作者：余杰

編輯：胡丽莉

校对：毛一炜

翻译：戈冰

丁家喜：人權律師，「新公民運動」主要活動家之一。二零一三年，被捕並於次年以「聚眾擾亂公共場所秩序罪」判刑三年六個月。二零一九年，再度被捕，一直關押到二零二三年四月十日，才以「顛覆國家政權罪」判刑十二年，剝奪政治權利三年。

丁家喜，一九六七年八月十七日生於湖北宜昌宜都縣香客巖村。那裡是鄂西貧窮的山區，他小時候村民還在用三國時期發明的水翻車澆地，玉米、小麥都是用石磨等原始工具處理。

丁家喜的人生堪稱一部波瀾起伏的「四重奏」，是文革之後四十多年來中國政治經濟劇變過程的縮影，也是當代中國知識人追求真理和正義的奮鬥之路的縮影。他放棄了人人爭先恐後、而自己已然走得風生水起的名利之路，轉而走上一條少有人走的、艱難崎嶇的、甚至需要犧牲最寶貴自由的道路。

丁家喜人生「四重奏」的第一樂章，是科學救國之路。這是文革後一九八零年代進入大學的那一代青年普遍的人生理想。文革期間殘酷的政治鬥爭，大部分倒霉的知識分子都是文科出身，這讓中國人對學文史哲及法律、政治等望而生畏。文革後的改革開放和現代化，又以科技開路。所以，那一代人對理工科，尤其是尖端科技趨之若鶩。丁家喜曾說：「我總是希望學那些難、但又非常實用的東西。我不想學那種難、但是不實用，或者實用卻不難的東西。而航空發動機是中國到現在也沒能解決的一個技術難題。」一九八六年，他以優異的成績考上北京航空航天大學，在大學期間得過三次一等獎學金，很多課程都是滿分。

大學畢業後，丁家喜被分配到中國航發沈陽發動機研究所（六零六所）。兩年後，被保送回北航讀研究生。讀到一半，轉到飛機設計系。他的興趣本來是做研究，但他發現，體制內大部分研究人員的心思並不在研究上，而是賺錢、往上爬；而且，以當時的研究環境，中國在飛機設計和發動機領域很難取得重大突破。他厭倦了天天和數據、設備打交道，有了轉型的想法，在業餘時間考取了律師資格。研究生畢業後，他在北京的中國航天科工三院三〇四所工作了一年多，就辭職「下海」了。

丁家喜是「六四」一代，在大學校園裡經歷了天安門民主運動。他完全認同學運中「反官倒、反腐敗、要求民主、打倒老人政治」等訴求，「說遊行去，我們就跟著去；別人喊口號，我們也跟著喊；天安門廣場上靜坐，我們也去靜坐」。他在天安門廣場最長的一次待了整整三天三夜。運動後期，因為父親意外身亡，他趕回老家奔喪，與後期的學運擦肩而過。之後，他的「六四」情結蟄伏多年，直到二零一一年到美國做訪問學者，接觸到大量關於「六四」及之後中國反對運動的資訊，這才重新喚醒青春時代的記憶，此後每年「六四」紀念日都穿黑衣並絕食紀念——即便在獄中也堅持絕食。但他坦承：「我並不認為我的生命的選擇與天安門學生運動有直接的聯繫。那是一個水到渠成的結果。」

丁家喜人生「四重奏」的第二樂章，是做民商律師。一九九六年六月，他從研究所辭職，轉入律師這個嶄新的職場。初期，他參與做過刑事案件，卻發現法官通常很強勢，律師難有作為，逐漸放棄刑辯這一塊。他有技術背景，做民商有優勢，漸漸形成了公司併購重組、投資、破產法律事務、知識產權保護等方面的專長。二零零三年四月十六日，他創建了德鴻律師事務所。第一年，事務所的收入是兩百萬；到二零一二年年底，已增長到兩千五百萬。二零一一年，他被評選為北京市十佳知識產權律師。他還擔任一系列有頭有臉的社會職務：北京律師協會企業重組專業委員會委員、北航創業家協會秘書長、中關村國際孵化軟件協會法律委員會主任等。

丁家喜卻不以此為滿足。跟他打交道的大都是公司董事長、老總，與這個階層的接觸，使他有了更寬的視野來看待社會。但他仍會遇到各種不公平的案例，由此思考案例背後的共性是什麼，以及是否存在改變這種現實的可能。他最初的一個選擇是加入所謂「八大民主黨派」之一的「中國民主同盟」，並在二零零二年至二零零七年間任民盟中央法制委員會委員。他期望通過民盟的渠道，將自己對社會和法治問題的看法提交到政協或人大，以溫和、漸進、改良的方式推動社會進步。

丁家喜加入民盟後，曾在一年間提出八個提案。例如，毒奶粉事件發生後，他提出關於加強奶粉質量監管的提案。然而，即便此類並不危及中共統治的提案，往往也如石沉大海。二零零三年，孫志剛事件發生後，在民盟中央法制委員會的許志永因提出廢除收容遣送制度的提案，被逐出民盟。當時丁、許並無深交，但此事讓他意識到民盟並不是一個正常的「政黨」，其運作高度僵化。後來，他就不再參加民盟的活動了。

商業上的成功，並不能彌補丁家喜在社會和政治參與上的挫折。他發現，在中國，所有的規則往源頭追，到最後往往指向同一個制度性問題。這個問題不解決，許多規則上的困境也難以真正化解。此時此刻，丁家喜對民商律師的工作逐漸失去興趣，希望改變大學畢業以來二十年的選擇。他聯繫了一個到美國紐約福德翰姆大學做訪問學者的項目，在美國大半年的時間，像海綿一樣沉浸在自由世界的信息環境中。此前，他雖是八九一代，但對之後中國民間反對運動所知甚少。這時，他才發現中國國內一直存在著綿延不斷的民間行動。

在此期間，丁家喜完成了數萬字的《歷史的比較》等文稿。他通過比較近代以來中美不同的發展路徑，逐漸形成了對制度與社會問題的進一步思考。

丁家喜人生「四重奏」的第三樂章，是在未徹底放棄民商律師身份的同時，以「業餘」身份從事人權相關活動與公民行動。二零一一年十月，他從美國回到中國，與許志永再次會面並展開合作。

隨著參與程度加深，他開始面臨警方的頻繁關注與壓力。

二零一二年十二月九日，丁家喜和許志永等人發表公開信，呼籲推動官員財產公示。隨後，他參與組織多地相關公民行動。

二零一三年四月十三日，他在家中被警方帶走。十七日，被以「非法集會」罪名刑事拘留。

二零一四年四月十八日，北京海淀區法院以「聚眾擾亂公共場所秩序罪」判處其有期徒刑三年六個月。

丁家喜在法庭上作了名為《我要做一隻蝴蝶》的最後陳述：「因要求全國人大對財產公示立法，我卻成了欽定的罪犯……我要做一只蝴蝶。蝴蝶不停扇動翅膀，一定會引發社會變革的颶風。」

二零一四年七月十八日，北京市第一中級法院對丁家喜、李蔚案進行二審，以書面而非開庭審理，宣布維持原判。

Ding Jiaxi: I’m going to make a butterfly that flashes its wings constantly, and it’s going to cause a hurricane of social change

By Yu Jie

Editor: Hu Lili

Proofread: Mao Yiwei

Translation: Ge Bing

Abstract: Ding Jiaxi turned from engineer to lawyer, joined the civil movement, advocated the disclosure of officials’ assets, and was repeatedly suppressed and sentenced, which demonstrated his insistence and cost in pursuing the system change and social justice.

Ding Jiaxi: Human Rights Lawyer, one of the main activists of the New Citizens Movement. In 2013, he was arrested and sentenced to three years and six months in prison the following year for “gathering a crowd to disturb public order.” In 2019, he was arrested again and held until April 10, 2023. He was sentenced to 12 years’ imprisonment and deprived of political rights for three years for “subversion of state power.”

Ding Jiaxi, born on August 17, 1967 in Xiangkeyan Village, Yidu County, Yichang, Hubei. The area is a poor mountainous region of western Hubei, and as a child villagers used tipping machines invented during the Three Kingdoms to pour the land. Corn and wheat were processed with primitive tools such as stone mills.

Ding Jiaxi’s life is a turbulent “quartet”, a microcosm of China’s political and economic upheaval in the four decades since the Cultural Revolution, and of the struggle of contemporary Chinese intellectuals for truth and justice. He has abandoned the fame and fortune that everyone had fought for and that he has thrived on, and instead has embarked on a path that is rarely followed, difficult and bumpy, and that requires sacrificing even the most precious of freedoms.

The first movement of Ding Jiaxi’s “quartet” is the road to saving the country scientifically. This was a common feeling among the young people of the post-Cultural Revolution 1980s college generation. The brutal political struggles of the Cultural Revolution, when most of the hapless intellectuals came from liberal arts backgrounds, left the Chinese fearful of studying literature, history and philosophy, as well as law and politics. After the Cultural Revolution, reform, opening up and modernization have opened the way to science and technology. So that generation was flocking to science and engineering, especially cutting-edge technology. “I always want to learn something that is difficult but very practical,” he once said. I don’t want to learn something that’s difficult but not practical, or practical but not difficult. Aero-engines are a technical problem that China has not solved.”In 1986, he went to the Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics with honors and received three first-class scholarships while in college, many of them with perfect scores.

After graduating from university, Ding Jiaxi was assigned to the Shenyang Aeroengine Research Institute (606). Two years later, he was sent back to Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics to attend graduate school. Read halfway to the plane design department. His interest was in research, but he found that most researchers in the system were not interested in research, but in making money and climbing the ladder, and that China had difficulty making major breakthroughs in aircraft design and engines under the research environment at the time. Tired of dealing with data and equipment every day, he had the idea of a turnaround, and he qualified as a lawyer in his spare time. After graduating, he worked for more than a year at the 304 Institute of China Academy of Aerospace Science and Technology in Beijing before resigning to “go to sea”.

Ding Jiaxi, a member of the “June 4th” generation, spent his college days in Tiananmen Square as a democracy activist. He fully agreed with the school’s demands for “anti-corruption, anti-corruption, democracy and defeating the politics of the elderly.” “We will follow people when they say march, we will follow people when they shout slogans, and we will follow people when we sit in Tiananmen Square.” He spent three full days and three nights in Tiananmen Square at its longest time. Later in the campaign, after his father’s unexpected death, he rushed back to his hometown to die, missing the school run of late. It wasn’t until 2011, when he arrived in the United States as a visiting scholar and was exposed to a wealth of information about the uprisings that followed that year that he reawakened his youthful memory. He then wore black and went on hunger strike every year on the anniversary — even while in prison. But he confessed: “I don’t think the choice of my life is directly related to the Tiananmen student movement. It was a natural outcome.”

The second movement of Ding Jiaxi’s “Quartet” of life is to be a civil and commercial lawyer. In June 1996, he resigned from the Institute and moved into the new profession of lawyer. Early on, he was involved in criminal cases, but found that judges were often strong and lawyers struggled to act, gradually abandoning the defense. He has a technical background and is advantageous in doing business for the private sector, and has gradually developed expertise in corporate mergers, acquisitions, restructuring, investment, bankruptcy legal affairs, and intellectual property protection, among others. On April 16, 2003, he founded Der Hung Law Firm. In the first year, the firm’s revenue was $2 million; by the end of 2012, it had grown to $25 million. In 2011, he was selected as one of the top ten IP lawyers in Beijing. He also held a number of prominent social posts: member of the Business Restructuring Specialist Committee of the Beijing Lawyers Association, secretary general of the Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics Entrepreneurs Association, and director of the Legal Committee of the Zhongguancun International Incubator Software Association.

Ding Jiaxi is not satisfied. He deals mostly with company chairmen and bosses, and his contacts with this class have given him a broader view of society. But he will still encounter cases of inequity that give him reason to think about the commonalities behind the cases and whether there is any chance of changing that reality. One of his first options was to join the China Democratic Alliance, one of the so-called “eight major democratic parties”, and to serve as a member of the NLD’s Central Commission for Legal Affairs from 2002 to 2007. Through NLD channels, he hopes to bring his views on social and rule of law issues to the CPPCC or the NPC to promote social progress in a moderate, gradual and reformed way.

After joining the NLD, Ding put forward eight proposals over a year. After the tainted milk scandal, for example, he proposed strengthening quality regulation of milk powder. Yet even such proposals, which do not endanger Communist party rule, are often towering. In 2003, after the incident of Sun Zhigang, Xu Zhiyong of the Central Legislative Affairs Commission of the NLD was expelled from the NLD for proposing to abolish the custody and repatriation system. Mr. Ding and Mr. Xu had strong ties but this made him realize that the NLD was not a normal “party” and was highly sclerotic. Later, he stopped participating in NLD activities.

Business success does not make up for Mr. Ding’s setbacks in social and political engagement. He found that in China, all rules tend to follow at the source and end up pointing to the same institutional problem. The problem is not solved, and many of the rules dilemmas are hard to really address. At the moment, Ding is losing interest in his job as a private business lawyer, hoping to change his choice of 20 years after college. He contacted a program of visiting fellows at Fordham University in New York, where he spent most of the year as a sponge immersed in the information environment of the free world. Previously, he was in the 1980s and 1990s, but knew little about the popular opposition movements that followed. Only then did he discover that there had been a steady stream of civil action in China.

During this period, Ding Jiaxi completed tens of thousands of words of “Comparison of History” and other manuscripts. By comparing the different paths of development between China and the United States in modern times, he gradually formed a further reflection on the issues of system and society.

The third movement of Ding Jiaxi’s “Quartet” in his life is to engage in human rights-related activities and civic actions as an “amateur” while not completely giving up his status as a civil and commercial lawyer. In October 2011, he returned to China from the United States to meet and cooperate with Xu Zhiyong again.

As his involvement deepened, he began to face frequent police attention and pressure.

On December 9, 2012, Ding Jiaxi and Xu Zhiyong, among others, issued an open letter calling for the promotion of public disclosure of officials’ assets. He then helped organize numerous citizen-related campaigns.

On April 13, 2013, he was taken away from his home by the police. He was detained on the 17th on charges of “illegal assembly.”

On April 18, 2014, the Haidian District Court of Beijing sentenced him to three years and six months’ imprisonment for the crime of “assembling a crowd to disturb public order”.

Ding gave a closing statement in court titled “I’m Going to Be a Butterfly”: “By asking the National People’s Congress to legislate on public disclosure of property, I’ve become a convicted criminal.I’m going to make a butterfly. Butterflies flap their wings constantly, and it’s going to be a hurricane of social change.”

On July 18, 2014, the First Intermediate People’s Court of Beijing Municipality adjudicated the second instance of Ding Jiaxi and Li Wei in writing instead of opening a court session and announced that they had upheld the original judgment.

作者：关永杰

编辑：钟然 校对：程筱筱 翻译：戈冰

2026年3月15日下午，由中国民主人权联盟旧金山分部组织的“抗议习近平修宪”活动在San Jose 市政厅前举行。多位参与者发表了讲话并进行了交流讨论。

活动组织方介绍，本次活动旨在回顾2018年中国宪法修改所带来的政治及社会影响，并表达对中国政治体制和人权状况的关注。

活动发起人、中国民主人权联盟北加州负责人李海风首先发言。他回顾了2018年的往事，一直被外界质疑为“橡皮图章”的中国全国人大，在习近平主导下通过了宪法修正案，取消国家主席任期限制。他当时在朋友圈发表了一条评论，讽刺习近平实现了“当皇帝的梦想”。这一发言令身边朋友感到震惊，也成为他个人政治观念转变的一个契机。后来在朋友的介绍下他开始进入一些讨论民主自由议题的群组，从此更加关注中国的政治制度与社会状况，并逐渐参与到海外的民主讨论群体中。他表示，这些年来中国在言论空间、政治环境以及社会氛围方面发生了明显变化，这些变化也影响了许多人的生活与选择。

李海风在发言中还提到，近年来中国社会在疫情、经济环境和就业等方面都面临了巨大压力，他认为这些问题与当前高度集权的政治体制密切相关。他在发言中表达了对中国现行政治制度的不满，并希望未来中国能够摆脱一党专政，实现真正的政治转型。

随后，惠汝涛发表讲话。他指出，自2018年宪法修改以来，中国政治体制的权力结构出现明显变化。他认为，取消国家领导人任期限制意味着原有集体领导机制被削弱，个人权力进一步集中，并可能导致长期执政甚至终身执政的局面。

惠汝涛还谈到中国当前面临的一些社会和经济挑战，包括人口下降、人口老龄化加快、地方债务压力、房地产市场低迷以及青年就业困难等问题。他认为，在当前政治体制下，这些问题正在不断积累，并对中国社会发展造成长期影响。他在发言中表示，中国要摆脱目前的困境，必须得出现根本性的政治变化。

参与活动的何冬玲在发言中表示，宪法在现代国家中通常被视为限制公共权力、保障公民权利的重要法律框架。如果宪法的修改主要用于延续权力或强化权力集中，其原本的制度意义就会受到削弱，甚至可能沦为服务权力的工具。

张勇在讲话中回顾了中国过去几十年的政治与经济发展。他表示，在改革开放之后的一段时期，中国政治运行中曾形成领导人任期更替的惯例。他认为，2018年的宪法修改打破了这一规则，使中国政治重新走向高度集权，并被许多人视为中国政治发展的重要倒退。

在活动的交流环节中，一些参与者讨论了中国政治制度的长期发展问题。有参与者认为，中国当前面临的种种问题不仅与个别领导人有关，也与一党专政的制度结构有关。这个体制肯定是不可持续的，而习近平的出现，更是加速了中国共产政权崩溃的步伐，所以习近平也被戏称为——“总加速师”。综观当今国际局势，独裁者一个接一个倒台，与会者都表示，希望未来能够看到中国结束现有的政治体制，走向更加自由与民主的政治环境。

活动临近尾声，有一个轻松的互动环节。活动发起人李海风展示了自己宠物狗的照片，邀请现场参与者为小狗起名字，为活动增添了一些轻松气氛。

活动最后组织方表示，希望通过更多更灵活的活动形式，让更多人关注中国的政治发展、人权状况以及未来可能的社会变革。

Protests on 8th anniversary of Xi Jinping’s constitutional reform

By Guan Yongjie

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreading: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translating: Ge Bing

Summary: On March 15, 2026, a protest was held in the San Francisco Bay Area against constitutional changes. Participants criticized the centralization of power resulting from the removal of term limits in 2018. They also discussed China’s political system and social issues and called for future political transformation and democratic development.

On the afternoon of March 15, 2026, a “protest against Xi’s constitutional revision” organized by the San Francisco branch of the China League for Democratic Rights took place in front of San Jose City Hall. A number of participants spoke and engaged in discussions.

The event aims to review the political and social impact of China’s 2018 constitutional changes and express concern about the country’s political system and human rights situation, organizers said.

Li Haifeng, the campaign’s organizer and head of the China League for Democracy and Human Rights in Northern California, opened the session. He recalled 2018, when the National People’s Congress, long considered a rubber stamp by outsiders, approved a constitutional amendment under Mr. Xi to remove term limits on the presidency. He wrote a commentary in a circle of friends at the time, lampooning Mr. Xi for fulfilling his “dream of becoming an emperor.” The speech shocked friends and provided an opportunity for a shift in his personal political views. He later moved into groups that discussed democratic freedoms after being introduced by friends. He became more concerned about China’s political system and social situation, and gradually became involved in democratic discussion groups abroad. He said there had been marked changes in the space for speech, the political environment and the social atmosphere in China over the years, and those changes had affected the lives and choices of many people.

In his speech, Mr. Li also noted that Chinese society has faced enormous pressure in recent years in the fields of the epidemic, the economic environment and employment, which he believes are closely related to the current highly centralized political system. In his speech, he expressed his dissatisfaction with China’s current political system and his hope that in the future China will be able to shed one-party rule and achieve a real political transformation.

Afterwards, Mr. Hui gave a speech. He noted that the power structure of China’s political system had changed markedly since the 2018 constitutional change. He argues that the removal of term limits on national leaders means that the old system of collective leadership is weakened, that individual power is concentrated further, and that it could lead to long-term or even lifelong rule.

Mr. Hui also spoke about the social and economic challenges facing China, including a declining population, an aging population, local debt pressures, a sluggish property market and employment difficulties for young people. He said that under the current political system, these problems are accumulating and will have a long-term impact on China’s social development. He said China’s exit from its current predicament will require fundamental political changes.

In her speech, Ms. He, who participated in the event, said the Constitution was often seen in modern countries as an important legal framework for limiting public power and protecting citizens’ rights. If constitutional changes are mainly used to perpetuate power or strengthen the concentration of power, their original institutional significance will be weakened and may even become a tool to serve power.

In his speech, Zhang Yong reviewed China’s political and economic development over the past decades. In the period after China’s reform and opening up, he says, the country’s political workings were marked by a tradition of leadership succession. He argues that the 2018 constitutional change broke that rule and brought Chinese politics back to a highly centralized state and was seen by many as an important setback for China’s political development.

During the event, some participants discussed the long-term development of China’s political system. Some participants believe that China’s current problems are not only related to individual leaders, but also to the institutional structure of one-party rule. The system is certainly unsustainable, and Mr. Xi’s emergence has accelerated the collapse of the Communist regime, so he is also nicknamed — Looking at the current international situation, one dictator after another has fallen, participants expressed hope that the future will see China end its current political system and move toward a more liberal and democratic political environment.

Towards the end of the event, there is an easy interactive session. The organizer, Li Haifeng, added some relief by showing photos of his pet dog and inviting attendees to give it a name.

The organizers said they hoped to draw more attention to China’s political development, human rights and possible future social changes through more flexible forms of events.

作者：王礼华

编辑：周志刚 校对：毛一炜 翻译：戈冰

2026年3月14日，在全球地缘政治格局深刻演变的复杂背景下，中国民主党夏威夷党部于党部办公室成功举办了一场气氛热烈的民主沙龙活动。

活动当天，七名党员齐聚一堂。沙龙以“世界变局中的民主挑战与机遇”为核心议题，旨在通过自由讨论强化党员对国际形势的认知。在近三个小时的交流中，各位党员踊跃发言，结合时事热点各抒己见：有的党员深度剖析了近期区域冲突对地缘格局的冲击，有的则从基层组织建设出发，探讨了海外民主运动的本土化策略。

党员吕斌首先发言。他针对党部活动的未来发展提出了提出了推动活动多元化发展的建议。吕斌指出，党部活动不应局限于室内研讨，应通过举办户外宣讲、社区互动及多媒体展示等多种形式，提升党部的社会可见度。他认为，只有活动形式更贴近生活、更加多元化，才能有效吸引不同背景的民众关注并参与民主事业。

与会党员集体合影

党员徐中啸在发言中对近期伊朗引发的地区冲突表示深度关切。他指出，中东局势的动荡不仅是局部危机，更是全球威权势力连锁反应的一部分。他认为，伊朗局势的演变正深刻牵制着全球民主阵营的精力，这种地缘博弈的失衡将间接影响亚洲的民主化进程，党员们必须对此保持高度的警惕与研判。

党员李艺在基层党建的发展上建言献策。她指出：夏威夷党部在深耕社区的同时，应高度重视女性力量的崛起，积极发展女性党员。李艺强调，女性党员在民主运动中具有独特的韧性与亲和力，增加女性比例不仅能优化党部的成员结构，更能为基层组织注入更多元、温和且坚定的视角。

作为本次活动的主要筹备者之一，萨克拉门托党部主任张小驹在会上特别普及了党旗的图案构成及其深刻意义。他详细讲解了党旗象征的民主、自由与法治精神，并对党史知识进行了系统的梳理与回顾。他指出，了解党旗与党史是每一位党员的必修课，只有铭记奋斗历程，才能在复杂的局势中找准定位，守住初心。

活动最后，党部副主任王礼华作总结陈词。他直言不讳地指出，随着当前国际地缘政治的剧烈重组，中国民主化的契机已经到来。王礼华强调，内外环境的交织演变正让原本僵化的局势出现松动，这要求全体党员必须具备敏锐的政治嗅觉。他呼吁，与其等待时机，不如创造时机，党部不仅要加强思想研讨，更要通过扎实的基层组织建设，为迎接即将到来的历史转折点做好充分的组织与人才储备。

现场讨论声此起彼伏，不同观点的碰撞擦出了智慧的火花。与会党员一致认为，在动荡的国际环境中，坚持民主信念、保持思想的敏锐与团结至关重要。此次沙龙不仅深化了党员间的同袍情谊，更进一步凝聚了党部的向心力，展现了夏威夷党部成员积极投身时代潮流、关注中国民主化的责任担当。

参加此次活动的党员有:

王礼华, 张小驹, 徐中啸, 吕斌, 柴家林 李艺 ,陈佳

投稿: 夏威夷党部副主任 王礼华

2026年3月14日

Hawaii Party Headquarters of China’s Democratic Party Hosts Democracy Salon

By ：Wang Lihua

Editor: Zhou Zhigang

Proofread: Mao Yiwei

Translation: Ge Bing

Abstract: The Hawaii Party Department of the Chinese Democratic Party held a democracy salon to discuss the changes in the international situation and the opportunities for China’s democratization, and stressed the importance of strengthening grassroots construction, expanding social influence and building the strength of the Party members.

On March 14, 2026, in the midst of a profound shift in global geopolitics, the Hawaii Party Department of the Chinese Democratic Party successfully hosted a lively pro-democracy salon event in the party office.

Seven party members gathered on the day of the event. Sharon focused on “democratic challenges and opportunities in a changing world,” aiming to enhance party members’ awareness of the international situation through free discussion. In the nearly three hours of exchanges, the members spoke out enthusiastically and spoke out in combination with the hot spots of current affairs: some of them deeply analyzed the impact of recent regional conflicts on the geopolitical landscape, while others explored the localization strategies of overseas democratic movements from the perspective of grassroots organization building.

Party member Lü Bin will speak first. He put forward the suggestions of promoting the diversification of the activities for the future development of the party department. Party activities should not be limited to indoor seminars, but should be conducted through outdoor presentations, community interaction and multimedia displays to enhance the social visibility of the party, Lu said. He believes that only if the activities are more closely related to life and diversified can they effectively attract the attention of people from different backgrounds and participate in the democratic cause.

Party members present for group photo

In his speech, party member Xu Zhongxiao expressed deep concern about the recent regional conflict triggered by Iran. He noted that the turmoil in the Middle East is not only a local crisis, but also part of a chain reaction of authoritarian forces around the world. He argues that the global democratic camp is being held hostage by the evolution of Iran, and that the imbalance in the geopolitical game will indirectly influence democratization in Asia, which party members must be vigilant and critical of.

Party member Li Yi offered suggestions on the development of Party building at the grass-roots level. The Hawaii Party Department should pay great attention to the rise of women and actively develop female party members while continuing to cultivate communities, she said. Li stressed that female party members have a unique tenacity and affinity in the democratic movement, and that increasing the proportion of women not only optimizes the membership structure of party departments, but also injects more diverse, moderate and firm perspectives into grassroots organizations.

Zhang Xiaoju, head of the Sacramento Party Headquarters and one of the main organizers of the event, made the banner’s design and its profound significance widely known. He explained in detail the spirit of democracy, freedom and rule of law symbolized by the Party flag, and combed and reviewed systematically the Party’s knowledge of history. Knowing the party’s flag and history is a compulsory course for every member of the party, he said, adding that only by bearing in mind the course of struggle can one locate himself in a complicated situation and hold on to his original aspiration.

At the end of the event, Wang Lihua, deputy director of the Party Department, made a concluding statement. He bluntly pointed out that, with the current drastic realignment of international geopolitics, the time had come for China to democratize. Mr. Wang stressed that the combination of internal and external circumstances was loosening an already sclerotic situation, which required all party members to have a keen sense of politics. He called on the Party headquarters not only to strengthen ideological discussions, but also to build a solid grassroots organization and make a good reserve of personnel to meet the coming turning point in history.

There was a lot of talk on the ground, and the clash of ideas wiped out the spark of wisdom. The participants agreed that in a turbulent international environment, it was essential to uphold democratic convictions and to maintain intellectual acumen and solidarity. Sharon’s visit not only deepened the friendship among Party members, but also consolidated the centripetal force of the Party Department, demonstrating the responsibility of the Party Department members in Hawaii to actively devote themselves to the trend of the times and pay attention to democratization in China.

Party members attending the event included:

Wang Lihua, Zhang Xiaoju, Xu Zhongxiao, Lu Bin, Chai Jialin Liyi, Chen Jia

Contributed: Wang Lihua, Deputy Director of the Hawaii Party Headquarters

March 14, 2026

本期“周五江湖”特别活动：欢迎振振回家，庆祝民主之家成立！

特别邀请中国民主党全委会执行长讲解张振振被成功解救的若干细节问题！

特别邀请中国民主党全委会执行委员耿冠军先生讲解成立“民主之家”的宗旨和目的！

特别邀请张振振分享五个月移民监从绝望到希望、从心灰意冷到斗志昂扬的心路历程。

本期活动以“AA餐叙”方式展开，欢迎大家自带美食与振振同享，不能携带美食的请备足十美元餐费并在下午四点前在本群报备。

欢迎广大党员朋友及追求民主自由的同道们积极参与！

时间：2026年03月20日下午六点开始

地点：205 E Garvey Ave , Monterey Park, CA 91755

今天活动的地址不在二楼党部办公室，在陈闯创律所后面民主之家

【活动召集令｜上海封城四周年】

四年前的这个春天，上海封城成为无数人难以忘却的记忆。

封控之下，有人失去亲人，有人失去生计，也有人失去了最基本的尊严与自由。这不仅是一座城市的创伤，更是一段不应被遗忘的历史。

值此四周年之际，我们发起纪念活动，旨在：

– 追忆逝者，铭记苦难

– 还原真相，拒绝遗忘

– 反思制度，呼唤改变

活动时间：3月28日（周六）14:00–17:00

活动地点：200 E Garey Avenue，Monterey Park, CA 91755

活动召集人：方政、张俊杰

活动组织人：袁平、谢燊权

活动策划人：李茂毅、谢志诚

主办方：中国民主党、中国民主教育基金会、硬糖联盟、洛杉矶民主平台

历史不应被掩盖，记忆不应被抹去。

唯有面对，才有未来；唯有记录，才有公正。

我们邀请每一位关心真相与自由的人，前来参与这场纪念与见证。

邀請函

尊敬的民主同道及各界朋友：

仰望星室，守望良知。

我們懷著莊重與敬意，誠摰邀請您出席「仰望星空——高智晟雕像落成典禮」

高智晟先生是中國最著名的維權律師之一。他以非凡的勇氣與堅定的信念，為弱勢者發聲，為公義奔走。在長期迫害之下，他曾多次失蹤，最近這一次已經失蹤八年零八個月。

他被許多人稱為「中國人的良心」，三次獲得諾貝爾和平獎提名。

「仰望星空」雕像的落成，不僅是對高智晟先生人格與精神的紀念，更象徵著對法治、公

義、尊嚴與信念的堅守。這座雕像將矗立於天 地之間，提醒世人：在黑暗之中，仍有人仰望星空；在沉默之中，仍有良知不滅。

我們誠摯邀請所有民主同道及朋友們，共同見證這一具有歷史與精神意義的重要時刻。

揭幕嘉宾： PieroTozzi美国国会及行政当局中国委员会副主任

CheAhn加州州长候选人

劉俊美國執業律師•奥運冠軍Alysa Liu之父

典禮時間：2026年4月4日（星期六）下午2:00

典禮地點：自由雕塑公園

地址：37570Yermo Rd,Yermo,CA,USA

敬請蒞臨，共襄盛舉。

邀請人：

陳維明、方政、陳立群、耿和

钱辰昌，或许是最名不见经传的民运人士，却是一个最为纯粹的人，为了中国的民族自由的理想，放弃了自己优渥的生活，走路来到美国，他不求身份，不求利益，只想推广自己的民主理想，出版书籍，宣传自己的政治主张。他明明知道再回国是九死一生，给好友留下绝笔，依然毅然决然的踏上从东南亚回国的路，要回去实现自己的政治理想。或许，正是钱先生这样的人才给了我们最多的感动，纯粹的如同寒夜的星光，点滴汇聚，耀我星河。如今，他已经失联超过一个月了，在大洋彼岸的我们，怎可忘记！

活动主题：声援钱辰昌，中共立刻放人

活动组织： 中国民主人权联盟旧金山分部

活动策划：李海风 关永杰 周志刚

活动联络：张勇 6265816991

美术支持：马相平

活动时间：2026年3月22日 周日 2-4 pm

活动地点：圣何塞市政厅

导航地址：200 E Santa Clara St San Jose, CA 95113

《全球覺醒》第六十四期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題：反击跨国镇压：从秘密警察站到街头暴力，中共黑手必须清除！

2026年3月，意大利以国家安全理由对8名涉嫌跨国镇压的中国公民发出驱逐令。随着美国与意大利司法部门相继采取雷霆行动，中共跨国镇压的邪恶网络已在全世界面前彻底暴露。就在今年一月，我们在洛杉矶抗议现场遭遇了卑劣的辣椒水袭击。这绝非偶然的治安冲突，而是中共在全球范围内实施恐怖治理、试图让异见者失声的典型罪证！这种下作的流氓手段，恰恰证明了独裁政权对真相的极度恐惧。

我们要正告那些躲在领馆阴影下的幕后黑手：你们以为辣椒水能喷灭自由的火种吗？你们以为雇佣几个蒙面暴徒就能阻挡民主的潮流吗？错！美意两国的司法进展清晰地表明，全球法治社会绝不容许独裁者的长臂横行。每一滴喷向我们的辣椒水，都是中共跨国犯罪的铁证。这些所谓的“侨领”和代理人，拿着独裁者的赏钱，在自由的土地上践踏法律，其行径与恐怖分子无异，终将面临法律的严惩与历史的审判。

我们坚决支持国际社会深入彻查中共的渗透势力。从秘密警察站的跨国管辖到洛杉矶街头的肉体伤害，中共的暴力黑手必须被彻底斩断！我们呼吁所有追求自由的同胞，不要被这种流氓行径所吓倒。我们不仅要揭露中共这个“政治假货”，更要让世界看清它是一个跨国犯罪集团。我们将持续站在中领馆前，直到正义得到伸张，直到暴力威胁被根除，直到自由的光芒照亮整个中国！

我們的口號：

正义必胜，暴政必亡！

严惩海外暴徒，清除中共爪牙！

反对跨国镇压，捍卫美国法治！

時間：2026年3月22日（星期日）3:30PM (下午)

地點：中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址：443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人：廖军/孔德翠

活動規劃： 孫曄/劉廣賢

活動主持：易勇

組織者：

胡月明4806536918/張健3236122777

胡君9098330598 / 穆偉6265670518

黄思博6262345396 / 范强 6268616043

活動義工：于海龍 /李錦華/陳健 /李琦/劉紹陽/苏毅/陳勝/張星

攝影：Ji Luo /王永 /劉樂園

主辦單位：

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

闻道读书会特别场

奥运冠军背后的父亲：一个关于成长与选择的真实故事

最近，一位年轻的华裔奥运冠军 Alysa Liu，正在成为新的美国偶像。

她的成功不仅属于体育，更关乎家庭、教育与价值选择。

而在她背后，有一位引人关注的人物——她的父亲，刘俊律师。

作为“六四”一代的亲历者，他不仅培养出一位世界级运动员，

更在人生关键时刻，做出了坚定选择：

拒绝来自中共的金钱诱惑，坚持自己的价值立场

这一故事，已在海外华人圈广泛传播，引发深度讨论。

订座链接，凭二维码入场：https://www.eventbrite.com/e/1985394544528?aff=oddtdtcreator

闻道读书会特别场

闻道读书会特别场，来和书友们现场畅聊好书，分享阅读的乐趣吧！

地址：2077 Gold St ，San Jose，CA

时间：Friday,Mar 20th From 7 pm – 9 pm