男生头发长超过了一寸一点点,竟然被主任强行剃头羞辱。反抗就会受到处分。

从小学开始我们就被教导要“热爱祖国”,对党感恩。就像那首歌唱的是党带领中国人推翻了旧体制,打跑了侵略者,流血牺牲,建立了新中国,给了我们一切。我在小学时,因政治要求学校组织我们强制看了十多场的黑白爱国教育电影《闪闪红星》《游击队》《邱少云》等等,作为政治学习的一部分。现在想来抗日影视片段的夸张暴力与仇恨表达,其实是不利于小学生的身心成长的。中学时,也有一段唱红歌的热潮。老师为了获奖,全班同学把《黄河大合唱》唱到吐。

背诵的是被删改的历史。我从小在课堂里背诵“抗日战争是在党的领导下取得胜利”的标准答案,背诵“新中国从此站起来了”的豪言壮语。那时候,我以为这些就是全部的真相。直到有一天,加入了国民党的远房亲戚回国,和我聊起那个战争年代。我在YouTube查看到了一些海外资料,才发现原来还有被掩盖的历史:国民党军队才是正面战场的主力,数千万平民在饥荒和政治运动中死去,六四惨案更是从未出现在任何教材里。那一刻,我猛然意识到,我从小到大背诵的,不过是被删改过的历史,是统治者精心编织的谎言。真正的历史从未消失,只是被隐藏,而我们却被迫在虚假的记忆中长大。

学习的是为统治者服务的“标准答案”。不知道从什么时候开始我们的下一代,被教育成了夜郎自大的样子,盲目的觉得中国是世界上最强大的国家。我周围很多孩子母亲都不止一次的谈论起现在越来越加强的洗脑教育。领袖崇拜、党史歪曲、仇外叙事全面强化。2017 年后,习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想被强制写入小学、初中、高中教材,要求学生背诵。而文革,大跃进已经从历史课本中删去。曾经我们学习的古汉语诗词发音,现在也是只有老师才是唯一答案。家长和学生都无法和老师所代表的权威提出质疑。

强调国学,弱化英语教育:近十年,我听到越来越多的词叫“国学”。其实就是弘扬中华文化为主题的,“国学班”“弟子规诵读”“国学夏令营”培训和商业活动。表面是“文化自信”,本质是切断年轻人接触外部世界的通道,让他们更多停留在官方编排的文化叙事里,填补精神空白。 这与封锁互联网、限制海外信息渠道,是一脉相承的操作。

近五年英语课比例的调整、去英语化的试点、教材标准中外语比例保存或下调的规定,使这个趋势更加明显。英语是我们看世界的窗口和学知识的工具。我真不敢想象将来学生还有什么可以去依仗、去了解世界的进步和中国发生着的这一切邪恶罪行?另一个讽刺的是中国权贵的孩子却无例外的选择了留美、英、奥求学。

二、努力营造的厉害国的神话和全民自嗨

首先,基础教育里反复洗脑的是中国地大物博,文明古国历史悠久。关于地大物博号称煤炭储量丰富,但大量资源被国企垄断,环境污染严重,老百姓并未因此受益。稀土储量丰富,精炼带来的环境污染也同样伤害的是老百姓。有耕地和粮食,却常常要靠进口大豆、玉米来维持供应。中国历史“最悠久”只是宣传口号,放到人类文明的时间轴上,中国只是众多古文明之一。看看埃及的展览就可以发现古埃及文明史可追溯到公元前 3100 年,比中国夏朝早一千多年。苏美尔文明更早,留下了世界上最早的文字与城市。

其次通过各种媒介制造强国假象。从80年代开始,中共极其重视奥运会金牌,努力提升群众的民族自豪感。奥运冠军被当作国家荣誉的象征。在利益加持下使用兴奋剂已经成为中国运动员的常用手段。殊不知奥林匹克在国外最多就是个人成就。重视奥运会和世博会的承办,不惜重金打造会场,奖励运动员,大肆宣传。人民未必享受到什么实质性的好处。

通过拍摄大量自嗨的类似战狼的影片,塑造的中国特种兵几乎是“超人”战无不胜。战狼影片宣传的不是现实,而是一种“幻象”:中国无比强大,敌人不堪一击, 把爱国等同于盲目崇拜,把国家和政党混为一谈。现实中,中国军队缺乏实战经验,真正的国际军事行动远不如影片所展示的那样。观众被动接受这种情绪灌输,很容易陷入虚假的民族自豪感,而忽视现实中的问题:腐败、经济下滑、社会不公。

中国在非洲的现实影响力,主要靠资金+工程+资源换取政治支持。中共的“援助”不是平等合作,而是一种新的掠夺与控制。我们自豪的遥遥领先的民族之光公司,不过是靠抄袭、技术窃取、政府庇佑发展起来的假象。当制裁来临,芯片遭美国禁运,中国的“科技巨头”立刻显出脆弱。所谓“卡脖子”问题,本质就是几十年没有真正掌握原创技术。

当我具备了学习能力和了解了世界后,回看这一切。才清楚意识到这些都是教育的洗脑手段。一开始对于盲目的夜郎自大的爱国宣传,我是十分反感的。但是,我在国内无处表达。因为周围的造谣的人永远比辟谣的人多,盲目信任的人永远比相信真相和科学的人多。要知道中共造谣是职业的,甚至还雇用了大量的职业写手,文人,科学家,文艺工作者都一起来造谣。而说真话,辟谣的声音力量太小,从此我也不再愿意讲出来。根本没有人听。

三、宣扬仇恨,转移矛盾

我读书时美国被描绘成“霸权主义国家”,日本永远是“军国主义的潜在威胁”,韩国则常被贬为“棒子国”。国外都是流浪汉,非法枪支。在美华人生活在恐惧之中。而日本则是充满了辐射污染,连日本刺身也不可以吃了。同时,各类抗日神剧,把日本人塑造成愚蠢、残暴的小丑;官方媒体宣传经常用“欧美帝国主义”“西方敌对势力”来解释社会问题。新闻联播里最不和谐的声音永远都是我们和这些国家的敌对。抹黑的真实目的有三:制造敌人:没有外部“强敌”,中共的合法性就会动摇;转移矛盾:经济、社会、腐败问题都可以归咎于“外国打压”;强化控制:让人民相信外部世界充满敌意,从而更依赖中共“保护”。

四、利用欺骗手段掩盖信息,新闻早已没有自由

记忆中第一次接触到政治运动是1989年,那时候我还是个小学生,我和父亲一起关注新闻里六四学潮报道。堂哥当时在读大学,尽管他的母亲打来长途电话,再三劝说他不要去游行,可能会留下污点。但他还去了。当时堂哥的行为让我觉得那时的大学生和后来不同,他们心怀天下,愿意为了民主和自由呐喊,敢于承担历史使命而不顾个人安危。我不明白他们做错了什么,不明白为什么这个事件很快就被演变成了恶人乘机而入的暴动。这个事件便是中国欺骗手段的铁证。当时作为远离北京的民众,听到的消息都是从新闻报道来。学生的非暴力运动被污蔑成了有一些不怀好意的人从中挑拨学生和武警导致事态不可控制。请大家留意,这是共党最常用的下作手段,颠倒是非,混淆视听。接下来就是第一个手段血腥镇压。20万武装军人面对几万学生。死伤至今无法统计。而中共报道里却只有武警被学生杀害的离谱事实。最后的手段就是惩罚和掩盖。这次追求民主自由的学生潮最终被武力干预而偃旗息鼓,很多学生被通缉,而当时我信任并敬佩的堂哥也因为参与那个事件,受到了三年不能参加研究生考试的惩处。我一个朋友的爸爸也因为这个事件中支持学生的抗议导致个人前途灰暗。六四事件第一次让我感到了阴霾,学生的非暴力正义的举动、却要以个人未来发展受阻甚至以血为代价。随后这段历史仿佛没有发生过,消失在了中国历史中,消失在中国任何媒体里。

五、高筑信息茧房,防止人民知道真相

2000年正是互联网发展的年代,作为大学生的我天天都兴奋的在网上冲浪,我很喜欢的《v字仇杀队》和《黑客帝国》,还有《肖生克的救赎》这些电影让我有了民主自由思想的启蒙。“He crawled through a river of shit and came out clean on the other side.” 当时我很喜欢这句话。现在我更明白其中的深意“他爬过污秽肮脏,却在另一端获得了自由。” 他告诉我没有人应该忍受集权和统治,更没有人应该被奴役。但是很快我们这些自由也被剥夺,从 2002 年 Google 开始试封,到 2009 年大规模封锁 Facebook、Twitter、YouTube,再到 2014–2020 年几乎所有美国主流网站被全面屏蔽。中共利用信息墙把国人和外面的世界隔绝。由于防火长城(GFW)屏蔽外部信息,民众只能看到中共批准的新闻报道,形成一个全国性的“信息茧房”。这时候只有一个声音,就任由中共把黑的说成白的,白的说成黑的。

我再一次感到了文革般的窒息在向我靠近。我在互联网找了好久,好不容易才找到了翻墙的工具,法轮功的浏览器帮我跨越了这个精神的墙。也让我看到了更多的真相。但很多国人,却习惯了墙内生活也不去看外面世界了。人都有惰性,我担心再过几代,翻墙的人会越来越少。

中共教育下的“恶婴”,在谎言中长大、在仇恨中被塑造、在恐惧中被驯化。他们的身体长大了,但精神却被困在婴儿般的依附和盲目中。生来带着邪恶的烙印,被用作统治的工具。

谎言可以制造一时的顺从,却永远无法扼杀追求真理的心。每一个敢于独立思考的人,都是打破铁幕的火种。当越来越多的人拒绝做“恶婴”,这个民族才会真正长大。

Refusing to Become the Monstrous Infant Bred by CCP Education

Abstract: This essay exposes how the Chinese Communist Party’s education system—through brainwashing, historical distortion, false narratives of national greatness, propaganda of hatred, and information control—has produced generations of obedient slaves. Only through independent thinking and the pursuit of truth can one break free from lies and fear.

Author: Liu FangEditor: Li ConglingChief Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslator: Lyu Feng

Chinese people born in the 1970s and 1980s must be familiar with the story of Calabash Brothers. In that tale, one “Diamond Calabash Child” was different from his brothers: he wasn’t raised on the mountain vine but was taken to a demon’s cave and raised by evil hands, and thus from birth carried destructive powers.

This mirrors my generation—our childhood and youth poisoned and deceived by the Chinese Communist system. We should have grown naturally like calabashes on a vine, with independent thoughts and pure hearts. Instead, our growth was gripped by an invisible hand—the state and Party education system. From the very first day of literacy, we sang “Without the Communist Party, there would be no New China,” recited rewritten history, and studied “standard answers” designed to serve rulers.

Children were deliberately walled off from truth, molded into loyal successors rather than independent human beings. The following are absurd realities I personally experienced.

I. Political Indoctrination “the Chinese Way”: Training Children into Obedient Serfs

From an early age, I was molded into silence and submission. On my first day of school, I was praised only if I sat motionless with hands on the desk. Mischief or resistance led to punishment. Teachers held an exalted status in parents’ eyes, especially for parents like mine—deprived of education during the Cultural Revolution—who urged me constantly to obey teachers or face a future of failure. Thus children’s natural liveliness was strangled.

In my middle school, students were forced to cut their hair short and wear shabby, uniform clothing that killed individuality. I knew only prisons and asylums required shaved heads and uniforms. One boy’s hair grew slightly over one inch and he was publicly humiliated by being forcibly shaved by the director. Resistance meant disciplinary punishment.

From primary school we were taught to “love the motherland” and “be grateful to the Party.” We were compelled to watch over a dozen black-and-white “revolutionary” films (Sparkling Red Star, The Guerrillas, Qiu Shaoyun) as political study. Now I realize such exaggerated violence and hatred in anti-Japanese films harmed children’s mental growth. In middle school, we endured a craze of “red songs.” To win awards, our class was forced to sing the Yellow River Cantata until we felt nauseated.

We recited censored history. In class we memorized that “the War of Resistance was won under the Party’s leadership,” or that “New China has stood up.” I believed it then. Until one day a distant relative who had served in the Nationalist Army recounted that era, and I later found overseas sources on YouTube: the Nationalist Army had fought on the main battlefield; tens of millions died in famine and political movements; the Tiananmen Massacre never appeared in any textbook. I suddenly realized what I had memorized all my life were carefully woven lies. True history had not disappeared—it was hidden. We were forced to grow up inside false memory.

We studied only “answers that served the rulers.” Today’s youth are taught arrogance, blind belief in China’s “supremacy.” Since 2017, Xi Jinping Thought has been forcibly added to all school curricula, while the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution have been erased. Even the pronunciation of classical poetry is decreed by teachers as the only authority. Parents and students alike are forbidden to question.

Meanwhile, “national studies” are promoted and English diminished. “Cultural confidence” classes, Di Zi Gui recitation, and summer camps proliferate—not to nourish genuine culture but to block access to the outside world, reinforcing official narratives. Over the past decade, English has been reduced in curricula, textbooks stripped of foreign language content. English is our window to the world—without it, how can students learn what is happening globally, or recognize the crimes committed in China? The irony: the children of the CCP elite invariably study in the U.S., U.K., or Austria.

II. The Myth of a “Mighty Nation” and Collective Self-Delusion

Propaganda drills into us China’s “vast land and ancient civilization.” But coal, rare earths, and farmland—while real—are monopolized by state enterprises, leaving ordinary people with pollution and no benefits. “China has the oldest civilization”? In the timeline of humanity, it is only one among many. Ancient Egypt dates back to 3100 BCE, earlier than China’s Xia Dynasty; Sumerian civilization is older still.

The Party creates illusions of strength through sports and spectacle. Since the 1980s, Olympic gold medals have been prioritized as symbols of national honor. Doping became common. Stadiums built at enormous cost benefited propaganda, not citizens. Films like Wolf Warrior depict Chinese soldiers as invincible supermen—blurring patriotism with blind Party worship. Reality: China’s military lacks real combat experience. Citizens absorb the fantasy and ignore corruption, inequality, and economic decline.

China’s so-called international clout in Africa rests on money and resource deals—neo-colonial control rather than equal cooperation. Its “national champions” grew on theft and state protection; when U.S. sanctions cut chip supplies, these “tech giants” collapsed overnight. This “chokehold” revealed decades without genuine innovation.

As I matured, I saw clearly: this was brainwashing. Lies repeated endlessly drowned out truth, and those who tried to debunk rumors were outnumbered and silenced. Propagandists are professional; writers, scientists, and artists are enlisted. Truth-tellers’ voices were too faint to be heard.

III. Preaching Hatred to Distract from Problems

In school, America was painted as a “hegemonic bully,” Japan as a “perennial militarist threat,” South Korea mocked as “the stick country.” Foreign societies were caricatured as full of homeless people and gun violence. Japanese food was smeared as radioactive. Anti-Japanese TV dramas made Japanese soldiers into buffoonish monsters. State media constantly invoked “Western imperialism” and “hostile foreign forces” to explain away domestic issues.

The purposes were threefold:

Create enemies: without strong external foes, CCP legitimacy falters.

Deflect blame: economic woes and corruption blamed on “foreign suppression.”

Tighten control: convincing people the world is hostile, so they cling to CCP “protection.”

IV. Deception and the Disappearance of a Free Press

My first memory of politics was 1989. I was a child watching the Tiananmen protests on the news with my father. My cousin, then a university student, went to protest despite his mother’s pleas not to risk his future. To me, those students were heroic—caring for democracy, shouting for freedom.

Yet soon, state media twisted the story: the nonviolent movement was smeared as a “riot incited by bad elements.” Then came bloodshed: 200,000 troops against unarmed students. Death tolls remain unknown. Propaganda claimed soldiers were killed by students—an outrageous lie. Afterwards came punishment: students blacklisted, careers ruined. My cousin was barred from graduate exams for three years. A friend’s father lost his future for supporting the students.

Tiananmen was my first realization of the regime’s darkness: a just, peaceful act could cost one’s blood and future. Soon the history was erased—vanished from textbooks and media as though it had never happened.

V. Building the Information Cocoon

In the early 2000s, as a university student, I thrilled at the open internet. Films like V for Vendetta, The Matrix, The Shawshank Redemption enlightened me. “He crawled through a river of shit and came out clean on the other side.” That line resonated—no one should live under dictatorship or enslavement.

But soon, freedoms vanished. Google partially blocked in 2002; Facebook, Twitter, YouTube banned by 2009; by 2014–2020 nearly all U.S. platforms were sealed. The Great Firewall locked China in. Citizens heard only Party-approved voices, a nationwide “information cocoon.”

It felt like the Cultural Revolution returning. I searched for ways out until I found circumvention tools—Falun Gong browsers helped me cross that mental wall, glimpse truths. Yet most Chinese resigned to life inside. Laziness prevailed. I fear in a few generations, even fewer will scale the wall.

Conclusion: From “Monstrous Infants” to Humans Who Grow

The CCP’s education system has raised “monstrous infants”—children growing in lies, molded by hatred, tamed by fear. Their bodies grow, but their minds remain infantile—dependent, blind, branded with the Party’s mark, reduced to tools of rule.

Lies can produce temporary obedience, but never extinguish the yearning for truth. Every person who dares to think independently is a spark piercing the iron curtain. Only when more people refuse to be “monstrous infants” will this nation truly come of age.