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极权主义现象之一:权责不一致

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 作者: 张兴贵    

在极权主义的幽暗殿堂之中,最具腐蚀性的幽灵之一,便是“权责不一致”。这并非简单的治理失衡,而是一种深层结构性存在:权力如脱缰的狂龙,肆意吞噬疆域、资源与生命,却将一切后果的阴影,悄然转嫁给虚空的“组织”、抽象的“历史”、无名的“敌人”。

极权主义之“极”,在于权力向单一中心的绝对聚拢。它摧毁一切中介——议会、司法、教会、家族、公民社团——使权力链条化为单向的、冰冷的命令瀑布。

正是这种“全面控制”本身,直接决定了权责必然不一致。“全面控制”要求权力无限集中,领袖、党被神化为永远正确、不可质疑的化身。权力被绝对化,责任被豁免,否则权力的永远正确将经受考验。因此,任何失败、灾难或暴行都可归咎于“阶级敌人”“外部势力”“执行偏差”“历史必然代价”,而非决策者本身。

要实现“全面控制”,必须依赖庞大、层层叠叠的官僚-政党机器。极权官僚制是“无人统治”——每个人都只是执行上级命令的“齿轮”,责任被无限扩散。顶层下达模糊或极端指令,中间层“领会精神”,基层具体执行。出问题时,谁都可说“我只是服从命令、按规定办”。这不是漏洞,而是特色–只有通过“责任稀释”,才能维持机器的无阻力运转。如果引入明确权责对等,就会产生制衡、个人判断和阻力,违背“全面控制”的定义。

与此相对,古典宪政文明始终坚守“权责一体”的铁律:权力源于委托,责任随权力而增。君主立宪、民主共和,皆以制度之网,将掌权者缚于后果的枷锁之上。然在极权体制下,权力的合法性来自“历史必然性”与“意识形态纯洁性”,责任则被“党性”“路线”“大局”等宏大叙事悄然溶解。决策者可一夜之间改写现实,却永不必为现实的残骸承担血肉之痛。

二十世纪的惨痛实验,已将此逻辑昭示无遗。大清洗中的斯大林,可将数百万忠诚的布尔什维克送上断头台,而后以“肃清叛徒”的名义洗刷自身;大跃进的狂飙中,“人定胜天”的豪言层层加码,最终铸成人类历史上最惨烈的和平时期饥荒。无数基层干部因无法完成不可能的任务而家破人亡,高层却能将悲剧轻描淡写为“自然灾害”与“右倾错误”。权力在此完成了惊人的炼金术:成功归于英明,失败归于他人,责任永不归于己。

权责不一致如慢性毒药,侵蚀着社会的每一根血管。在经济领域,它孕育出系统性的狂妄与低效。计划者手握全局,却无需为资源错配与人性无知付出代价,于是浮夸风、瞎指挥、重复建设层出不穷。苏联的“斯大林模式”留下了荒芜的荒原与毒化的湖泊;中国的“大跃进”则以数千万亡魂,证明了无责权力的毁灭能量。在人道维度,它制造了冷酷的规模化暴行。掌权者远离苦难现场,坚信“为崇高目标牺牲少数”是必要的数学题。于是古拉格、批斗场、劳改营,纷纷成为权力实验的祭坛。受害者不仅失去自由,更被剥夺了作为人的最后尊严——他们甚至无法获得“敌人”应有的承认,而只是“历史尘埃”。在灵魂层面,它完成了对人性的最深阉割。社会原子化之下,个体学会明哲保身,官员学会“宁左勿右”,知识分子学会三缄其口。阿伦特所言的“平庸之恶”在此盛开:无数普通人参与暴行,却以“我只是服从命令”为自己开脱。责任感的普遍缺失,最终令整个民族陷入道德麻木与精神荒原。

唯有当每一位握有权力者,都必须直面自己决策的血肉后果时,权力才可能从暴君的权杖回归为仆人的灯火。极权主义的历史警示我们:一个无需负责的权力,最终必将吞噬它所统治的一切,包括它自身。

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:沈美花

One Phenomenon of Totalitarianism: The Inconsistency Between Power and Responsibility

Author: Zhang Xinggui

In the shadowed halls of totalitarianism, one of the most corrosive ghosts is the “inconsistency between power and responsibility.” This is not merely a governance imbalance, but a deep structural condition: power, like a runaway dragon, devours territory, resources, and lives at will, while quietly transferring all consequences to the void of “the organization,” abstract “history,” or unnamed “enemies.”

The “total” in totalitarianism lies in the absolute concentration of power in a single center. It destroys all intermediaries—parliaments, judiciaries, churches, families, and civic associations—reducing the chain of power into a one-way, cold cascade of commands.

It is precisely this “total control” that determines the inevitable inconsistency between power and responsibility. “Total control” requires the absolute concentration of power; the leader and the party are deified as always correct and beyond question. Power is absolutized, while responsibility is exempted; otherwise, the claim of infallibility would be tested. Thus, any failure, disaster, or atrocity can be attributed to “class enemies,” “external forces,” “deviation in implementation,” or “historical necessity,” rather than to the decision-makers themselves.

To achieve “total control,” a vast and layered bureaucratic-party machine is required. Totalitarian bureaucracy is a system of “no one rules”—each person is merely a cog executing orders from above, and responsibility is endlessly diffused. The top issues vague or extreme directives; the middle levels “understand the intent”; the grassroots implement them concretely. When problems arise, everyone can say, “I was just following orders.” This is not a flaw but a feature—only through such “dilution of responsibility” can the machine operate without resistance. If clear alignment between power and responsibility were introduced, checks, individual judgment, and resistance would emerge, contradicting the definition of “total control.”

In contrast, classical constitutional civilizations have always adhered to the iron principle of “unity of power and responsibility”: power originates from delegation, and responsibility grows with power. Constitutional monarchies and democratic republics alike bind those in power within the constraints of consequences through institutional networks. However, in totalitarian systems, the legitimacy of power comes from “historical necessity” and “ideological purity,” while responsibility is quietly dissolved into grand narratives such as “party spirit,” “line,” and “overall situation.” Decision-makers may rewrite reality overnight, yet never bear the flesh-and-blood consequences of its ruins.

The painful experiments of the 20th century have fully revealed this logic. During the Great Purge, Stalin could send millions of loyal Bolsheviks to execution and then cleanse himself under the banner of “eliminating traitors.” During the Great Leap Forward, escalating slogans such as “man must conquer nature” ultimately led to one of the deadliest famines in peacetime history. Countless grassroots officials died in despair for failing impossible targets, while higher authorities dismissed the tragedy as “natural disaster” or “rightist error.” Power thus achieved an astonishing alchemy: success is attributed to wisdom, failure to others, and responsibility to no one.

The inconsistency between power and responsibility acts like a slow poison, eroding every vessel of society. In the economic sphere, it breeds systemic arrogance and inefficiency. Planners hold overall control but bear no cost for misallocation or ignorance of human reality; thus, inflated projects, blind directives, and redundant construction proliferate. The Soviet “Stalinist model” left behind barren wastelands and poisoned lakes; China’s Great Leap Forward resulted in tens of millions of deaths, demonstrating the destructive power of unaccountable authority.

On the humanitarian level, it produces cold, large-scale violence. Those in power are detached from suffering and believe that sacrificing a minority for “higher goals” is a necessary calculation. Thus, Gulags, struggle sessions, and labor camps become altars of political experimentation. Victims lose not only freedom but also the last dignity of personhood—they are not even granted recognition as “enemies,” but reduced to “historical dust.”

At the level of the human spirit, it completes the deepest castration of humanity. Under social atomization, individuals learn self-preservation, officials learn to “lean left rather than right,” and intellectuals learn silence. Arendt’s “banality of evil” flourishes here: countless ordinary people participate in atrocities while excusing themselves with “I was just obeying orders.” The widespread absence of responsibility ultimately leaves an entire society in moral numbness and spiritual desolation.

Only when every holder of power must face the tangible consequences of their decisions can power return from a tyrant’s scepter to a servant’s lamp. The historical warning of totalitarianism is clear: power without responsibility will eventually devour everything it rules—including itself.

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Shen Meihua

“文明对话国际日”公告一

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作者:陈西

尊敬的共和国公民:

2026年6月10日第二个“文明对话国际日”即将来临,这个由中国政府提出,得到世界上80多个国家支持的“国际日”来临,作为共和国公民,我们当然得站出来,给政府点赞的同时,并支持政府本国“文明对话国际日”项目的建设!

继首届“文明对话国际日”后,今年我们推出的主题是:促进我国公务员财务公开话题。

为什么是我国,而不是外国?

我们发现国际社会绝大多数(156个)国家都早实行公务员财务公开制度了;而作为负责任大国,有5000年文明史的本国远远落后了!中国人大至今还没有通过“国家公务员财务公开法”。

据有关资料报道,我国早有有识之士在人大会议上提出,并讨论过了,该法案至今仍冰冻在人大,是什么原因呢?

当我们期盼“公务员财务公开”法尚未盼来,却等到了5月1日开始施行的《最高人民法院 最高人民检察院关于办理贪污贿赂刑事案件适用法律若干问题的解释(二)》(法释〔2026〕6号)“准贪证”的到来。

怎么良法未到,恶法却先到来呢?!

是什么原因阻止了良法的通过?!

人大在立法过程中遇到了什么难点,堵点?!

有什么卡脖子的事情,迟迟不能通过该法呢?!

良法立法受阻,恶法立法反而得到通过,这说明,单靠上层单方面立法已经成问题,我们不妨在“文明对话国际日”来讨论这些“卡脖子”的问题,全社会动员起来与上层有识之士多方互动,共同推动良法——“公务员财务公开”法案尽快落地。

故,继首届“公民对话联盟”平台活动,我们这次对话平台呼吁全社会都来对话,共同参与解决良法提案被“卡脖子”的事!  第二届“公民对话联盟”平台发起人:

贵州贵阳公民_陈西-手机号:18198281954 (社交软件同号)

浙江杭州公民-陈树庆微信号:wxid-wmhnbocidh4k22

湖南怀化公民-唐浩铭手机:13212390018,13974518171(社交软件同号)

江西赣州公民-刘少明手机:18802016201(社交软件同号)

贵州贵阳公民-徐国庆手机:13984086628(社交软件同号)

湖北潜江公民-姚立法(13339728964)(社交软件同号)

山东德州公民-陈立勇手机:18005449982(社交软件同号)

四川成都公民-陈云飞:电话16718106764微信号:cyf1989-06-04 欢迎广大共和国公民参加第二届“公民对话联盟”活动:

从公告发出之日起,凡自愿公开留下电话号码,或微信号联系方式,或转发此信息的为“公民对话联盟”发起人,“志愿服务者”;以承担起当地“文明对话国际日”服务的工作。签名按参加先后顺序自动排名。  2026年5月20日   附陈西议论文:对话——教育的目的                               笔者定义:教育是使受教育者热爱和掌握对话能力。对话是人基本的生活方式,人的各种品德和能力唯经由对话而习得而显现而巩固。对话式教育始于苏格拉底,他称自己是文明思想品德的助产士,他以对话来开拓对话者的智力;他的学生柏拉图是这种对话教育的果实,也是老师事业的继承者;所以,他的几十篇名作都以《对话》体流传下来。

造物主造万物是有限,悖论的造;或者说,万物都不可能完善,都有缺陷,是一半一半的存在;造物主规定存在者得找回对立的另一半,以弥补自己的缺陷,克服自己孤独无援无继无未来的状态。

那么,以什么为媒介?

维特根斯坦说:“语言即世界”,人类认识世界只能通过语言为媒介来掌握,人类的能力和有限性都受到语言限制。语言成为人类唯一打开自己世界天窗的钥匙;如此而来,语言会反噬人类。如何克服语言的反噬,克服被语言的禁锢、受限、孤独、贫困且自大,人天然的缺陷?

人类借助对话,或对话平台来克服不足。

哲学的本义是“爱智慧。过往最优秀的哲学家、思想家、教育家都以《对话》方式来开拓那个时代人的智性;所以,人文教育主要是经过《对话》方式来解放人的心智和培养人性。有基督教传统的国家最早扫盲启蒙教育就从读《圣经》释经的对话开始,他们的教堂区别于中土的学堂传统导致:他们没有语文课,只有对话沟通的阅读课。神学家马丁•布伯把对话看成是人克服孤独存在和原子化状态的必要条件。在他影响广泛的《我与你》一书中。他提出:对话的目的不是为了得到某种结论性东西,或表达一个人自己的观点或看法,而是在人与人之间和人与神之间建立起真正有意义生活的先决条件。

如果要定义现代民主法治国家,哈贝马斯是这样定义的:民主不是投票,而是对话讨论;法治不是讲武力,而是讲道理,人类区别于动物世界最明显的能力是讲道理。选举投票是结果,民主看重过程中的对话讨论;法治不是亮剑,法治是培养人在对话中讲道理的能力,这样就好理解法庭上“控、抗、辩”对话裁决的模式了。

但是,家文化学堂的特色认为:教育的目的不是对话,而是听话。是把受教育者驯化成听话的巨婴,懂得服从才是金。就有金句:“沉默才是金”。所以,世界给中国人一个“哑裔”的称号。

教堂与学堂的区别:一个培养人在上帝面前人人平等的对话,一个培养“君君、臣臣、父父、子子”的等级秩序。前者,在上帝面前人得认罪,承认自己的不足;方有释经、祷告、对话、交流沟通重要的过程;后者,是接受唯一正确答案,接受等级秩序的规训,顺从天命,和父母官的安排,做个“哑裔”,就不必有对话重要的过程。

学堂的传统起源于孔子。早在春秋末期,他就提出了:“以尊者为忌讳”的教育理念。他擅长祖宗崇拜,专业称为儒者,是搞祭奠业的,他十分看重社会秩序的建立。比如,在《论语》中,他也有对话,但是,他的对话是给出正确结论。他以顺从为教育目的,妄以家文化秩序的教育来解决在社会上遇到的一切问题。如,异性之间的匹配和需求都由父母官来批准配给就是一例。

他在鲁国曾是该国父母官阶层之一,其父母官思维定式认为:“秩序”是最高的社会价值。“稳定压倒一切”,社会秩序的稳定是唯一,结果,其他价值观都微不足道。而对话的教育观认为,秩序是次要,当下活着人的价值才是至高无上的,所谓秩序当是人理性对话建立起来的“自生自发秩序”。

他没有注意到:建立在“尊者”,威权家文化的秩序是一种恶性惯性的秩序。人活在这种惯性秩序中,即活在历史决定论中;人被历史决定论压迫成为了奴隶,人必然失去主体的位格;于是,导致当下活着的人失去了主角意识,只有配角意识;更无奈的意识是,它培植了人活在堕性,惯性、路径依赖中而不能自拔;最终,人因受制于惯性秩序的反噬,只能在凄凉中灭亡。

中国几千年王朝更替史是证据,当下公务员塌方式贪腐,特权者30多年都未通过“公务员财务公开”法案,并把可入罪标准提高到300万更是证据!这些证据足以证明,特权阶层已经在重蹈覆辙,陷入到历史恶性循环中,陷入到旧秩序的反噬中,等待着其自取灭亡!

大儒曾国藩就发现在“官本位”家文化下的无力感。因为,在家文化秩序下,似乎对话、讲道理、培养理性,独立思考能力都是有讳家长意志的;严重点说,都是在犯不敬不尊不孝,十恶不赦之罪。

对于巨婴来说,把一切都交给父母官搞定,有那点不好。这样,他们可省心地吃喝玩乐去旅游,可以不关心政治了!

选择题来了!

在以对话或听话为教育目的理念之间,你选择前者,还是后者?

选择前者:爱智慧、爱开放包容共和制的国家;

选择后者:爱愚蠢、爱封闭吸取性特权制国家。                   2026年5月20日

编辑:Gloria Wang  校对:周敏 翻译:沈美花

Announcement No.1:International Day of Civilizational Dialogue

Author: Chen Xi

Dear Citizens of the Republic:

The second “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” is fast approaching on June 10, 2026. As citizens of the Republic, we must certainly stand up to applaud the government and support the development of the government’s domestic “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” initiative, which was proposed by the Chinese government and has received support from more than 80 countries around the world!

Following the inaugural “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” this year’s theme is: Promoting Financial Transparency for Civil Servants in Our Country.

Why our country, and not foreign nations?

We have found that the vast majority (156) of countries in the international community have long implemented systems for financial transparency among civil servants; yet, as a responsible major power with a 5,000-year history of civilization, our country lags far behind! To date, the National People’s Congress has not passed the “National Civil Servant Financial Transparency Act.”

According to relevant reports, enlightened individuals in our country have long raised this issue at NPC sessions and discussed it, yet the bill remains frozen in the NPC. What is the reason for this?

While we were still waiting for the “Civil Servant Financial Disclosure Law,” we instead saw the arrival of the “Interpretation (II) of the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate on Several Issues Concerning the Application of Law in Handling Criminal Cases of Embezzlement and Bribery” (Fa Shi [2026] No. 6), which took effect on May 1—a document effectively serving as a “license to embezzle.”

How is it that a good law has not arrived, yet a bad law has come first?!

What is preventing the passage of this good law?!

What difficulties and bottlenecks has the NPC encountered in the legislative process?!

What is holding things up, preventing the passage of this law?!

The fact that the enactment of sound legislation is being obstructed while harmful legislation is being passed indicates that relying solely on unilateral legislation by the higher authorities has become problematic. Let us take this “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” as an opportunity to discuss these “bottleneck” issues, mobilize the entire society to engage in multi-faceted interactions with enlightened figures in the higher echelons, and jointly push for the swift implementation of sound legislation—the “Public Servant Financial Disclosure” bill.

Therefore, following the inaugural “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” platform event, this dialogue platform calls on the entire society to engage in dialogue and jointly address the bottlenecks hindering the passage of sound legislative proposals! Initiators of the Second “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” Platform:

Citizen Chen Xi from Guiyang, Guizhou – Mobile: 18198281954 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Hangzhou, Zhejiang – Chen Shuqing WeChat ID: wxid-wmhnbocidh4k22

Citizen from Huaihua, Hunan – Tang Haoming Mobile: 13212390018, 13974518171 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Ganzhou, Jiangxi – Liu Shaoming Mobile: 18802016201 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Guiyang, Guizhou – Xu Guoqing Mobile: 13984086628 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Qianjiang, Hubei – Yao Lifu (13339728964) (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Dezhou, Shandong – Chen Liyong Mobile: 18005449982 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Chengdu, Sichuan – Chen Yunfei: Phone 16718106764, WeChat ID: cyf1989-06-04 We welcome all citizens of the Republic to participate in the Second “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” event:

From the date of this announcement, anyone who voluntarily and publicly provides their phone number, WeChat ID, or shares this message is considered an initiator of the “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” and a “volunteer”; to undertake service duties for the local “International Day of Civilized Dialogue.

” Signatures will be automatically ranked in the order of participation. May 20, 2026 Attached: Chen Xi’s Essay: Dialogue—The Purpose of Education The author defines education as fostering in learners a love for and mastery of the art of dialogue. Dialogue is a fundamental way of life for humans; all human virtues and abilities are acquired, manifested, and consolidated solely through dialogue. Dialogue-based education began with Socrates, who called himself a midwife of civilized thought and virtue; he used dialogue to expand the intellect of his interlocutors. His student Plato was the fruit of this dialogue-based education and the heir to his teacher’s legacy; thus, his dozens of masterpieces have been passed down in the form of “Dialogues.”

The Creator fashioned all things in a finite, paradoxical manner; or, to put it another way, nothing can be perfect—everything has flaws and exists as a half. The Creator decreed that beings must seek out their opposite half to compensate for their own imperfections and overcome their state of loneliness, helplessness, and lack of continuity or future.

So, what serves as the medium?

Wittgenstein said, “Language is the world.” Human understanding of the world can only be grasped through language as a medium; human capabilities and limitations are both constrained by language. Language becomes the sole key for humanity to open the skylight of its own world; consequently, language may turn against humanity. How can we overcome this backlash of language—the confinement, limitations, loneliness, poverty, and arrogance that are inherent human flaws?

Humans rely on dialogue, or platforms for dialogue, to overcome these shortcomings.

The original meaning of philosophy is “love of wisdom.” The greatest philosophers, thinkers, and educators of the past all used the method of “dialogue” to expand the intellectual horizons of their contemporaries; therefore, humanities education primarily employs the method of “dialogue” to liberate the human mind and cultivate humanity. In countries with a Christian tradition, early literacy and enlightenment education began with dialogues centered on reading and interpreting the Bible. Their churches, distinct from the traditional schools of China, led to a system where there were no language classes, only reading classes focused on dialogue and communication. Theologian Martin Buber viewed dialogue as a necessary condition for humans to overcome solitary existence and atomization. In his widely influential book *I and Thou*, he argued that the purpose of dialogue is not to arrive at some conclusive outcome or to express one’s own views, but rather to establish the prerequisites for a truly meaningful life between people and between people and God.

If one were to define a modern democratic state governed by the rule of law, Habermas would define it as follows: democracy is not about voting, but about dialogue and discussion; the rule of law is not about force, but about reason—and the most distinctive ability that distinguishes humans from the animal world is the capacity for reason. Voting is the result; democracy values the process of dialogue and discussion. The rule of law is not about brandishing swords; it is about cultivating people’s ability to reason through dialogue. This explains the courtroom model of “prosecution, defense, and argument” leading to a verdict.

However, the distinctive philosophy of the “Family Culture Academy” holds that the purpose of education is not dialogue, but obedience. It is about taming the educated into obedient “giant babies,” where the true value lies in knowing how to obey. Hence the adage: “Silence is golden.” This is why the world has bestowed upon the Chinese the label of “the silent race.”

The distinction between the church and the school: one fosters dialogue based on the principle that all are equal before God, while the other cultivates a hierarchical order of “rulers ruling, subjects serving, fathers fathering, and sons sonning.

” In the former, people must confess their sins before God and acknowledge their shortcomings; only then can the vital processes of biblical interpretation, prayer, dialogue, and communication take place; the latter involves accepting a single correct answer, submitting to the discipline of a hierarchical order, conforming to the will of Heaven and the arrangements of local officials—becoming a “silent people”—thus eliminating the need for these vital processes of dialogue.

The tradition of the school originated with Confucius. As early as the late Spring and Autumn Period, he proposed the educational philosophy of “treating those of higher status with reverence and respect.” He was skilled in ancestor worship; professionally known as a Confucian scholar, he was engaged in the ritual industry and placed great emphasis on establishing social order. For instance, while there are dialogues in the *Analects*, his dialogues serve to arrive at the correct conclusion. He made obedience the goal of education, mistakenly attempting to resolve all societal problems through the educational framework of family-based cultural order. For example, the matching and needs of opposite-sex couples were approved and allocated by local officials.

While in the state of Lu, he was part of the ruling class, whose mindset held that “order” was the highest social value. “Stability trumps all else”; the stability of social order was the sole priority, rendering all other values insignificant. In contrast, the dialogical view of education holds that order is secondary, while the value of the living in the present is supreme; so-called order should be a “spontaneous order” established through rational human dialogue.

He failed to recognize that an order built upon a culture of “superiors” and authoritarianism is a vicious, inertial order. People living within this inertial order live under historical determinism; oppressed by this determinism, they become slaves and inevitably lose their status as autonomous agents; consequently, those living in the present lose their sense of being protagonists and are reduced to mere supporting roles; even more tragically, this fosters a mindset where people are trapped in a state of decline, inertia, and path dependence, unable to extricate themselves; ultimately, constrained by the backlash of this inertial order, they can only perish in desolation.

China’s millennia-long history of dynastic succession serves as evidence; the current widespread corruption among civil servants, the failure of the privileged class to pass a “civil servant financial disclosure” bill for over 30 years, and the raising of the criminal threshold to 3 million yuan are further proof! This evidence is sufficient to demonstrate that the privileged class is repeating past mistakes, trapped in a vicious historical cycle and the backlash of the old order, awaiting its self-inflicted demise!

The great Confucian scholar Zeng Guofan recognized the sense of powerlessness inherent in a “official-centered” family culture. For within this family-based order, dialogue, reasoned discourse, the cultivation of rationality, and independent thinking all seem to run counter to the will of the patriarch; to put it bluntly, they are acts of disrespect, disobedience, and disloyalty—crimes so heinous they are unforgivable.

For “giant babies,” what’s wrong with leaving everything to be handled by their “parental officials”? That way, they can live carefree lives of eating, drinking, partying, and traveling—without having to worry about politics!

Here comes the multiple-choice question!

Between educational philosophies that prioritize dialogue and those that prioritize obedience, which do you choose?

Choose the former: a nation that values wisdom, openness, and a republican system;

Choose the latter: a nation that values ignorance, isolation, and a system of privilege. May 20, 2026

Editor: Gloria Wang Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Shen Meihua

2026年六四在多伦多中国民主党集会上的演讲稿

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作者:陈立群

各位朋友、各位同道:今天,我们在多伦多再次聚集在一起,纪念1989年6月4日那场惨绝人寰的大屠杀,37周年。37年了。那一夜的枪声、坦克的履带声、鲜血染红的长安街,至今仍在无数人的噩梦中回响。那不是什么“平息动乱”,那是中共政权对和平请愿的大学生和市民,对要求民主、反腐、要自由的中国人,进行的血腥屠杀。它用最残忍的方式告诉全世界:这个党从来不把人民当人。我们已经很多年不再喊“平反六四”的口号了。因为中共早已彻底失去了所谓平反的资格。一个手上沾满人民鲜血的政权,没有资格审判自己,更没有资格对被它屠杀的人民“平反”。平反的前提是承认错误、承担罪责、接受正义的审判。而中共至今仍在封锁真相、抹黑死难者、监禁纪念者。它不仅不认罪,反而把屠杀包装成“伟大胜利”。这样的党,我们只剩下一个词给它——清算。37年过去,越来越多的真相从北京以外的省市浮出水面。我们看到成都、西安、武汉、长沙、广州、浙江……无数城市都发生过开枪镇压、坦克碾压、秘密处决和大规模抓捕。那些被掩埋的尸体、被消失的名单、被改写的档案,正在被幸存者、目击者和研究者一点点挖出来。这证明六四不是孤立的“北京事件”,而是一场全国性的、有预谋的屠杀运动。中共对人民的恐惧和敌视,从来不是局限于首都,而是遍及整个中国。八九年“六四”事件后,浙江省共有上百人被抓捕并被判处不同刑期的徒刑或劳动教养。其中,仅在集中关押“六四”政治犯的浙江省第四监狱(现乔司监狱),被判刑期在一年以上的政治犯就达45人。

因此,今天我们更要做的,不是空喊口号,而是系统地、顽强地搜集、整理、保存所有屠杀证据:每一颗子弹、每一份死亡名单、每一段视频、每一张照片、每一位幸存者的证词。我们要把这些证据像钉子一样钉进历史,让任何人、任何时候都无法抵赖。唯有证据充分,我们才能为未来的大清算做好最坚实的准备。那一天终将到来——不是复仇,而是正义的审判,是把加害者绳之以法、还死难者一个公道、还历史一个真相。

与此同时,我呼吁大家继续关注和支持六四纪念馆的建设,关注和支持自由雕塑公园的建设。这不是哪一个组织的纪念馆和雕塑公园,这是我们这一代人自己的记忆!它属于所有曾经在黑暗中点过蜡烛、喊过口号、失去亲友、流亡海外、坐过牢、被监控、至今仍心怀恐惧却不愿遗忘的人。它是我们对死难者的承诺,也是我们留给下一代最珍贵的遗产:记住真相、拒绝遗忘、传承抵抗。朋友们,37年不是结束,而是新的开始。中共可以封锁互联网,可以删除历史,可以继续用谎言和暴力维系统治,但它封锁不了人心,抹杀不了记忆,更阻挡不了真相像种子一样在地下生根发芽。

让我们把悲痛化为力量,把记忆化为行动。继续搜集证据,继续支持六四纪念馆,继续支持自由雕塑公园,继续把六四的火种传递下去。直到有一天,当那个作恶的政权彻底倒下,当自由、民主、法治真正降临这片土地,我们可以告慰所有六四的亡灵:

我们没有忘记。

我们一直在战斗。

我们终于等到了这一天。

我是陈立群,我在美国纽约。谢谢大家。

2026年6月 多伦多

Speech at the Chinese Democratic Party Rally in Toronto on June 4th, 2026

Author: Chen Liqun

Friends, fellow advocates: Today, we gather once again in Toronto to commemorate the 37th anniversary of that tragically cruel massacre on June 4th, 1989.

37 years have passed. The gunfire of that night, the rumbling of tank tracks, and Chang’an Avenue stained red with blood still echo in the nightmares of countless people. That was no “quelling of a counter-revolutionary riot”; that was the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime conducting a bloody slaughter against university students and citizens peacefully petitioning—against Chinese people demanding democracy, opposing corruption, and wanting freedom. It used the most brutal method to tell the entire world: this Party has never treated the people as human beings.

We have not shouted the slogan “Vindicate June 4th” for many years now. Because the CCP has long since completely lost the so-called qualification to vindicate anyone. A regime whose hands are stained with the blood of the people has no qualification to judge itself, let alone to “vindicate” the people it slaughtered. The prerequisite for vindication is admitting mistakes, bearing criminal responsibility, and accepting the judgment of justice. Yet, to this day, the CCP is still blockading the truth, smearing the victims, and imprisoning those who commemorate. Not only does it refuse to plead guilty, it instead packages the massacre as a “great victory.” For such a Party, we have only one word left—reckoning.

37 years have passed, and more and more truths are surfacing from provinces and cities outside of Beijing. We see that in Chengdu, Xi’an, Wuhan, Changsha, Guangzhou, Zhejiang… countless cities have experienced opening fire to suppress, tank crushing, secret executions, and mass arrests. Those buried corpses, vanished names, and rewritten archives are being dug out piece by piece by survivors, eyewitnesses, and researchers. This proves that June 4th was not an isolated “Beijing Incident,” but a nationwide, premeditated campaign of massacre. The CCP’s fear and hostility toward the people have never been confined to the capital, but are spread throughout the whole of China. After the “June 4th” incident in 1989, a total of over a hundred people in Zhejiang Province were arrested and sentenced to prison terms of varying lengths or to labor re-education. Among them, in the Zhejiang Province Fourth Prison (now Qiaosi Prison) alone, where “June 4th” political prisoners were centrally detained, the number of political prisoners sentenced to terms of over one year reached 45.

Therefore, what we need to do even more today is not to shout empty slogans, but to systematically and tenaciously collect, organize, and preserve all evidence of the massacre: every single bullet, every single death list, every piece of video, every photograph, and every survivor’s testimony. We must drive these evidences like nails into history, making it impossible for anyone to deny them at any time. Only with sufficient evidence can we make the most solid preparations for the future great reckoning. That day will eventually come—not for revenge, but for the judgment of justice, to bring the perpetrators to justice, return fairness to the victims, and restore truth to history.

At the same time, I call upon everyone to continue paying attention to and supporting the construction of the June 4th Memorial Museum, and to pay attention to and support the construction of the Liberty Sculpture Park. This is not the memorial museum or sculpture park of any single organization; this is the memory of our own generation! It belongs to everyone who has ever lit a candle in the darkness, shouted a slogan, lost relatives or friends, gone into exile overseas, sat in prison, been monitored, and who to this day still harbors fear yet refuses to forget. It is our promise to the victims, and it is also the most precious legacy we leave to the next generation: remember the truth, refuse to forget, and pass down the resistance.

Friends, 37 years is not the end, but a new beginning. The CCP can blockade the internet, can delete history, and can continue to maintain its rule through lies and violence, but it cannot blockade human hearts, it cannot erase memories, and it certainly cannot stop the truth from taking root and sprouting underground like seeds.

Let us transform sorrow into strength and memory into action. Continue to collect evidence, continue to support the June 4th Memorial Museum, continue to support the Liberty Sculpture Park, and continue to pass down the spark of June 4th. Until one day, when that evil regime completely collapses, and when freedom, democracy, and the rule of law truly descend upon this land, we can comfort all the departed souls of June 4th:

We have not forgotten. We have been fighting all along. We have finally waited until this day.

I am Chen Liqun, I am in New York, USA. Thank you, everyone.

June 2026, Toronto

推翻中共-我们共同的社会责任

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作者:王连江

我爱我的祖国—中国,我出生在那里,成长在那里,那里有我的亲人朋友。我爱祖国的大好河山,我爱那里的美食,我爱那里勤劳善良的人民。那里也有勇士,他们坚持真理勇于担当,他们信奉普世价值观,他们渴望自由平等,渴望公平正义,譬如:任志强、王炳章、高志晟、刘晓波、许志永等等,这些人是值得我们尊重的,我深深地爱着他们。

然而自中国共产党1921年在中国成立以后,无论是暴力革命夺取政权的过程中,还是近70多年的执政中,它给人民带来的是动乱、镇压、屠杀、奴役。为了维护他们的特权,他们采取种种手段:经济上的压榨,文化上的欺骗,政治上的镇压,社会上的监管。贪腐无处不在,不公平布满各个角落。一个人,从出生,到成长教育,社会工作,买房成家立业,养儿育女,退休养老,生病住院,死后埋葬的每个环节,对大多数民众来说,都充满了愚弄、剥夺、欺凌!

中共政府的犯罪是这个国家的最大犯罪。中共的特权阶层拒绝普世价值观,拒绝保护人权,拒绝民主选举。中华人民共和国这个政权,从成立那天起就是非法政府,他们的执政权力从来没有得到人民的授予,他们的权力是抢来的,他们根本不可能代表人民群众的利益。对于这样的一个政权,人民完全有权利推翻它!

我的祖父外祖父是富农,财产在那个黑暗年代被无偿地剥夺,后半生夹着尾巴做人。在我上学的那个年代,历史书上,是没有长沙会战的,也没有缅甸远征军的,最大战役就是一个平型关大捷。八年抗战,就这一个大一点的战役,你信吗?文革十年更是文化断档,那一个时间段的历史真相彻底不提,中国人去外星了吗?政治课的课本上,反反复复有一个论断:在中国一定要坚持中国共产党的领导。并且有一次的高考题就是:为什么一定要坚持中国共产党的领导?其答案全是胡说八道,没有一点逻辑!

在我毕业后,好的工作机会更是被许多权贵、许多会钻营的人占据。无论公检法还是电力局、 烟草局,也无论央企还是国企,没有关系你能进去就职?诚实的不忍出卖良知的、不愿低头哈腰想守住做人的一点点尊严的,往往被边缘化,这是个什么世道?

儿子长大了,要成家,我在浙江湖州买的房子,各种支出130万人民币左右,建房成本多少?每平方也就4000-5000元人民币左右吧,可是房价一万多,房地产商真的暴利吗?大头真的被地产商赚取了吗?没有!我们被政府以土地出让金等各种名义剥夺了。被剥夺的这些财富用到我们百姓的福利了吗?教育,医疗,还是农民的退休金?没有,统统没有!这些财富被他们贪污了,挥霍了。房子不买行吗?你能转移户籍吗?没有户籍你有养老金吗?没有户籍你儿女能读书吗?不能,不能!他们用手中的权力,把作为一个人最基本的生活需求捆绑在他们依赖压榨人民的、由他们垄断的、价格高企的房地产上。嫌弃房子贵,你能自己在土地的一级市场买地建房吗?不能,那是非法建房,是要被强拆的,这哪有天理?房子不买也得买,贵得离谱也得买!房地产就是中共剥夺人民劳动的白手套。现在许多年轻人的绝望躺平与房地产政策有直接的关系。

我曾在上海工作,可到了高中,我儿子不能在上海读书了,不能在上海参加高考了。为什么?凭什么?上海不是中国的吗?我们不是中国人吗?中国的农民一辈子劳役,退休金几何?我父母2014年去世,一个79岁,一个83年,他们临走的时候,养老金每月才70—80人民币,这公平吗?有讲理的地方吗?能与他们讲道理吗?他们满嘴的为人民服务,其实,他们全部是欺诈,全部是强盗!中共就是依附在中国人民身上的一颗毒瘤!

我在国内的时候,2004年因抗议城管恶意执法,伤害一位老人,前去抱打不平与他们理论,结果我本人被几个城管联合围殴,摁倒在地,一顿暴打,头部遭皮鞋踢踹,出血,后又被一个领导两个壮汉带到他们办公室威胁登记。我是纳税人,他们并不创造财富,是我们的纳税养活着他们,而我们在他们面前何等卑微,何等屈辱?!

在中国我自己反抗过,也支持过同道人对不公的抗挣,然而中共是没有底线的,他们的手段极其残暴,8964就是最好的证明。来美国后,我在中共驻洛杉矶领事馆前多次抗议,也于2025年9月6日—2025年10月7日全程参与横跨整个美国的追责中共病毒、反对中共跨国镇压等活动。中共驻美国大使馆门前、联合国总部门前、美国议会访客中心,都曾经留下我的身影。

现代科技已经把这个星球实实在在地变成了一个村落,大家已是冷暖与共,福祸相依,没有一个国家的人可以置身事外。同时热爱自由的人,也不愿看到别人被奴役。我多次为乌克兰人民捐款,合计5000美金;从2025年8月开始,我在中国民主党河南工委发起并参与为乌克兰前线捐款,几个中国民主党党员每个月合计捐助100美金,一直坚持到现在。

我来自中国,我十分清楚中国的现状,在中国抗击中共揭露真相的人士及家庭,会遭到中共各种各样地围堵与打压,他们的生活异常艰难。我刚刚来美国,万事开头难,对于我这个年龄这个身体瘦弱的人而言,生活并不容易,然而想想那些行走在抗挣前线的人们,他们在为他们自己抗争的同时,其实他们也是在替我们自己抗争,也是在为我们共同的未来开路,我们的后辈以及所有中国的普通大众都是受益人。为众抱薪者当众人所养,他们是我们的希望,他们是我们的脊梁,我们应当力尽所能地帮助他们。从2025年11月份开始,到目前为止,我每月对中国政治犯都有捐助,合计大约有3000美金。还有我们的民运同道自由雕塑公园,华盛顿共产主义受难者博物馆我都有不同程度的捐助。这是对我本人过去几十年满身屈辱的一个交代,也是对我整个家族遭受不公的一个交代,也是对我未来后辈的一个交代,表明在这个混蛋黑暗的中共政府面前,我没有低头,我没有沉默,我曾经抗争过。

人,万物之灵,对于一个国家而言,国民才是最最重要的,有什么样的国民,就有什么样的社会团体、政党组织,就有什么样的政治经济文化制度。龙应台、任志强都说过:若我们渴望建立一个充满平等公平正义的社会,那么就请各位勇敢地站起来,承担起我们本就应当承担的社会责任,推翻眼前这堵墙!北京四通桥事件中的彭立法,天安门8964事件中的徐勤先,香港国安法事件中的黎智英,多个城市白纸运动中的参与者,江油事件中围观的普通民众等等,他们都是勇士,他们都是中国社会进步的参与者、推动者。这个国家是我们大家的,它需要我们大家来共同维护,这是我们每一个中国人共同的社会责任与义务。在中国实现民主宪政,普通民众获得追求富足自由尊严的道路上,每一个阶层,甚至每一个人都至关重要,在此,我希望,也是呼吁,我们每个阶层的人民,各种岗位的民众行动起来,以不同的方式承担起我们共同的社会责任,完成我们共同的使命—推翻中共。

2026年5月26日 于美国洛杉矶

编辑:黄吉洲 校对:周敏 翻译:周敏

Overthrowing the CCP—Our Collective Social Responsibility

Author: Wang Lianjiang

Abstract: The author expresses deep affection for China and its people while launching a severe critique against the history and governance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Interweaving personal observations from family history, educational memories, the employment environment, and the housing burden, the article questions political power, resource allocation, and social equity. It contends that ordinary citizens have long faced restricted rights and unequal opportunities. Advocating for the importance of universal values such as democracy, freedom, and human rights, the author calls upon the public to reflect on the impact of the current system on individual rights, social development, and the nation’s future. The entire text constitutes a distinct political commentary and expression of personal viewpoints.

I love my motherland—China. I was born there, grew up there, and my relatives and friends are there. I love the magnificent rivers and mountains of my motherland, I love the cuisine there, and I love the hardworking and kind-hearted people there. There are also heroes there; they adhere to the truth and courageously shoulder responsibilities. They believe in universal values, long for freedom and equality, and yearn for fairness and justice. For instance: Ren Zhiqiang, Wang Bingzhang, Gao Zhisheng, Liu Xiaobo, Xu Zhiyong, and others. These people are worthy of our respect, and I love them deeply.

However, since the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in China in 1921, whether during the process of seizing political power through violent revolution or throughout its more than 70 years of governance, what it has brought to the people is turmoil, suppression, massacre, and enslavement. To maintain their privileges, they employ various means: economic exploitation, cultural deception, political suppression, and social surveillance. Corruption is ubiquitous, and injustice fills every corner. For the vast majority of the public, every single stage of life—from birth, growth, and education, to social employment, buying a house, marrying and establishing a career, raising children, retirement and elderly care, hospitalization due to illness, and burial after death—is fraught with mockery, deprivation, and bullying!

The crimes of the CCP government are the greatest crimes in this country. The privileged class of the CCP rejects universal values, refuses to protect human rights, and rejects democratic elections. The regime of the People’s Republic of China has been an illegitimate government since the day of its establishment. Their governing power was never granted by the people; their power was grabbed, and they cannot possibly represent the interests of the masses at all. Against such a regime, the people have every right to overthrow it!

Both my grandfather and maternal grandfather were rich peasants. Their property was confiscated without compensation during that dark era, and they spent the rest of their lives keeping a low profile with their tails between their legs. During the era when I went to school, in the history textbooks, there was no mention of the Battle of Changsha, nor the Chinese Expeditionary Force in Burma. The largest campaign mentioned was merely the Great Victory at Pingxingguan. In the eight years of the War of Resistance against Japan, there was only this one relatively large campaign—do you believe that? The ten years of the Cultural Revolution were an absolute cultural gap; the historical truth of that period is completely unmentioned. Did Chinese people go to aliens during that time? In the textbooks of political education, there was a repeatedly emphasized thesis: In China, we must adhere to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Furthermore, there was an National College Entrance Examination (Gaokao) question that asked: Why must we adhere to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party? The answers were entirely nonsensical, lacking any shred of logic!

After I graduated, good job opportunities were predominantly occupied by many members of the powerful elite and many who knew how to drill and scheme. Whether in the public security, procuratorates, courts, the Power Bureau, or the Tobacco Bureau, and whether in central state-owned enterprises or local state-owned enterprises, could you get a job there without connections? Those who were honest, who could not bear to betray their conscience, and who refused to bow down and scrape in order to retain a tiny bit of human dignity were often marginalized. What kind of world is this?

As my son grew up and needed to form a family, I bought a house in Huzhou, Zhejiang. The various expenditures totaled around 1.3 million RMB. What was the construction cost? It was only about 4,000 to 5,000 RMB per square meter, yet the housing price was over 10,000 RMB. Are real estate developers truly making exorbitant profits? Did the lion’s share really get pocketed by the developers? No! We were plundered by the government under various pretexts such as land transfer fees. Was this plundered wealth utilized for the welfare of us ordinary citizens? For education, healthcare, or pensions for farmers? No, absolutely not! This wealth was embezzled and squandered by them. Is it an option not to buy a house? Can you transfer your household registration (hukou)? Without a hukou, do you have a pension? Without a hukou, can your children go to school? No, you cannot! They used the power in their hands to bind the most fundamental living needs of a human being to the monopolized, exorbitantly priced real estate market upon which they rely to exploit the people. If you find the housing expensive, can you buy land in the primary land market and build a house yourself? No, that would be deemed illegal construction and would be forcibly demolished. Where is the justice in that? You have to buy a house even if you don’t want to; you have to buy it even if it is ridiculously expensive! Real estate is the white glove used by the CCP to strip away the labor of the people. The current state of “lying flat” (tangping) in despair among many young people is directly related to the real estate policies.

I used to work in Shanghai, but when it came to high school, my son could no longer study in Shanghai, nor could he take the Gaokao in Shanghai. Why? On what grounds? Isn’t Shanghai a part of China? Aren’t we Chinese? The farmers of China perform hard labor for their entire lives, yet how much is their pension? My parents passed away in 2014, one at 79 and the other at 83. When they left this world, their monthly pension was only 70 to 80 RMB. Is this fair? Is there any place to reason things out? Can you reason with them? Their mouths are full of “serving the people,” but in reality, they are completely fraudulent, complete bandits! The CCP is a malignant tumor attached to the bodies of the Chinese people!

When I was inside China, in 2004, while protesting against the malicious law enforcement of the urban management officers (Chenggang) who were harming an elderly person, I went forward to fight the injustice and reason with them. As a result, I myself was surrounded and assaulted by several Chenggang officers. I was pinned to the ground, beaten brutally, and kicked in the head with leather shoes, causing bleeding. Later, I was taken to their office by a leader and two burly men to be threatened and registered. I am a taxpayer. They do not create wealth; it is our taxes that sustain them, yet how humble and humiliated we are in front of them?!

Inside China, I resisted by myself, and I also supported fellow advocates in their struggle against injustice. However, the CCP has no bottom line, and their methods are extremely brutal—the June 4th incident in 1989 (8964) is the best proof. After coming to the United States, I protested multiple times in front of the CCP Consulate General in Los Angeles. I also participated fully from September 6, 2025, to October 7, 2025, in activities spanning across the entire United States to hold the CCP accountable for the virus and to oppose the CCP’s transnational repression. My presence has been left in front of the CCP Embassy in the United States, in front of the United Nations Headquarters, and at the US Capitol Visitor Center.

Modern technology has practically transformed this planet into a village; everyone shares the warmth and the cold, fortunes and misfortunes are intertwined, and no citizens of any country can stand aloof. At the same time, people who love freedom do not wish to see others enslaved. I have donated to the Ukrainian people multiple times, totaling 5,000 USD. Starting from August 2025, I initiated and participated in fundraising for the Ukrainian frontlines within the Henan Working Committee of the China Democracy Party. A few members of the China Democracy Party have contributed a combined total of 100 USD every month, maintaining this commitment up to the present.

Coming from China, I am intensely aware of the current situation there. Individuals and families who combat the CCP and expose the truth inside China face all kinds of containment and suppression by the CCP; their lives are exceptionally difficult. I have just arrived in the United States, and everything is difficult at the beginning. For a person of my age and with a thin physique, life is not easy. However, thinking of those who walk on the frontlines of the struggle—while they are fighting for themselves, they are actually fighting for us as well, clearing a path for our collective future. Our descendants and all the ordinary masses of China are the beneficiaries. Those who carry firewood for the masses deserve to be sustained by the masses. They are our hope, they are our backbone, and we ought to do everything within our power to help them. Starting from November 2025 until now, I have made monthly donations to Chinese political prisoners, totaling approximately 3,000 USD. I have also donated in varying degrees to our fellow democracy movement projects, such as the Liberty Sculpture Park and the Victims of Communism Museum in Washington. This is an account given to myself for the decades of humiliation I endured in the past, an account given to my entire family for the injustices they suffered, and an account given to my future descendants, demonstrating that in the face of this absurd and dark CCP government, I did not bow my head, I did not remain silent, and I once fought back.

Humans are the soul of all matter. For a country, the citizens are the most vital component. Whatever kind of citizens there are, that is the kind of social groups, political parties, and political, economic, and cultural systems there will be. Both Lung Ying-tai and Ren Zhiqiang have said: If we desire to build a society filled with equality, fairness, and justice, then please, everyone, stand up bravely, shoulder the social responsibilities we ought to bear, and overthrow this wall before us! Peng Lifa in the Beijing Sitong Bridge incident, Xu Qinxian in the Tiananmen June 4th incident of 1989, Jimmy Lai in the Hong Kong National Security Law incident, the participants of the White Paper Movement across multiple cities, and the ordinary citizens who gathered to watch in the Jiangyou incident—they are all heroes. They are all participants and promoters of Chinese social progress. This country belongs to all of us; it requires all of us to maintain it together. This is a collective social responsibility and obligation for every single Chinese person. On the road toward achieving democratic constitutionalism in China, where ordinary citizens gain the pursuit of affluence, freedom, and dignity, every social stratum, and indeed every single individual, is of paramount importance. Here, I hope, and indeed call upon, the people of every stratum and citizens in all various positions to take action, to shoulder our collective social responsibility in different ways, and to fulfill our common mission—to overthrow the CCP.

May 26, 2026, in Los Angeles, USA

Editor: Huang Jizhou Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

文革60周年思考一二

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作者:侯改英

今天我梳理了文革的基本脉络,是为了让出生在文革后的人结束对文革的碎片化认知,提供一个整体宏观的角度,方便大家从当时的政治、社会、文化及人性等多个维度宏观对比分析。

以下为我梳理的文革十年基本脉络及时间线:

*文革发动的背景: 中共因“大跃进”造成三年大饥荒,毛泽东被迫退居经济决策二线。时任国家主席刘少奇为恢复农业生产,将原来的集体生产改为承包到户制。但因此被毛警惕权力分野,批评为“走资本主义道路”。这是文革发动的背景。

以下为正式脉络:

① 1966年 中共政治局会议通过《五一六通知》,以党、政、军、文各界存在“资产阶级代表人物”为由,设立文化革命小组,夺取领导权开始,标志着“文化大革命”的全面爆发。

② 随后《人民日报》发表社论《横扫一切牛鬼蛇神》响应,号召群众将反动学术权威、走资派及“黑五类”等“牛鬼蛇神”彻底打倒。并批判一切剥削阶级的旧思想、旧文化、旧风俗与旧习惯,号召群众全面“破四旧”。

③ 两周后,清华附中学生筹组了首个“红卫兵”组织,在获得毛泽东亲笔回信与先后8次接见后迅速席卷全国,并通过毛背书和官方“大串联”成为文革主导力量。毛不仅在接见红卫兵领袖宋彬彬时示意“要武嘛”,更亲自批转文件严禁警察镇压革命学生。受到鼓舞的红卫兵除了对黑五类等展开残酷的抄家与批斗,更是在其后主导的“破四旧”运动中扫荡一切古迹和文物,甚至出现疯狂挖掘古墓鞭尸、俗人被强制剃度、僧尼被迫还俗的猖狂暴行,直接推动了文革暴力的全面升级。

④ 1967年1月,上海工人王洪文领导工人造反运动,推翻市政府、批斗市委领导,开启了“一月风暴”。至此各地随后相继成立“革命委员会”进行夺权,保守派与造反派间爆发大规模器械武斗。文革自此进入更加暴力混乱的阶段。包括广西在内的多个省份更爆发了超过11起“非饥荒吃人风潮”等集体大杀戮。时任中共领导人叶剑英称文革中非正常死亡超过2000万人,其中集体杀戮为主要致死原因。

⑤ 在毛泽东成功借用文革顺利收拢权力后,1968年 毛泽东指示知识青年“上山下乡”对红卫兵等运动主力打散并摒弃。红卫兵组织因而陆续解散。

⑥ 1969年 中共九大确定林彪为毛泽东接班人,以成功粉碎刘少奇复辟阴谋为由,下令解散了群众运动。

随后毛林关系恶化,毛公开宣称有人急于夺权搞分裂,剑指林彪,1971年9月13日,林彪全家乘坐军用飞机匆忙出逃苏联之际,却在蒙古境内坠机身亡,史称“九一三事件”,此事件宣告着文化大革命失败的重要转折点。

⑦ 林彪死后,毛泽东以林彪推崇孔子为由借机发动了“批林批孔”运动。为实现依靠阶级斗争牢牢把控核心权力的目的,毛大力扶持以江青为首坚持阶级斗争的拥毛派“四人帮”,意在发起新的运动批斗以周恩来为代表的改革派。于是全国文物再遭浩劫。

⑧ 1976年 周恩来逝世,民众因不满“四人帮”压制悼念于清明节在天安门广场爆发大规模悼念与抗议活动,被毛泽东批准暴力清场并定性为“反革命事件”,邓小平被指控为总策划并撤销一切职务,华国锋随即出任总理。

⑨ 同年9月毛泽东逝世,中共政坛出现权力真空。10月6日,华国锋联合党内元老逮捕“四人帮”,此举被视为文化大革命结束的标记,华国锋随后接任中共中央主席。

⑩ 1980年 最高人民法院公开审判“四人帮”,江青等人被判处重刑。1981年,中共通过决议,轻描淡写的将文革定性为“由领导者错误发动,被林彪、江青两个反革命集团利用,给国家带来严重灾难的内乱”。

但文革十年的现实后果是:运动期间全民陷入阶级斗争大混乱之中,学校停课、工厂停工,国民经济与文化科技人才出现长达十年的惨重断层;在疯狂的“破四旧”等运动中,无数历史文物古迹毁于一旦;此十年间武斗所致的中国人整体个人素质和文明素养出现了严重倒退,语言行为呈现粗鄙暴戾化、理性与智识全面消亡,以至于文革思维作为文革余孽缠绕这代人阴魂不散直至肉体消亡,但这无疑也成为中国文革死灰复燃的潜在隐患;

另外十年中有4年国家财政经历严重赤字,文革结束时农民人均年收入仅76元(月均约6.3元),2.5亿人未解决温饱;更为惨烈的是,由于法治崩溃、国家机器失控和基层血腥的“集体杀戮”,导致2000多万人非正常死亡,在人类文明史上留下了人性扭曲、人伦撕裂与生灵涂炭的深重浩劫。

如今当我们重新审视这场浩劫,绝不能仅将其归咎于高层的权力角逐或单纯的群众盲从。

它是一场由极权独裁者运筹权力与普通人盲从、贪婪、残酷等幽暗人性全面激荡、恶性共振系统性浩劫。在这台巨大的极权绞肉机里,独裁者在顶层“借风操纵”,普通人在底层“自愿充当燃料”,共同交织出了人类文明史上最深沉的悲剧。

中共在建政之初刻意设计顶层制度,在毛泽东居心叵测的权力攫取之下,通过两手合围,将全社会的怨气精准地转化为巩固极权、清洗政敌的武器:他通过制造阶级撕裂,利用 建政初期留下的制度性不公(如土改承诺落空、严格的户籍束缚、严密的干部等级特权)在民间积蓄了深沉的怨愤。却又在关键时刻如赫鲁晓夫所说“需要人民的时候,就从裤裆里掏出来”,对底层抛出假意公正的 “造反有理”特许状,定向引爆底层群众“望特权而不得”的嫉恨心理,成功将制度怨愤转化为群众自发撕裂社会的暴民狂欢。

并且中共在建政初期的造神运动的成功,使得独裁者拥有绝对的信息垄断权,并娴熟责任甩锅,转移矛盾。他将自己从“体制压迫的缔造者”摇身一变包装成“带头反抗修正主义的救世主”,诱导群众实施“责任外包”,盲目相信“毛主席永远是对的,错的全是下面的走资派”。

另一方面普通人的人性弱点在恶的体制之下为何会为虎作伥助纣为虐?

这里不得不提一下,研究纳粹的阿伦特所提出的一个概念——普通人的平庸之恶。

雪崩的时候没有一朵雪花是无辜的。亿万普通人并非仅仅是被动的受害者,他们在这场操纵中顺从了内心的幽暗,主动作恶:普通人自愿放弃了独立思考,将道德裁判权上交给领袖。在集体狂热和宏大叙事的催眠下,他们认为自己是在执行神圣的“最高指示”,平日里温和的邻居、羞涩的少年,在此刻可以毫无心理羞耻与愧疚感地对同类施加最残酷的暴力。当“革命”的旗帜成为了满足私欲的遮羞布。为了合法的掠夺,平庸的无产者理直气壮地冲进别人家宅抄家洗劫、毁灭文物古迹;平庸的庸才通过写大字报扣帽子,踩着亲友同事的鲜血和尊严,完成了暴发户式的跨越与晋升。另外在“不激进即灭亡”的极端高压下,全社会陷入了囚徒困境。为了向体制自证清白、用至亲的鲜血染红自己的安全通行证,夫妻反目、父子相残、学生告密。普通人把对体制的恐惧,残忍地发泄在更弱小的同类身上。

其实文革最深层的悲剧土壤,早在建政初期的制度设计中便已埋下。在高层的刻意引导与底层恶的宣泄之后,最终演变成砸毁一切法治与理性的暴民狂欢。

说到这里,当我们问文革还会卷土重来吗?

我相信对事件拆解之后,每个人自有答案。

我的答案是,只要如上文革的“暴力内核还在,只要中国社会还如崔健歌词中描述的那样一块红布蒙住了双眼遮住了天,只要天安门城楼还悬挂着毛泽东的画像, 那么其治下上至耄耋之年下至待哺襁褓,人们无疑都处于同一个时代。

侯改英 6/1/2026 NY

北京之春&中国民主党 六四研讨会

文革60周年思考一二

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

Reflections on the 60th Anniversary of the Cultural Revolution

Author: Hou Gaiying

Today I have sorted out the basic context of the Cultural Revolution in order to allow people born after the Cultural Revolution to end their fragmented understanding of the Cultural Revolution, provide an overall macro perspective, and facilitate everyone’s macro comparative analysis from multiple dimensions such as politics, society, culture and human nature at that time.

The following is a basic context and timeline of the ten years of the Cultural Revolution that I have sorted out:

*Background for the launch of the Cultural Revolution: The CCP suffered a three-year famine due to the Great Leap Forward “Great Leap Forward”, forcing Mao Zedong to retreat to the second line of economic decision-making. In order to restore agricultural production, then-President Liu Shaoqi changed the original collective production to a household contract system. However, Mao was wary of the power split and criticized it as “taking the capitalist path”. This was the background to the launch of the Cultural Revolution.

The following is the formal context:

① In 1966, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China passed the “May 16th Notice”, establishing a Cultural Revolution Group on the grounds that there were representatives of the Party, government, military, and culture “representatives of the bourgeoisie”. The seizure of leadership began, marking the full outbreak of the “Cultural Revolution”.

② The People’s Daily then published an editorial titled “Sweep All Monsters and Demons,” calling on the masses to completely overthrow reactionary academic authorities, capitalist-roaders, and “the five black categories” and other “monsters and demons”. And criticize the old ideas, old culture, old customs and old habits of all exploiting classes, and call on the masses to comprehensively “destroy the four olds”.

③ Two weeks later, students from Tsinghua High School organized the first “Red Guard” organization. After receiving Mao Zedong’s handwritten reply letter and 8 audiences, it quickly spread across the country and became the leading force in the Cultural Revolution through Mao’s endorsement and official “big connection”. Mao not only signaled “”We want martial arts”” when meeting with Red Guard leader Song Binbin, but also personally approved documents strictly prohibiting the police from suppressing revolutionary students. The inspired Red Guards not only launched brutal house searches and denunciations against the Black Five, but also swept up all historical sites and cultural relics in the subsequent “Destroy the Four Olds” movement. They even committed rampant atrocities such as frantically digging ancient tombs and whipping corpses, forcing lay people to be ordained, and forcing monks and nuns to return to secular life, which directly promoted the comprehensive escalation of violence during the Cultural Revolution.

④ In January 1967, Shanghai worker Wang Hongwen led a workers’ rebellion movement, overthrowing the leadership of the municipal government and criticizing the municipal party committee, thus starting the “January Storm”. At this point, “revolutionary committees” were subsequently established in various places to seize power, and large-scale armed conflicts broke out between conservatives and rebels. The Cultural Revolution has since entered a more violent and chaotic stage. More than 11 mass killings “not famine cannibalism” broke out in many provinces, including Guangxi. Ye Jianying, then leader of the Communist Party of China, said that more than 20 million people died of unnatural causes during the Cultural Revolution, among which mass killings were the main cause of death.

⑤ After Mao Zedong successfully used the Cultural Revolution to successfully consolidate power, in 1968 Mao Zedong instructed educated youth “going up to the mountains and into the countryside” to break up and abandon the main forces of the movement such as the Red Guards. The Red Guard organization was thus gradually disbanded.

⑥ In 1969, the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China designated Lin Biao as Mao Zedong’s successor and ordered the disbanding of the mass movement on the grounds that it had successfully crushed Liu Shaoqi’s restoration conspiracy.

Subsequently, relations between Mao and Lin deteriorated. Mao publicly declared that some people were eager to seize power and cause division, targeting Lin Biao. On September 13, 1971, while Lin Biao’s family was hastily fleeing to the Soviet Union on a military plane, they crashed and died in Mongolia. This incident is known in history as the “September 13 Incident”. This incident marked an important turning point in the failure of the Cultural Revolution.

⑦ After Lin Biao’s death, Mao Zedong took the opportunity to launch the “Criticize Lin Biao and Criticize Confucius” movement on the grounds that Lin Biao admired Confucius. In order to achieve the goal of firmly controlling core power through class struggle, Mao vigorously supported the pro-Maoists “Gang of Four” who insisted on class struggle, led by Jiang Qing, with the intention of launching a new movement to criticize and fight the reformists represented by Zhou Enlai. So the country’s cultural relics were once again devastated.

⑧ Zhou Enlai died in 1976. Dissatisfied with the “Gang of Four” suppression of mourning, large-scale mourning and protests broke out in Tiananmen Square on Qingming Festival. Mao Zedong approved the violent clearing of the area and classified it as a “counter-revolutionary incident”. Deng Xiaoping was accused of being the chief planner and all his posts were revoked. Hua Guofeng immediately became prime minister.

⑨ Mao Zedong died in September of the same year, and a power vacuum emerged in the Chinese Communist Party’s political arena. On October 6, Hua Guofeng joined forces with party elders to arrest “Gang of Four”, a move seen as a sign of the end of the Cultural Revolution. Hua Guofeng then took over as Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

⑩ In 1980, the Supreme People’s Court held a public trial “Gang of Four”, and Jiang Qing and others were sentenced to heavy prison terms. In 1981, the Communist Party of China passed a resolution that downplayed the Cultural Revolution as “a civil unrest that was mistakenly launched by leaders, exploited by the two counter-revolutionary groups Lin Biao and Jiang Qing, and brought serious disasters to the country”.

However, the real consequences of the ten years of the Cultural Revolution were: during the movement, the whole people fell into the chaos of class struggle, schools were closed, factories were shut down, and there was a decade-long tragic gap between the national economy and cultural, scientific and technological talents; in the crazy “Destroy the Four Olds” and other movements, Countless historical relics and historical sites have been destroyed. During this decade, the overall personal and civilized qualities of the Chinese people, as a result of armed conflict, have seriously regressed. Language and behavior have become vulgar and violent, and rationality and intelligence have completely disappeared. As a result, the thinking of the Cultural Revolution, as a remnant of the Cultural Revolution, has haunted this generation until its physical demise. However, this has undoubtedly become a potential hidden danger for the resurgence of the Cultural Revolution in China

In four of the other ten years, the state finances experienced severe deficits. At the end of the Cultural Revolution, the per capita annual income of farmers was only 76 yuan (about 6.3 yuan per month), and 250 million people had no food and clothing. Even more tragically, due to the collapse of the rule of law, the loss of control of the state apparatus and bloody grassroots “collective killing”, more than 20 million people died abnormally, leaving behind a distortion of human nature in the history of human civilization The profound catastrophe of human relations being torn apart and the charred souls of life.

When we now re-examine this catastrophe, we must not blame it solely on power struggles at the top or the blind obedience of the masses.

It is a systematic catastrophe in which the power of totalitarian dictators is mobilized and the dark human nature of ordinary people, such as blind obedience, greed, and cruelty, is fully stirred and viciously resonant. In this vast totalitarian meat grinder, dictators at the top “borrowing the wind to manipulate” and ordinary people at the bottom “voluntarily serving as fuel” combine to weave together the deepest tragedy in the history of human civilization.

At the beginning of the Communist Party of China, it deliberately designed a top-level system. Under Mao Zedong’s ill-intentioned power grab, it precisely transformed the resentment of the entire society into a weapon to consolidate totalitarianism and purge political enemies through a two-handed encirclement: by creating class divisions, he exploited the institutional injustices left over from the early days of the Communist Party of China (such as the failure of land reform promises, strict household registration restrictions, Strict cadre rank privileges) accumulated deep resentment among the people. However, at a critical moment, as Khrushchev said “when the people are needed, they take it out of their crotches”, they throw out a charter to the lower classes that is false and fair “rebellion is justified”, and deliberately detonate the jealousy of the lower classes “who hope for privileges but cannot”, successfully transforming institutional resentment into a mob carnival in which the masses spontaneously tear apart society.

Furthermore, the success of the CCP’s god-making movement in the early days of its establishment gave dictators absolute information monopoly power, and they skillfully shifted the blame and shifted conflicts. He transformed himself from “the creator of institutional oppression” into “the savior who took the lead in resisting revisionism”, induced the masses to implement “responsibility outsourcing”, and blindly believed “Chairman Mao is always right, and all the wrong people are the capitalist-roaders below”.

On the other hand, why do ordinary people’s human weaknesses help the tiger and abuse it under the evil system?

It is necessary to mention here that a concept proposed by Arendt who studied the Nazis——the banal evil of ordinary people.

Not a single snowflake was innocent when the avalanche struck. Millions of ordinary people are not just passive victims. They have obeyed their inner darkness and acted evil in this manipulation: ordinary people have voluntarily given up independent thinking and handed over the moral judgment to the leader. Hypnotized by collective fanaticism and grand narratives, they believe they are carrying out divine “highest instructions”, and their usually gentle neighbors, shy teenagers, can at this moment inflict the most brutal violence on their kind without any psychological shame or guilt. When the flag “of the revolution” becomes a fig leaf for the gratification of selfish desires. In order to legally plunder, mediocre proletarians confidently rushed into other people’s homes, looted and destroyed cultural relics and historical sites; mediocre mediocre people wrote big-character posters to accuse others, stepped on the blood and dignity of relatives, friends and colleagues, and completed the leap and promotion of the nouveau riche style. In addition, under the extreme pressure of “not being radical means perishing”, the whole society fell into a prisoner’s dilemma. In order to prove their innocence to the system and dye their safe passes red with the blood of their loved ones, couples turned against each other, fathers and sons killed each other, and students reported on them. Ordinary people cruelly vent their fear of the system on their weaker counterparts.

In fact, the deepest tragic soil of the Cultural Revolution was planted in the institutional design as early as the early days of the People’s Republic of China. After the deliberate guidance of the top and the venting of evil at the bottom, it eventually evolved into a mob carnival that destroyed all rule of law and rationality.

Speaking of which, when we ask, will the Cultural Revolution make a comeback?

I believe that after the incident is broken down, everyone has their own answer.

My answer is that as long as the “violence core of the Cultural Revolution is still there, as long as Chinese society is still a red cloth covering the eyes and covering the sky as described in Cui Jian’s lyrics, and as long as a portrait of Mao Zedong is still hanging on the Tiananmen Gate Tower, then people will undoubtedly be in the same era from the end of his reign to the end of his octogenarian years and the end of his life.

Hou Gaiying Jun/1/2026 NY

Beijing Spring & China Democratic Party June 4th Seminar

文革60周年思考一二

Editor: Feng Ren Proofreader: Feng Ren Translation: Ge Bing

翻看历史的旧账:从“共产主义”到“延退现实”的信任危机

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作者:孙浩亮

一个政党的合法性不仅建立在权力的垄断上,更建立在它对人民做出的历史承诺与最终兑现的契约之上。回顾中国共产党从1921年建党至今的百年历程,其政治修辞的演变、核心叙事的转移,以及近期推出的社保延退政策,正在拼凑出一幅关于历史承诺与现实落差的讽刺画卷。

翻看历史的旧账:从“共产主义”到“延退现实”的信任危机

一、 消失的彼岸:被逐渐隐去的“共产主义”

在革命年代与建政初期,“共产主义”不仅是一个政治词汇,更是动员底层民众最核心的感召力量。“按需分配”、“消灭阶级”、“人人平等”的宏大蓝图,曾让无数普通百姓倾其所有,甚至付出生命去追随。彼时,这一愿景被描绘为触手可及的“明天”。

然而,随着时间的推移,这一绝对纯粹的乌托邦承诺在严酷的经济规律面前屡屡碰壁。从早期的激进尝试,到后来的“社会主义初级阶段”,再到如今转向“中国式现代化”与“共同富裕”,政治话语的重心发生了微妙而根本的位移。在官方的日常意识形态宣讲中,“共产主义社会”这一最初的终极奋斗目标正变得越来越抽象,甚至在很多公共讨论和政策文本中被选择性地淡化和隐去。这种叙事的转向,在很多观察者眼中,实际上是一种历史承诺的悄然退却——当最初构建的宏大愿景无法兑现时,话语体系便只能通过不断修正目标来掩盖早期的过度动员。

二、 契约的单方面修改:社保缴费年限延长的现实刺痛

如果说“共产主义”的淡化还属于形而上学的意识形态调整,那么近期中国政府单方面宣布延长社保缴费年限以及推迟退休年龄的政策,则直接刺痛了当代普通民众的现实利益。

社保制度在现代社会本质上是一种国家与公民之间的“社会契约”:公民在年轻时履行缴费义务,国家则承诺在公民年老时提供稳定的基本生活保障。然而,面对严重的人口红利消失、少子老龄化危机以及地方财政的巨大压力,政策制定者选择了一种“单方面修改合同”的方式:

缴费时间拉长:这意味着劳动者需要付出更多、更久的劳动成本。

领取时间推迟:这意味着原本触手可及的晚年保障被再度延后。

对于长期承受高强度劳动压力的当代年轻人和中年劳动力而言,这种单方面调整缺乏充分的民意博弈与社会共识过程。它让民众清晰地看到,在制度设计的风险面前,最终承担代价和托底的,依然是体制最底层的普通工薪阶层。

三、 信任的侵蚀:从宏大叙事到个体清醒

将历史的宏大承诺与当下的社保政策放在一起对比,其暴露出的核心问题在于政治信任的透支。

从建党之初许诺给工农阶层一个“人人有饭吃、人人有房住”的理想国度,到如今面对老龄化冲击时,要求普通人“多缴少领”、“延迟退休”,这构成了强烈的讽刺。这种政策走向让越来越多的人开始反思:曾经那些激昂的口号究竟是真诚的愿景,还是一种在不同历史时期为了维护统治、转嫁危机而不断变换的“修辞魔术”?

一个成熟的现代社会治理,需要的是透明、对等且受到监督的契约精神。当宏大的政治口号最终缩水为需要个体用肉身去硬扛的社保账单,那种依靠单向宣传维持的叙事红利便走到了尽头。历史的迷雾散去后,留给普通人的,只剩下如何面对越发沉重的生存现实。

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

A look back at history’s past: From “communism” to “delaying reality” the crisis of confidence

Author: Sun Haoliang

A party’s legitimacy is based not only on the monopoly of power but also on the historical promises it makes to its people and the contracts it ultimately fulfills. Looking back at the century-long journey of the Communist Party of China from its founding in 1921 to the present day, the evolution of its political rhetoric, the shift in its core narrative, and the recently introduced social security extension policy are piecing together a satirical picture of the gap between historical promises and reality.
翻看历史的旧账:从“共产主义”到“延退现实”的信任危机

1. The Lost Shore: Gradually Hidden “Communism”

During the revolutionary era and the early years of the People’s Republic of China, “communism” was not only a political term, but also the core inspirational force for mobilizing the grassroots people.“ The grand blueprint of distributing ”, “eliminating classes”, and “equality for all” on demand once made countless ordinary people give their all and even their lives to follow it. At that time, this vision was portrayed as within reach “tomorrow”.

However, over time, this absolutely pure utopian promise repeatedly hit a wall in the face of harsh economic laws. From the early radical attempts, to the later “primary stage of socialism”, and now to the shift towards “Chinese-style modernization” and “common prosperity”, the focus of political discourse has undergone a subtle and fundamental shift. In official, everyday ideological propaganda, the original ultimate goal of “communist society” is becoming increasingly abstract, even selectively diluted and obscured in many public discussions and policy texts. This shift in narrative is, in the eyes of many observers, actually a quiet retreat from historical commitments ——when the grand vision initially constructed cannot be fulfilled, the discourse system can only mask the early over-mobilization by constantly revising its goals.

2. Unilateral Amendment of the Contract: The Real Sting of Extending the Social Security Contribution Period

If the dilution of “communism” is still a metaphysical ideological adjustment, then the recent unilateral announcement by the Chinese government to extend the social security contribution period and postpone the retirement age directly stung the real interests of ordinary people in contemporary times.

In modern society, the social security system is essentially a “social contract” between the state and citizens: citizens fulfill their contribution obligations when they are young, and the state promises to provide stable basic living security when citizens are old. However, faced with a severe demographic dividend loss, an aging population crisis, and enormous pressure on local finances, policymakers have chosen a way to “unilaterally modify contracts”:

Longer contribution times: This means that workers have to pay more and longer labor costs.

Postponed collection: This means that the old-age protection that was once within reach has been postponed again.

For the contemporary young and middle-aged workforce, which has long been subjected to high-intensity labor pressure, this unilateral adjustment lacks an adequate process of public opinion game and social consensus. It allows the public to clearly see that in the face of the risks of system design, it is still the ordinary working class at the bottom of the system who ultimately bear the cost and support.

3. The Erosion of Trust: From Grand Narratives to Individual Lucidity

Contrasting the grand promises of history with current social security policies reveals that the core problem lies in the overdraft of political trust.

From the early days of the Party’s founding, when it promised an ideal country for the workers and peasants “everyone had food to eat and everyone had a house to live in”, to now facing the impact of aging, it requires ordinary people “to pay more but receive less” and “to delay retirement”, which constitutes a strong irony. This policy direction has led more and more people to reflect: Are those once passionate slogans sincere visions, or are they a kind of “rhetorical magic” that has been constantly changed in different historical periods to maintain rule and pass on crises?

A mature modern social governance requires a spirit of contract that is transparent, equal and supervised. When grand political slogans eventually shrank to social security bills that individuals had to carry physically, the narrative dividend that relied on one-way propaganda came to an end. When the fog of history has cleared, all that remains for ordinary people is how to face the increasingly heavy reality of existence.

Editor: Feng Ren Proofreader: Feng Ren Translation: Ge Bing

浅评《前进达瓦里希》

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作者:戈冰

前言

当共产主义宏大的意识形态渗透进个体的日常生活时,其对人类心灵的规训便达到了最隐秘的境地。本片将镜头对准90年代初中国社会转型前夜的一个女孩。在这个由红色积木和苏俄历史人物名字构筑的微缩乌托邦里,本该纯真的童年游戏,却无意识地复制了冷酷的权力运行逻辑和“人民审判”。女孩最终在火光中的逝去,表面上是理想主义的落幕,实质上却是一场思想被高度异化后的精神殉葬。这种集体主义幻觉在面对现实的祛魅时,最终走向了毁灭。本文将以片中看似天真的儿童游戏为切入点,逐一剖析其背后隐喻的共产主义话语体系如何对个体思想进行异化与戕害,直面其严酷的精神规训本质。

一,童年乌托邦的崩塌:从红色积木到时代巨变

故事发生在20世纪90年代初中国的一个普通工业城市。一个小女孩在那个年代特有的集体氛围中长大。她拥有一套红色积木,这是她童年最重要的玩具。家里养了几只小动物,她分别给它们取了革命人物的名字,比如猫叫“弗拉基米尔”、小鸡叫“菲利克斯”,还有一只调皮的小鸭叫“贝利亚”。女孩经常模仿大人,以集体的名义“审判”那些犯错的小动物,沉浸在自己创造的平等和理想游戏当中。

后来,外部世界发生了剧烈变化。苏联解体带来的冲击波也传到了这里。女孩身边的“动物伙伴”一个个不见了。她用红色积木和童年幻想搭建起来的小世界,在现实压力下开始崩塌。她曾经坚信的东西正在迅速失去根基,这种成长与时代剧变的碰撞,让她感到强烈的失落和迷茫。

女孩不得不面对现实:家里和街上到处都是新出现的资本主义商品——芭比娃娃、米老鼠等各种洋玩具。但贝利亚离开前,给她留下一块带有红色标记的积木,上面刻着“达瓦里希(同志)”这个最高指示。在幻觉和现实不断交替中,女孩紧紧抱着这块积木和内心的理想,冲出了家门。最后,她在城市拆迁的火光与烟尘中离开了。

女孩的离去,象征着那个年代的理想主义彻底落幕。在她最后的意识里,她又回到了过去大家一起努力的时光。尽管周围满是废墟和变化,她还是选择朝着那个“很多人已经不再相信的梦想”继续走下去。

现在我们逐一分析影片中共产主义对于人类思想的侵蚀戕害。

二,被塑造的天真:意识形态如何进入儿童的游戏

浅评《前进达瓦里希》

影片前部,贝利亚因为偷盗一块积木而遭到主人公审判:“贝利亚因为盗窃社会主义和人民的积木而要受到处分。”这看似只是儿童游戏中的一句玩笑话,却暴露出影片一个值得关注的细节。小女孩并没有简单地指责贝利亚偷走了“我的积木”,而是将其上升为对“社会主义”和“人民”的侵害。

从这个角度来看,问题不在于女孩的天真,而在于她的天真已经被特定的政治话语所塑造。本应属于儿童的世界——游戏、友谊与好奇心——被宏大叙事重新编码。她不再只是给动物起名字,而是在赋予它们政治身份;她不再只是与动物玩耍,而是在模仿一种权力运行的逻辑。

更值得注意的是,在这场“审判”中,“人民”被作为最终的合法性来源,却始终没有被清晰界定。谁代表人民?谁有权解释人民的利益?谁又能够决定某种行为是否损害了人民?这些问题在游戏中并hu不存在,因为审判者、立法者和解释者实际上都是同一个人——女孩自己。

正是在这种意义上,这场儿童游戏成为一种政治寓言。它所呈现的并非现代法治所强调的程序、权利与制衡,而是一种以抽象集体名义进行裁决的思维模式。当“人民”被视为最高价值时,个体的声音反而容易被淹没;而当“人民”的定义掌握在权力者手中时,谁属于人民、谁不属于人民,也往往不再由个人决定。

三,想象的敌人:意识形态如何替代真实世界

影片中有一个引人思索的细节。在拥挤的电梯里,小女孩忧心忡忡地问母亲:“妈妈,我们的大楼会不会被美国炸掉?”

对于成年人而言,这或许只是儿童的胡思乱想。然而,一个从未见过美国人、不了解国际政治的孩子,为何会将美国与战争和毁灭自然地联系起来?这种恐惧显然不是来源于个人经验,而是来源于她所接触的政治叙事。

从这个角度来看,影片实际上呈现出一种值得警惕的现象:当个体尚未具备独立思考能力时,便已经学会按照既定的话语框架理解世界。世界被简单划分为“我们”和“他们”,“同志”和“敌人”,“人民”和“反人民”。在这样的叙事中,复杂的现实被压缩为道德判断,而抽象的政治身份则取代了真实的人。

这种思维模式在中国近代史上并不陌生。义和团运动时期,许多人相信外部世界是威胁自身生存的邪恶力量;而在互联网时代,部分极端民族主义者也习惯于将国际关系简化为善恶对抗。在两者之间虽然存在巨大的时代差异,但都反映出一种共同倾向:以想象中的敌人代替真实世界,以情绪化的身份认同代替理性分析。

影片中的女孩当然不是义和团成员,也不是今天所谓的“粉红”。但她身上已经出现了类似的心理结构——在尚未理解世界之前,先学会了恐惧世界;在尚未接触他者之前,先学会了定义他者。这或许才是影片无意间暴露出的更深层问题。

四,无法被隔绝的现代性:当商品文化击碎意识形态幻梦

影片中部还有一个颇具象征意味的细节。几位母亲谈论起从西方传入的新式洗发膏,她们兴致勃勃地讨论着产品功效:“对皮肤特别好,silk就是蚕丝的意思。”对于成年人而言,这不过是再平常不过的消费选择;然而在小女孩的耳中,这却意味着某种无法接受的背叛。她认为母亲已经背离了自己所坚信的那个世界,转而向另一个世界靠拢。

这里实际上呈现出一种耐人寻味的反差。儿童仍然生活在意识形态构筑的世界里,而成年人已经开始按照现实利益和生活需求作出选择。当小女孩还在维护自己幻想中的“社会主义”时,大人们却已经开始学习英文单词,讨论进口商品,并主动接受来自西方的消费文化。

这种现象并非第一次出现在中国历史上。晚清时期,统治者一方面以“夷夏之防”的观念警惕西方影响,另一方面又沉迷于西方带来的物质享受。正如圆明园中的西洋楼景观所展现的那样,皇帝和后妃并不排斥西方所代表的舒适与享乐,他们只是希望将这些东西控制在自己能够掌握的范围之内。

问题在于,现代化从来不是一种可以被局部接受的商品。技术、制度、思想与生活方式往往相伴而来。当统治者试图用高墙将西洋景观围起来,用传统秩序隔绝外部世界时,最终迎来的却是更剧烈的碰撞。大刀、梭标和土炮终究无法阻挡工业文明的到来,封闭的梦境也终究无法抵御现实的冲击。

影片中的小女孩实际上重复了同样的逻辑。她愿意接受红色积木构筑的乌托邦,却拒绝理解母亲为何会对“silk”产生兴趣;她试图把理想世界与现实世界彻底分开,却不知道现实早已悄悄进入家门。正如晚清中国最终无法将西方锁在国门之外一样,她也无法阻止那个由商品、市场和消费文化构成的新世界逐渐取代自己熟悉的一切。

五,当历史被美化:胜利叙事中的沉默与缺席

片尾出现的武器耐人寻味。波波沙冲锋枪、莫辛-纳甘步枪、DP-27轻机枪、Tu-2轰炸机、T-34坦克和喀秋莎火箭炮,都是苏联卫国战争时期最具代表性的装备。导演没有选择冷战后期的先进武器,而是将镜头停留在1945年的胜利时刻。这种选择并非偶然,因为1945年的红军象征着共产主义最辉煌、最容易被神话化的历史记忆。

然而,这种钢铁洪流的背后,却看不到大清洗、古拉格劳改营、政治迫害和长期经济困境。影片将复杂而充满争议的历史压缩成胜利与荣耀的叙事,使观众看到的是理想化的苏联形象,而不是共产主义制度在现实中的代价。因此,导演所怀念的并非真实存在过的苏联,而是经过选择性记忆塑造出来的苏联神话。

六,萌化的名字,血腥的历史:三只宠物背后的国家暴力谱系

更细思极恐的是,导演将三只宠物分别命名为弗拉基米尔、菲利克斯和贝利亚。

对于不了解苏联历史的观众而言,这不过是几个普通名字;但对于熟悉历史的人来说,它们分别对应列宁、捷尔任斯基和拉夫连季·贝利亚——苏联革命、秘密警察体系以及国家恐怖机器的重要象征。

导演并没有让这些人物以庄严肃穆的历史形象出现,而是将其降格为宠物。这种处理方式既消解了历史人物的神圣性,也削弱了他们身上的政治重量。曾经影响数千万人的革命领袖、秘密警察首脑和内务部负责人,在动画中变成了围绕主人打转的小动物。

这种反差构成了影片最黑色幽默的一笔。

如果进一步追溯这三个名字背后的历史,则会发现导演的选择并非偶然。

列宁奠定了一党专政的政治框架;捷尔任斯基创建契卡,使秘密警察成为国家统治的重要工具;贝利亚则成为大清洗、古拉格体系和国家恐怖的代表人物之一。

三个人的历史轨迹,恰好对应着苏联国家权力不断扩张的过程。从革命理想,到暴力维稳,再到制度化恐怖,影片用三个看似无害的宠物名字,浓缩了一段极其沉重的历史。

导演没有选择马克思、恩格斯或斯大林,而是选择了列宁、捷尔任斯基和贝利亚。这三个名字共同指向的并非共产主义理想本身,而是维护这一理想所建立起来的国家暴力机器。

结语

从“人民审判”的童年游戏到最终的精神殉葬,女孩的悲剧展现了宏大叙事对个体心灵的极限异化。那些被萌化的苏俄符号背后,是沉重的国家暴力机器。当虚无的集体主义幻觉被现实祛魅,她选择与红色积木一同走向毁灭。这不仅是理想主义的落幕,更是极权话语吞噬纯真、戕害思想的一声沉痛挽歌。

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

A Brief Review of “Forward Darvarian”

Author: Ge Bing

Preface

The discipline of the human mind reached its most secretive state when the grand ideology of communism permeated the daily lives of individuals. The film focuses on a girl on the eve of China’s social transformation in the early 1990s. In this miniature utopia constructed from red building blocks and the names of Soviet historical figures, what should be an innocent childhood game unconsciously replicates the cold logic of power operation and “people’s judgment”. The girl’s final death in the flames was, on the surface, the end of idealism, but in reality it was a spiritual burial after her thoughts were highly alienated. This collectivist illusion, faced with the disenchantment of reality, ultimately leads to destruction. This article will use the seemingly innocent children’s games in the film as a starting point to analyze one by one how the metaphorical communist discourse system behind it alienates and harms individual thoughts, and confront the harsh nature of its spiritual discipline.

I. The Collapse of Childhood Utopia: From Red Blocks to a Great Change of Times

The story takes place in an ordinary industrial city in China in the early 1990s. A little girl grew up in the collective atmosphere that was unique to that era. She owns a set of red building blocks, which were the most important toys of her childhood. The family had several small animals, and she named them after revolutionary figures, such as the meow of a cat “Vladimir”, the meow of a chicken “Felix”, and the meow of a mischievous duckling “Belia”. Girls often imitate adults, collectively “judging” the erring critters and immersing themselves in the game of equality and ideals they have created.

Later, the outside world changed dramatically. The shockwaves from the collapse of the Soviet Union also reached here. The “animal companions” next to the girl are gone one by one. The little world she had built with red blocks and childhood fantasies began to crumble under the pressure of reality. What she once believed in was rapidly losing its foundation, and this collision of growth and the upheaval of the times left her feeling intensely lost and lost.

Girls have to face reality: their homes and streets are full of new capitalist commodities —— Barbie dolls, Mickey Mouse and other foreign toys. But before Beria left, he left her a block with a red mark on it, engraved with the highest instruction “Darvarihi (comrade”. In a constant alternation of illusion and reality, the girl rushed out of the house, holding the block tightly and her inner ideal. Finally, she left in the fire and smoke of the city demolition.

The girl’s departure symbolizes the complete end of the idealism of that era. In her last consciousness, she returned to the time when everyone worked together. Despite the ruins and changes around her, she chose to continue walking towards that “dream that many people no longer believe in”.

Now let’s analyze the erosion of human thought caused by communism in the film one by one.

II. Shaped Innocence: How Ideology Enters Children’s Play

浅评《前进达瓦里希》

At the beginning of the film, Beria is tried by the protagonist for stealing a building block: “Beria is punished for stealing a building block of socialism and the people.” This may seem like just a joke in a children’s game, but it reveals a noteworthy detail of the film. Instead of simply accusing Beria of stealing “my building blocks”, the little girl raised it to an attack on “socialism” and “the people”.

From this perspective, the problem is not the girl’s naiveté, but that her naiveté has been shaped by a particular political discourse. The world that should belong to children ——games, friendships and curiosity—— is recoded by the grand narrative. She no longer just names animals, but gives them political identities; she no longer just plays with animals, but imitates a logic of power operation.

It is even more noteworthy that in this “trial”, “the people” are presented as the ultimate source of legitimacy, yet they are never clearly defined. Who represents the people? Who has the right to interpret the interests of the people? Who can decide whether an action harms the people? These questions do not exist in the game, because the judge, legislator and interpreter are actually the same person —— the girl herself.

It is in this sense that this children’s game becomes a political allegory. It presents not the procedures, rights and checks and balances emphasized by the modern rule of law, but a mindset that adjudicates in the name of an abstract collective. When “the people” is regarded as the highest value, the individual voice is easily drowned out; and when the definition of “the people” is in the hands of those in power, who belongs to the people and who does not belong to the people are often no longer determined by the individuals.

III. Enemies of the Imagination: How Ideology Can Replace the Real World

There is a thought-provoking detail in the film. In the crowded elevator, the little girl asked her mother worriedly: “Mom, will our building be blown up by the United States?”

For adults, this may just be a child’s fantasy. Yet why would a child who had never met an American and did not understand international politics naturally associate the United States with war and destruction? This fear clearly stemmed not from personal experience but from the political narratives she was exposed to.

From this perspective, the film actually presents a phenomenon worth being wary of: when individuals do not yet have the ability to think independently, they have learned to understand the world according to the established discourse framework. The world is simply divided into “us” and “them”, “comrades” and “enemies”, “people” and “anti-people”. In such narratives, complex realities are compressed into moral judgments, while abstract political identities replace real people.

This mindset is no stranger to modern Chinese history. During the Boxer Rebellion, many people believed that the outside world was an evil force threatening their own survival; and in the Internet age, some extreme nationalists are also accustomed to reducing international relations to a confrontation between good and evil. While there are significant differences in time between the two, both reflect a common tendency to replace the real world with imagined enemies and rational analysis with emotional identities.

The girl in the film was certainly not a Boxer, nor is she what is known today as “Pink”. But a similar psychological structure has emerged in her ——learning to fear the world before she understands it; learning to define the other before she touches it. This may be the deeper problem that the film inadvertently exposes.

IV, the uninsoluble modernity: When commodity culture shatters ideological dreams

There is also a rather symbolic detail in the middle of the film. Several mothers talked about the new shampoos that had arrived from the West, and they enthusiastically discussed the product’s effects: “It’s especially good for the skin; silk means silk.” For adults, this is just another common consumption choice; however, in the ears of little girls, it means a certain unacceptable betrayal. She believed that her mother had turned away from the world she believed in and moved closer to another world.

There’s actually an intriguing contrast here. Children still live in an ideologically constructed world, while adults have begun to make choices based on real interests and life needs. While the little girl is still defending her fantasy “socialism”, the adults have begun to learn English words, discuss imported goods, and actively accept consumer culture from the West.

This phenomenon is not the first time it has appeared in Chinese history. During the late Qing Dynasty, rulers were wary of Western influence with the concept of “defense against the barbarians and the Xia”, while also indulging in the material pleasures brought by the West. As the view of the Western-style building in the Old Summer Palace shows, the emperor and his concubines did not reject the comforts and pleasures represented by the West; they simply wanted to keep these things within their grasp.

The problem is that modernization is never a commodity that can be accepted locally. Technology, institutions, ideas and lifestyles often go hand in hand. When rulers tried to enclose the Western landscape with high walls and isolate the outside world with traditional order, they ended up with a more violent collision. Big knives, shuttle markers and earthen cannons will not be able to stop the arrival of industrial civilization, and closed dreams will not be able to resist the impact of reality.

The little girl in the film actually repeats the same logic. She is willing to accept the utopia built of red blocks, but refuses to understand why her mother is interested in “silk”; she tries to completely separate the ideal world from the real world, but she doesn’t know that reality has already quietly entered the house. Just as China in the late Qing Dynasty was ultimately unable to lock the West outside its borders, she was also unable to prevent that new world of goods, markets, and consumer culture from gradually replacing everything she was familiar with.

V. When History is Beautified: Silence and Absence in Victory Narratives

The weapon that appears at the end of the film is intriguing. The Poposha submachine gun, Mosin-Nagant rifle, DP-27 light machine gun, Tu-2 bomber, T-34 tank and Katyusha rocket launcher are all the most representative equipment of the Soviet Union during the Great Patriotic War. Instead of choosing advanced weapons from the post-Cold War period, the director kept the camera focused on the moment of victory in 1945. This choice was no accident, as the Red Army in 1945 symbolized communism’s most glorious and easily mythologized historical memory.

Yet, behind this torrent of steel, there is no sign of the Great Purge, Gulag labor camps, political persecution and long-term economic hardship. The film compresses a complex and controversial history into a narrative of victory and glory, allowing viewers to see an idealized image of the Soviet Union rather than the real-life cost of the communist system. Therefore, the director does not miss the real Soviet Union, but the Soviet myth shaped by selective memory.

VI. Cute Names, Bloody History: The Genealogy of State Violence Behind Three Pets

On closer reflection, the director named the three pets Vladimir, Felix, and Beria.

To viewers unfamiliar with Soviet history, these are just a few common names; but to those familiar with history, they correspond to Lenin, Dzerzhinsky, and Lavrentiy Beria ——important symbols of the Soviet Revolution, the secret police system, and the state terror machine.

Rather than presenting these characters as solemn and historical figures, the director reduces them to pets. This approach both dissolves the sanctity of historical figures and weakens the political weight they carry. The revolutionary leader, head of the secret police and head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who once influenced tens of millions of people, is transformed into a small animal that revolves around its owner in the animation.

This contrast constitutes the film’s darkest humor.

If the history behind these three names is further traced, it will be found that the director’s choice was not accidental.

Lenin laid the political framework for a one-party dictatorship; Dzerzhinsky created the Cheka, making the secret police an important tool for state rule; and Beria became one of the representatives of the Great Purge, the Gulag system, and state terror.

The historical trajectories of the three people correspond exactly to the process of continuous expansion of Soviet state power. From revolutionary ideals, to violent stability maintenance, to institutionalized terror, the film condenses an extremely heavy history with three seemingly harmless pet names.

The director chose not Marx, Engels or Stalin, but Lenin, Dzerzhinsky and Beria. Together, these three names refer not to the communist ideal itself, but to the state apparatus of violence built up by upholding it.

Conclusion

From the childhood games of “People’s Judgment” to the final spiritual burial, the girl’s tragedy demonstrates the extreme alienation of the individual psyche by grand narratives. Behind those cute Soviet symbols is a heavy state violence machine. When the collectivist illusion of nothingness is disenchanted by reality, she chooses to go to destruction with the red blocks. This is not only the end of idealism, but also a painful elegy for totalitarian discourse to devour innocence and harm ideas.

Editor: Feng Ren Proofreader: Feng Ren Translation: Ge Bing

国主确权动议

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作者:左智海

诸位中国主人翁:

大家好!

我们被共产党给骗了。

当今的中华人民共和国并非社会主义国家,而是隶属于共产党的党权专制国家,与秦汉之后的皇权专制一般,你我正在被中共一党独裁。

从1949年至今,中共从没有实行过公有制,而是党有制,是中共高层领导所有制,中国包括土地在内的所有自然资源,所有的矿藏、森林、河流、海洋、天空等等,都已被中共以国有、公有的名义收为党有,归中共高层领导及其家属支配、享用,就你我这样的平民百姓一无所有。

中共也从未在中国实行按劳分配,而是按中共党内地位及权力大小、关系亲疏远近来分配,党内地位越高、权力越大,与领导干部关系越近越好者能享用的资源及社会财富就越多,无权、无关系、无地位者不得或只得极少分配。

且中共在中国推行的并非集体主义,而是个人主义,而这里的个人仅包括它们中共高层的领导干部及其家属,因为,中共从来没有把中国利益、民族利益或是人民利益放在首位,而是把中共高层领导干部及其家属的利益凌驾于国家、民族及人民利益之上。

诸位,所有的集体都是由个体构成的,也因为集体利益是个体利益的合集,所以,任何一个个体合法权益的损害都会侵害到集体的利益,因此,任何牺牲及损害个体合法利益的行为在本质上都是在侵害集体的利益。

那中共还为何一直倡导我们要牺牲小我,顾全大局?因为在中共的大局里只有中共高层领导及其家属的利益,而没有你我,也没有国家、民族及人民的利益,所以,它们不惜牺牲你我,谋夺国家、民族及人民的利益而只为去维护它们的统治和私利。

在中共的刻意混淆误导下,我们多数人并没有意识到私有制这个说法是有问题的,因为在当下的中国语境里,“私”这个字是带贬义的,所以,当读到私有制时多数人便会误以为这是不光彩、不应该提倡,甚至是不道德所有制的一种暗示。

但生而为人,我们凭什么不能拥有自己通过合法的努力,通过自己的勤劳、智慧和汗水换来的土地和财产?各位,我们有权力拥有个人财产,而也正是因为现代私有制的出现才让普通人真正成为了人。因为,一个无权拥有财产,一个随时随地都可以被皇帝、官员的命令,或被政党以国有、公有、集体所有的名义剥夺土地和财产的人其实不是人,而只是皇帝、官员或那群政党领导干部的半个奴隶。

事实上,现代私有制的实质是保护任何个人(包括普通人在内)的合法财产不受非法侵害。它的意义在于,当你不愿意出卖的时候,任何人都没有权力抢走你的土地和财产,不管是皇上国王、国家元首、政党领导、村干部或是其它人民群众都不行,这便能保护住你、我这样普通人的财产权,确保你的土地和财产不会因为皇上、国王、政府、某个党、某个领导或其它人民群众的某个决定而就被强占!没收!强拆!征用!

因此,普通人有权力拥有财产,且个人财产神圣不可侵犯,不是什么道德滑坡、自私自利,更不是什么落后倒退,普通人有权力拥有私产是生为一个人的基本权利,是社会的文明和历史的进步。

那中共又为什么要污蔑、抹黑现代私有制,这实在是因为现代私有制生来就是中共的天敌!

大家想想,要是新中国的每个人民百姓、每个普通人都有权拥有土地和财产、自然资源,且人民百姓拥有的私产神圣不可侵犯,那么,中共还怎么去共人民群众和老百姓的产,它们还怎么以国有、公有、集体所有的名义去抢劫国家的资源和财富。

普通人拥有个人财产并没有损害任何人的合法权益,也造不成什么社会危害,唯一损害的就是像中共这样欲要共你产的政党私利,因为这样它们便无法再共你和共国家的产了。普通人拥有个人财产是一种完全正当的利己行为,天生应该得到法律的保护和社会的尊重。

而且,不知道大家反应过来没有,只有奴隶主才不允许奴隶拥有私产,也只有奴隶主和奴隶才害怕其它奴隶拥有私产。

但更重要的是:各位国主,请擦亮你们的眼睛,中共从来只为剥削我们,而没有为人民服务过。

大家好好看看,1949之后中共做的都是些什么?

中共利用手中的国家权力,将中华人民共和国打造成了一架“人民收割机”,而在这收割机下大多数中国人民不可能不贫穷,因为在其“新中国收割系统”当中,绝大多数中国人的勤劳、天赋和努力都会被这套社会系统给无效化,所以,无论你怎么拼命的刻苦努力,也无论你有多么好的才能和天赋,你都赶不上中共这套社会系统对你的收割、利用和锁死、打压。

看,中共先以公有制,以国有、公有、集体所有的名义骗走了本该属于你的国家资源,盗走了本该属于你的公共财富,它们将本该供中国民众使用的、归中国民众所有的国家资源和公共财富(包括国家财政收入)都占为中共私有,并为它们所专用专享优享。中共让中国人民无权享用国家资源,无权享受公共财富,它们甚至将国家财政也变成了控制、搜刮民众的工具。它们规定人民无权拥有土地及其它自然资源,想方设法的把国家资源、公共财富从老百姓身上剥离出来,把中国人民变成了真正的无产阶级,让你我一无所有,让中国人丧失了现代人所应该享有的最基本的国家民生和社会保障。

同时,中共再以垄断的方式扼住了中国人民生存之必须的资源,它们将党企伪装成国企央企集体企业,然后抓住中国人民的衣食住行,从中国人民的生存繁衍下手,把新中国的土地、住房、医疗、教育、养老、社会保障、市场、金融、水、电、煤气、石油、矿藏、通信、交通、烟草等等民生之必须都统统打造成为收割中国人民之利器,并冠以国家的名义,打着为人民服务为幌子收割、压榨人民。

以至于,我们最广大的人民群众始终只能在中共打造的中华人民共和国里被中共给控制、收割、压榨,然后只能在苦、穷、忙、卷中为中共的领导干部和其家属们的岁月静好疲于奔命、负重前行,并成为了中共的社会制度其“新中国社会系统”所生产制造的国家奴隶。

于是,今天的中国人成为了全世界工作最勤劳,却又生活最辛苦的民族。于是,我们甚至成为了只有考试及无休止的工作、劳动,而几乎没有生活,只有一辈子劳苦到死的民族。

但可惜在中共的洗脑和舆论宣传之下,多数中国人并不清楚自己之所以活得贫穷劳累、艰难困苦、毫 无希望,是因为我们陷入了中共社会制度所造成的系统性贫穷与结构性困境当中。所以,今天的我们买不起房、结不起婚、供不起小孩、也养不起老。而且,我们当中的大多数无论如何努力的学习工作、劳动都改变不了自己的命运和生活。

更过分的是,中共还掌握着中国人的生杀予夺,它们可以轻易的动用公检法将任何无罪的人逮捕、定罪、判死、消失、关精神病院,甚至是做成人体标本,或贩卖、活摘人民器官,它们更可以动用公检法合法的掠夺民营资产,打劫人民的房子土地公司,没收老百姓合法购买的财产(如电动车),充公小摊贩赖以维持生计的财物(如瓜果蔬菜、三轮车)等。

但是,各位主人翁,我等不是中国的国家主人吗?中国明明白白也只应当是中国人之中国,而非一党一姓之中国!那为何我等今天大多数中国人却活成了这样?近乎于成了中共之半奴?

因为我们被共产党给耍了。

诸位,国家主人并非只是一个空洞的口号,更不是一个虚名,他实打实的是一种伴随着具有国家主人权力及享有国家主人利益的身份。而不是毛泽东站在天安门头挥挥手喊几遍“人民万岁”,来一句“中国人民从此站起来了”我们就成国家的主人了。也不是共产党说我们是“国家的主人翁”,是“社会主义接班人”我们就真的是了,我们得真实的具有中国国家主人的权力,得真正的享有中国的国家利益。

那么,身为中国国家主人的我们,应当具有哪些权力?

第一、我们有权力决定谁在中国当官当政,并且有权力让这些政府及官员下台。

就是说,我们国家的元首、省长、市长、区县镇乡长由谁来担任,或是由什么党来主政当政(如:共产党或国民党)都得由我们这些国家主人通过投票说了算,并且,我们这些国家主人也有权力让他们下台,当然,身为国家主人的我们也有权力自己参与竞选。

而不是像现在共产党高层指定谁是国家主席,谁就是国家主席,它们让谁当省长、市长、区长,谁就成了省长、市长、区长。

就习近平你们有谁给他投过票选他当主席的?从你们当地的省长到乡长,你们谁有权投过票了?请问这市长除了蒋万安外你们还认识谁了?是不是只认识南京市长江大桥?

各位,其实我们连选谁来当县长的权力都没有,就这我们还TM的是什么国家主人?

但当下最恐怖的是什么?共产党说它们要当政时,我们就只能拍手,习近平说它要做主席了,我们就只可以叫好称赞。因为我们这些国家主人要是敢反对,那共产党就能给我们判刑或直接让我们被消失,而更不要提你想去竞选个市长或省长,你今早刚宣布参选,夜里就会被它们关到精神病院。

就这,我们算哪门子的国家主人翁?

由于在中共的刻意歪曲误导之下,大多数中国人并不知晓选举的意义是什么?

选举是把那些能够发现并有能力解决我们国家、民族现阶段问题,并能真心实意的为我们这些国家主人翁服务的人给选出来为我们服务;是把那些能够真正解决你们当地问题,能够真正的为你们争取权力及带来利益的人选出来,为你们争取权和利。

而当你们发现主政的这国家元首、这些省长、市长等等没有能力或尸位素餐,不真心实意为你们服务,不能真正代表你们的权力及利益的时候,你们就有权弹劾他们,或下次不再选他们,让这元首、这些官员不敢不真心实意的用心为你们服务,并淘汰那些能力不合格或是贪污受贿违法犯罪的官员。

就像目前中华人民共和国95%的中共官员都是贪污犯,可即使我们明知道它们每天都在违法犯罪,在贪污受贿,在肆意的滥用民脂民膏,但我们这些国家主人又能有什么办法?只有我们能有权力让它们下台,能有办法让它们的违法犯罪行为受到法律的惩罚时,它们才会敬畏人民,才会不敢不为人民服务。

而也只有人民有了选票,只有那什么主席、省长、市长、县乡镇长需要你们的选票才能够当选时,那些官员才不敢在你们面前摆谱耍官威,才会拼命的讨好你们,争先恐后的推出有利于你们民生及福利的政策以为赢得竞选。

否则,权力只会对权力的来源负责,只要这些官员是由共产党领导任命的,那它们的官位、地位和权力、利益也都只来自共产党领导干部的提拔,那么,它们也只会为那些能任命并废除它们官职的共产党高层服务,而不用理会我们这些屁民。

第二、政府有多少权力,取决于我们给政府多少的授权,如果没有我们的授权政府就没有任何的权力。

政府不是国家,也不天然的代表国家,政府只是一个用来服务国民的公共机构。其实不光是政府,包括国家元首、立法机构、公安检察院法院、军队和所有其它国家机构的权力及他们的构建、设立、选举方式、任免办法等等都需要由我们这些国家主人来通过《宪法》授权,如果没有我们的授权他们的设立就是非法的,即使有了我们的授权,他们也只能在我们授权的职权范围内行事,一旦他们的行为超越或是违反了我们于《宪法》的授权,那这就是违宪,我们就有权力依法追究他们的行为责任。而且,只要我们高兴,我们这些国家主人随时可以依照宪法来撤换这些政府和其它任何的国家机构。

只有这样,我们才是这些政府及其它国家机构、公务机关的主人,他们也才会规规矩矩的为我们这些国家主人服务,而不是如同目前的中共政府这般,我们不仅没有权力告诉它们,它们应该怎么为我们服务,它们还反过来强制洗脑PUA诱导我们,让我们努力的为中共和其政府领导干部及家属的私利做出牺牲和奉献。

为什么会这样?因为今天的中华人民共和国政府并非是中国政府,它也不隶属于中国人民,其实质是中共政府,是中国共产党一手操控并设立、组建的只隶属于中共,并用来维持共产党在中国统治人民,是它们用来控制并收刮压榨中国及中国人民的工具。

而更可恶的是,今天的中共政府天天打着国家的旗号,扛着国家的大旗,以“国家规定”“国家大局”来控制、收刮、盘剥我们这些国主。

它们划一条红线,你家的房子、土地就得拆了归它们。

它们出一份文件,你的电动车就可以被它们没收了卖到非洲。

它们画一个圈,就可以把景区变成收费站。

它们出一纸公文,国家一级公路就可以再次收费。

它们出几项政策,烟草、电信、石油、燃气、电力等等所有能赚钱的、垄断、暴利的行业都只能它们做。

它们下一道法律,就能每年在老百姓身上收刮出二十多万亿的税费。

因为它们说:上面这一切统统都是国家规定。

但,各位,政府不是国家,政府也不是国家的主人,人民才是国家,我们中国人民才是中国真正的国家主人,没有我们人民明确的授权,没有我们这些国主的同意,中共政府它就没有任何的权力可以代表或处分国家。

那中共政府目前的所作所为是什么?它们其实在做着曹操的勾当,在挟国家之名以令我们中国人!是在没有经过我们这些国家主人授权同意的情况下,就私自制定有利于它们享有并维持特权的政治制度、经济政策、资源和财富分配方式,及始终在以国家的名义规制和剥削、压榨我们这些国家主人,掠夺我们国家的资源财富。

第三,身为国家主人,每年交多少税费只应由我们来表决,并且这些税费用在什么地方,也只应当由我们说了算。

国家财政是国家对国家财富的收支和管理,现代化国家财政最主要的收入来源就是税收,在现代化社会,国家财政属于公共财政,因为其国家财政的所有权及支配权都被国家主人公民们牢牢的握在自己手中,而不是被那政府或哪个党派给掌控,且其国家财政的使用都必须满足“公共性”这个目的,所有非因公共性的目的而使用的国家财政都是非法的。

而且,最重要的是这些现代化国家他们的税怎么征收?收多少?怎么存放管理?用在哪里?归根都是由公民共同来决定的。

因为现代化国家都根据《宪法》设有立法院(或是议会),由公民通过选举产生的民意代表组成。关于怎么征税?征收多少?如何存放管理?用在哪里?都只能由法律来规定,而这些与税相关的法律制定,都必须经立法院民意代表的投票表决,只有获得多数民意代表的同意这税法才能通过,否则就是不予批准;关于政府、警察、检察院、法院、军队的运转经费和公务人员的工资及其它的公共开支、预算也都必须经过立法院的同意,否则就是不予批准。如果没有立法院的同意,这些行政机关、司法部门、军队的运转经费和其公职人员的工资就一毛钱都拿不到。

而这些立法院的民意代表每个适龄公民都有权力参与竞选,且只能由公民选举产生,只有真正能够反映公民的意愿,能够有能力胜任公民的委托,能够被公民喜欢的人才能够当选。如果你觉得你选的这个民意代表不好,你选错了,你上当了,这个代表当选前后不一,前恭而后倨,或别有居心,不能真实的反映民意,又或是其能力不足以胜任的,你下次就可以不再选他,而另选一个你认为能反映你民意的人。如果你觉得这届参选的都不行,都不能真正代表你或是都能力不足,那么,你也可以亲自下场参选,去实现你的公民权利。

就是在这种民意代表制度之下,公民可以通过控制立法院来掌控国家财政的预算、收支和管理,而且,所有的财政预算、收支、管理都会由《宪法》规定的机构进行审计,如果审计机构发现国家财政的预算、收支、管理出现问题,便须立马就出现的问题上报立法院并向全社会公开,同时由警察、检察院、法院等司法部门介入调查,若其中有违法犯罪问题,则当即启动刑事追责,并追回流失的公共财产。

并且,所有的国家财政预算、收支、管理都必须向全社会公开,媒体、记者、律师、独立团体、公民个人随时有权就国家财政的预算、收支及管理进行询问、监督、检查,以履行公民职责,确保国家财政只使用于“公共性”的项目事务。

而且,为了防止公职人员贪污受贿,滥用公权力侵吞国有资产,现代化社会还设立了公职人员财产公开制度,上到国家元首,下到村长,包括公民民意代表、公检法、军官等等,只要身上有公职的都必须将所有家庭财产,将本人及配偶、子女的劳务所得、投资收益、买卖交易、赠与和赔偿、债务、房地产等等向全体公民公开,并且必须是定期向社会更新申报。这样,便有效的防止了公职人员滥用公民授予的权力将国家资源和公共财产以隐秘、非法的手段流入公职人员家庭,也有效的防止了公职人员以权谋私、贪污受贿。

而你们再看看,中共所谓的新中国是没有公职人员财产公开制度的,这为什么?

因为,中共只要设立了公职人员财产公开制度就会动摇中共的国本,到时,我们这些国家主人便会立马反应过来,这改革开放四十多年来中国的国家财产和社会财富到底流入了谁的口袋?到时,大多数国家主人就会幡然醒悟,会立马看清这中共和其新中国的实质。

大家觉得,新中国改革开放所获得的资源、财富大多数流向了哪里?

答案并不是阿里、腾讯、百度这些民营公司和企业家,也不是流向科学家、知识精英、高管、白领、教师、运动员、艺术家,更不是流向工人、农民、司机、骑手、个体户、小商小贩这些最广大的人民群众,而是流向了那些党和国家领导人,流向了那些所谓的红色家族,流向了那些部级省级、厅级高官、国企领导和各个市县的领导干部班子,以及流入上面这些各级领导的家属、亲友、二奶、白手套。

为什么会这样?

因为,堂堂一个所谓的新中国,一个号称社会主义公有制的国家,但它的国家财政却是私有的。对,你没听错,就连那些共产党口诛笔伐的资本主义社会的国家财政都是公有的,属公共财政,但社会主义新中国的国家财政却是私有的,是独属于中国共产党顶层领导的私有财政,而这也正是导致你我之所以是穷人的真正原因。

为什么这样说?

因为,新中国国家财政的预算、收支、管理和使用都不在最广大的人民群众手中,而在中共这个私党手中。

因为,新中国国家财政运转的后果就是将国家资源和公共财富及民企民脂民膏都统统尽可能的收刮进中国共产党的领导干部和骨干成员及其家属的口袋。

各位国主可知,中共新中国的税收和罚没收入最大最关键的问题在哪里?

问题就在于现代化国家的政府收税只能用于公共事项,只能用于改善民生,用于医疗、教育、养老、育儿、失业保障、社会救济、科技、国防这些公共事务。而且,这些税金怎么花,用在什么地方,也只能由公民及公民代表投票来决定,并且公民有权对这些公共项目资金的使用进行监督。

但在新中国,每年二十多万亿的税费被中共这样收刮走之后,就与你我这些国家主人无关了,中共和它的政府想怎么享用就可以怎么享用,领导干部们爱怎么浪费就可以怎么浪费。

因为新中国的政府及国家财政预算的批准执行机构全国人民代表大会是中共自己家开的,那些所谓的人民代表也是中共指定的,而不是由人民群众和老百姓选的,所以,这些人民代表它们代表的并不是人民,它们代表的只能是给它们带来利益和职位的中共领导,它们也只需对权力的来源负责,为中共这私党服务,而不用对人民负责,所以,对于新中国的财政支出人民百姓无权参与表决,更无权参与分润、花销,中共高层领导可以随意的批准和执行国家财政的预算,这也是之所以说中国的财政收入是中共的,是独属于中共领导私有的原因。

所谓的“取之于民,用之于民”在中共这里就是个口号,它们只需东拼西凑、堂而皇之的列出一堆项目表格假装这些税钱和罚没收入都已用于教育支出、科学技术支出、社会保障和就业支出、卫生健康支出、节能环保支出、城乡社区支出、农林水支出、交通运输支出等,就算是给我们这些国家主人一个交代了。

至于你人民百姓信还是不信,它们根本不在乎。因为人民百姓没有任何的权力和手段能去监督、审查这些税收和罚没收入到底被用到了那里。因为新中国所有的行政机关、立法机构、司法部门都是中共家自己开的,甚至连军队也都是中共自家的党卫军,如果你胆敢质疑,胆敢根究,那么,你最终的结局不是被公检法收押,就是被精神病。

所以,这些从人民、老百姓、国家身上收刮得来的钱财,会很容易、极快的通过各种方法手段被中共拿去给领导干部和它们的八千万同志们发工资、发福利、发奖金,拿去给它们盖豪华政府大楼,拿去开会摆国宴、省宴,拿去培养人民大会堂的女服务员、培养天安门的持伞黑衣人,拿去公款吃喝,拿去购买豪华座驾,拿去公款旅游,拿去搞烟酒、绿色食品特供,拿去国企分红,拿去建老干部病房,拿去无上限的报销领导干部医疗,拿去给领导们配备警卫、司机、生活秘书、随身护士,拿去给白手套然后分赃等等等,但,人民百姓对此又能有什么办法?我们对此没有任何的办法。

又如2026年5月1日以后,中共所有大小官员及公职人员们,其巨额财产来源不明罪的定罪门槛已经从30万涨到了300万人民币,但期间农民的养老金只涨了20块钱,尽管很多国家主人对此强烈不满,可丧失了国主权力的我们又能有什么办法呢?

再则,身为中国主人的我们,应当享有的国家利益和社会保障有哪些?

一、中国所有的国有资源及国有企业我们都享有1/13亿的所有权及分红;

二、我们有权拥有包括土地在内的个人资产,且我们的个人财产神圣不可侵犯;

三、我们有权自由选择职业,有权享受公正合适的工作条件并享受免于失业的保障;

四、我们有权通过工作获得公正合适的报酬,以保障我们本人和家属享有尊严生活所必须之条件(我们的工资收入必须能够满足一家人的衣食住行及育儿医疗教育养老等);

五、我们享有休息和闲暇之权利,包括工作时间有合理限制和定期给薪休假之权利(如:八小时工作制,每年带薪年假不低于15天);

六、当我们遭受失业、疾病、残废、守寡、衰老、或其它不能控制情况下丧失谋生能力时,有权享受国家提供的为维持本人和家属之健康和福利所需之生活水准,包括食物、衣着、住房、医疗和必要之社会服务;

七、当我们在海外遭遇恐怖分子绑架勒索嘎腰子时,中国政府有营救及保护我们之义务;

八、当我们的海外华人、侨胞遭遇种族屠杀时,中国政府有出兵护侨之义务;

九、任何外国人都不得在中国获得超国民之待遇(如:一众有女大学生陪读的外国留学生老爷们);

十、等等等······

诸位国主,请问你们有真实的享受过上述这些本应当属于国家主人的权力和利益没有?如果,你们连这些身为一个国家主人所应当享有的最基本的国主权力和国主利益都没有,那还凭什么觉得自己是中国的国家主人翁?

而且,身为国家主人所应当享有的权力和利益还有很多很多,限于篇幅恕我不能一一列明,但其实这一切的一切归根结底就只一点:这中国到底由谁说了算?或者说,这中国的规矩该由谁来定?

是习近平?

是共产党?

是那些领导干部官员?

还是应当由我们人民说了算!应当由我们中国人民来定中国的规矩?

其实,“只有将中国《国家最高规则》的制定权力牢牢掌握在我们人民手中时,只有中国的规矩由我们人民来定时,我们中国人民才能真正的成为中国之国家主人。”

而这也正是为什么从秦汉到现在两千多年来,我们中国的老百姓都命如草芥的原因。也是我们中国历朝历代都是天下兴百姓苦,天下亡百姓苦的原因。也是为什么我们每朝历史上都不乏岁大饥,人相食的原因。更是为什么无论何朝何代那穷苦、吃亏、上当、受罪的都全是老百姓的根本原因。

因为,从秦汉到现在,历来中国的《国家最高规则》制定权力都不在国人手中,因为中国的规矩一向都不由老百姓说了算,而是在皇帝、独裁者、中共领导、专制政党这些私人私党手中,中国的一切都只由它们说了算。

在1912年2月12日以前,中国的皇帝们口含天宪、至高无上,掌握着国人百姓的生杀予夺,它们皇帝说什么什么就成了《国家最高规则》,就成了老百姓需要去敬畏拜伏遵守的规矩,朝廷和王侯将相都只是其维护皇权的工具,而我们的国家和国人百姓全都只是皇帝的私人财物。

而1949年10月1日之后,中共以人民民主专政、以为人民服务、以始终代表最广大人民群众利益的名义骗走了包括制宪权、行政权、立法权、司法权、军权在内的所有中国国家公权力。从此,它们说什么是法什么就是法,它们说什么合法什么就合法,它们说什么违法什么就违法,它们将包括中国《宪法》在内的所有法律法规,将中国的国家规则和国人都玩弄于股掌之间。它们更是将中国人民的政府、立法机构、公检法、军队这些国家公共服务机关都变成了其私党的工具,从此,我们的国家及国家权力、国家机关都不在人民手中,而在中共这私党手中并成为了它们掌控、收割我们人民的工具。为此,我们中国人民才从本应该的国家主人,跌落成了中共新中国的国家奴隶,以至于我们今天十三亿的中国人民从生至死都处于中共的愚弄、规制、操控、役使、收割、压榨当中,且人民无法拒绝、无力抵抗。

那么,现在,不知各位是要继续如同我们这两千多年来的祖祖辈辈那般,世世代代的被这些皇帝、国贼、独裁者、中共领导、专制政党继续规制?继续成为它们餐桌、菜单上的食材?继续的被它们玩弄、鱼肉、收割、践踏?还是要勇敢的去争取属于我们国家主人的权力?去勇敢的坐上餐桌,勇敢的成为真正的国家主人,成为能够上桌参与国家规则的制定,并以此国家规则来确保我们能够掌握国家主人的权力,确保我们能够享受到国家资源、公共财富及其它的国家利益。而,不再如同现在这般,新中国的一切繁华、富强都是领导干部及其家属的与你我无关。

时至2025年,中国出生人口仅792万,甚至远低于战争时期1949的1391万,再加之最近几年中国人口的莫名消失、减少,验证了我们中国人民已经无法在中共的这套社会收割制度下正常的生存繁衍。各位,我们当下只会有越来越多的人被中共社会剥夺其生存及繁衍之权利,将来等待我们的就只有慢性的绝后、死亡和消失。

诸位,中共必须死,中国人民才能生。今天的我们要想活下去,要想活得幸福,要想成为真正的国家主人,要想摆脱当下的贫穷与困境,唯有从中共手中夺回我们的国家,拿回我们身为国家主人的权力,然后砸烂中共这套收割我们的国家规则,重建一套真正能够让每一位中国人当家作主,能够真正确认并维护每一位中国人的国主权力及国主利益的《国家最高规则》,然后再依照这《国家最高规则》重新组建真正隶属于中国人民,并只为服务、保障和维护中国人民的国主权力和国主利益而存在的公共政府、国民立法机构、正规警察局、正规检察院、正规法院、正规国家军队,并将我们的国家资源与公共财富(包括国家财政收入)都真正用在国计民生,用于保障每一位国人的生活条件,保障每一位国人的健康安全,保障国家及国民个人的发展。并让所有的国家机关,所有的公共及社会机构、部门、组织、团体、法人,所有的人都处在此《国家最高规则》的约束之下。并把新中国按权力、血缘、关系的分配方式更改为按劳分配、按创造力分配、按贡献分配,我们必须让勤劳能够致富,让每位国人的才能和天赋都有用武之地,让那些为国家和民族做出牺牲和奉献的人得到丰厚的奖赏。只有这样,我们中国人才能真正的成为国家的主人,才能摆脱中共或其它专制政党对我们的掌控和收割,才能真正建立公平、良性的社会制度及分配方式,也才能过上富足、闲暇、健康、体面的生活。

而在现代化社会,一国的《国家最高规则》或是国家的最大规矩通常被称之为《宪法》,这种有权利参与国家统治的国民被称之为公民(公民的实质就是国家的主人),这种以全体国家主人一起约定的《宪法》作为治理国家的最高规则及最根本法的治理模式被称作“宪政”,而这种全体国家主人一起参与制定宪法,并将《宪法》确立为国家最高规则及最根本法的过程被称之为“制宪、立宪”。

也就是说,当下我们中国人民要想成为真正的国家主人就得解决两个问题:1、如何推翻共产党在中国的独裁与专制;2、如何建立一套能够确保中国人民享有国主权力及国主利益的国家最高规则(即宪法)。

但,现在要推翻共产党在中国的统治有多难?其难度不亚于人类第一次登月。不信,你随便问一位中国或是外国人,告诉他们我们能推翻中共在中国的统治,他们大多数的反应就只会如同在100年前你告诉当时的人们,说人类可以坐火箭登上月球一般。

那我们今天要想绝大多数中国人一起参与制宪、立宪,然后合议表决,创造出一套真正能够保障中国人民的国主权力及国主利益的规矩,或一套国家最高规则出来有多难?难于古时候的人类上青天。

为什么?因为在中共的愚化、奴化教育,洗脑灌输、信息封锁,舆论宣传、管控之下,今天的中国最少有70%的中国人不知道《宪法》是什么?他们更不知道要如何及怎样才能设计出一套能够确认并保障他们国主权力及国主利益的国家规则。甚至他们中还有很多不知道自己一直在被中共给控制和收割,并误认为今天的中国人之所以能吃饱饭是因为有中共的恩赐才养活了他们,误以为要不是有着中共的保护,中国早就被那些莫须有的帝国主义国家给消灭了。

而且,就算那30%清醒的中国人也因为缺少民主实践,缺乏政治运动的经验,所以他们还没有学会或是说还不知道该如何才能团结到一起制定并协商表决出一套国家规则出来。可这也恰恰成为了今天的反共民主人士不善于群,不会团结,无法形成合力的一大原因。

是的,今天那么多反共的人士、团体、组织之所以一盘散沙是因为没有共识,因为我们达不成一致的政治共识,我们不知道应当建立一个什么样的国家?更找不到一套大多数中国人都能够接受的国家规则。

尽管我们都知道我们应该反共,知道民主宪政,知道现代化国家的构建,知道三权分立、公民权利、人权的普遍性共识,知道我们应该团结到一起等等。但我们或者各有自己的政治观点、意见和主张,或者我们不知道什么才应该是正确的政治观点、意见和主张,或者我们容不下他人的政治观点、意见和主张,或者我们干脆认为只有自己才是正确的,甚至于有些反共人士认为只有自己才是高尚纯洁的,而其他和自己行为、观点不一样的反共人士就都是卑劣,甚至是别有用心的。

所以,我们今天那么多反共的人士、团体、组织始终无法形成合力对抗中共。

所以,我们今天绝大多数的中国人很难团结起来,并建立一套能够确保中国人民享有国主权力及国主利益的国家规则。

所以,尽管我们当中有很多人想反抗中共,但却又不知道该如何反?不知道我们该如何组织起来积蓄力量推翻中共改变中国?不知道我们该加入哪个组织?该如何下手?如何的使力?

所以,我们今天的中国人没有方向,也找不到自己的出路到底在哪里?

但,我要告诉大家,天佑中华!是的,因为老天爷一直给我们中华民族留了一条路,我们大陆中国人的出路其实一直就摆在那个地方,只要你能洞穿中共的骗局和谎言就能够看到,那就是——台湾。

是的,我们根本无需从无到有苦思冥想的去设计一套完美的国家规则,我们也不消几乎不可能完成的去动员十几亿的国人,然后各种耗时耗力耗钱无休止的去争论协商开会表决,各位,我们何必要摸着石头过河?我们可以直接走桥的,只需照抄台湾的民主制度就好。

诸位国主,天佑中华!

从1912年2月12日清帝退位开启的那场中国政治现代化民主革命并没有结束,更没有失败,中华民国他一直都在,而且已经在台湾开出了民主之花,如今中华民国台湾地区的台湾人民已经真正成为了台湾的主人,他们已经实现了民治民享民主共和之国,已经成为了中华民族政治现代化、文明化、民主化转型之实例,已经破除了中华民族不适合民主化之谣言,更为我们大陆的中国人指明了中华民族的出路。

当然,不可否认,民主并非是完美的社会制度,台湾也一样存在着他的问题,但是,民主虽然不是最好最完美的社会制度,但却是最不坏的社会制度。关键在于,这世上本就没有完美的社会制度,又或者说就以我们现阶段的人类智力及经验而言,根本设计不出完美的社会制度,但,相比较中共的那套对人民群众的收割制度而言,台湾这套民主规则下人民所掌握的国主权力及所享有的国主利益至少在及格分数以上(台湾68分、美国70分),而在中共那套一党专制、毛习独裁的规则之下,我们中国人民连TM的人都算不上,只是它们那群领导干部的盛世之牛马,乱世之炮灰。

诸位,政治是现实的需切实可行,从现实层面来讲,不要一来就想什么完美座驾,我们最好先脚踏实地的登上台湾这辆民主的大巴,先让人民坐上民主的车,先用台湾的这套民主规则落实我们中国国主们最基本的身份、权力、利益及福祉,然后在实践的过程当中再依据大陆的现实情况,逐渐的学习民主,积累民主的经验,根据中国实际的社会问题去逐步的修改和完善。

而且,从中国的法统来看,中华民国的这套民主国家规则(台湾制度)才是我们中国合法的正统制度。各位国主,中国的法统其实一直在台湾,在中华民国,其1912年2月12日的清帝退位诏书当中已明确清帝退位让予大中华民国。

而中共政权的实质是什么?是一帮靠撒谎骗民、打家劫舍起家的赤匪黄俄,一帮在苏联的扶持、资助下祸乱中国的反革命、反中华、反文明的武装叛乱抢劫分子。

中共为什么一直对攻陷台湾深怀执念?它为什么一定要拿下台湾?因为中共的来路不正,因为它们害怕人民反应过来中华民国才是我们中国的正统!

大家翻开历史,共产党从来没有保护过中国,二战期间真正保住中国的是中华民国国军将士的一寸河山一寸血。当年的中共除了配合苏俄卖国、破坏、捣乱、割让土地之外,它们唯一做的就是清算、屠杀、关押当年国军的抗战英雄,及斗死、流放、劳教清末民国期间我国在科学、教育、文化、工业、商业、艺术等各方面各阶层涌现出来的民族精英,以及饿死了5000多万的中国农民。而现今,中共这帮土匪一直在做的也还是它们的老本行,以为人民服务为借口,以公有国有集体所有的名义抢劫全中国。

所以,各位国主醒醒,中华民国才是我们中国的正统,我们今天也理应当在中国实行中华民国的这套国家规则——台湾民主制度,而并非共匪或其它人士、团体、组织所制作的什么国家规则制度。

当然,非常高兴有很多反共的朋友集思广益提出了许多关于在中国应该实行什么样国家规则的设想和建议,比如:有的认为中国应该实行联邦制,有的认为应该各省独立,也有的认为某些省份应单独脱离中国独成一国等等。

但大家必须考虑的是,我们所提出的这些政治观点、意见和主张是否有群众基础?能否得到中国老百姓们的支持?像联邦制、各省独立、某省单独建国等这些,绝大多数的中国老百姓是无法接受的,而如果我们的政治主张得不到老百姓支持的话,那这反共就成了无源之水,我们又还如何能推翻中共?

且就认知层面分析,我们必须考虑在中共70多年的愚化教育下中国老百姓们的认知程度。如果我们现在提出一个什么全民立宪共和,或是来个联邦宪法的制定讨论,或构建个中国民主议会,老百姓们根本就参与不了。其实,不要说什么三权分立、代议制、统治权的公共化这些现代化政治概念,就连“公民”两字都还有一半的中国人不解其含义,更有一大半的中国人连国家和政府都分不清楚。而就在这种情境之下,其实很难向老百姓们解释清楚我们的政治目标,也很难让他们理解清楚我们所需要追寻的是什么样的社会?如此,我们要想将他们动员起来就更不可能了。

但只要我们将这些对中国老百姓来说抽象的国家规则、社会制度、政治概念具象为他们看得见摸得着的台湾,告诉他们我们应当学台湾,应当过台湾人一样美好的生活,那么,国内的老百姓们才能够理解我们说的具体是什么,也才能明白我们在追求并为之抗争的是什么。

且尽管中共尽力的筑防火墙封锁外网,管控国内互联网操纵舆论愚化人民思想意识,但还是有部分中国民众开始觉醒,他们开始逐渐认识到中国近代历史的真相,知道了推翻清朝结束中国两千年皇权专制并真正推行国之权在民的是中华民国,知道了中华民国国军将士才是抗日战争的中流砥柱。而当尤其再看到如今台湾完善的民生与医疗保障,看到台湾保有的传统文化比中国还中国,看到台湾的经济、股市、科技行业正在飞速的发展与增长,看到台湾的官员在老百姓面前卑躬屈膝的拉票,看到台湾的公务人员对老百姓极尽讨好的求好评,中国人民对孙中山先生的天下为公,对其三民主义,对蒋介石先生及国军将士的抗日功绩,和对中华民国及台湾的认同度都在前所未有的飙升!所以,我们只有主张在中国实行中华民国台湾地区的这套民主制度,才能够获得越来越多中国老百姓们的支持与认同。

况且,东德西德,朝鲜韩国,中共治下的我们与台湾的现实都摆在那里,但凡有脑子的中国人迟早都会看清楚。

然后,必须明确我们反共的目的到底是为了什么?是为了夺取中国的政权,然后替代中共成为新的特权阶级统治中国,控制人民,收割老百姓?又或是为了成为一省小国的统治者,以实现自己的人生理想,满足权力的欲望?还是说,我们反共的目的是为了秀学识,为了提出个与众不同标新立异的政治方案?

但如果,大家反共的目的是为了争取每一位中国人的国主权力及国主利益,建立一个国之权及国之利在于民的社会,为打破中国政治的私有化,实现中华民族政治上的公共化,那么,我们就得遵循民主,那关于中国应该实行联邦、各省独立、或某省单独建国等等就不应当只由少部分人来决定。

当然,大家可以提出任何的政治观点、意见及政治主张,但其能不能在中国实行只应当由13亿的中国人民通过全民公投说了算,因为这13亿中国人民才是真正的中国国主,只有他们才有权力来处分中国。

而且,也必须是依照《中华民国宪法》及《中华民国宪法增修条例》来进行表决,因为中华民国和其这套国家最高规则才是我们中国的正统。

更迫于实际的一点是:只有我们这些反共的个人、团体、组织都先放下异议重拾中华民国的这套国家规则,我们大家才能够团结起来,才能形成合力而不再是一盘散沙,这样,我们才能够有赢的希望。否则,我们有的要求搞联邦、有的要求各省独立、有的要求某省单独建国等等,都用不着中共动手,大家的力量就会在彼此相互间消耗、抵消,甚至是互为攻击、敌视,如此就算再过几代人我们还是成不了事,更推不翻了中共。

诸位,中共目前能在中国无法无天、为所欲为的一大原因是什么?中共的领导又没有什么神魔伟力?它们凭什么把我们十多亿的中国人按在地上摩擦、收割?

其答案就在先秦诸子的一句话里:“力不若牛,走不若马,而牛马为用,何也?”曰:“人能群,彼不能群也。”因为中共能群,是一个有8000万在编人员,有军队、有财政收入、有行政的严密政党组织,而我们这十多亿的中国人却不能群,却形不成自己的组织力量。

诸位,人类个体的力量是非常有限、脆弱和渺小的,单个的我们不要说战胜中共,我们这些一个、一个、一个的社会个体沙粒,在现实中就连和中共对抗的资格都没有,不要说中共碰下你就碎,就连县委书记打个喷嚏你我也挨不住。但只要我们将这一个一个个看似普通、平凡、弱小的个体集结起来,逐步尽可能多的把我们的人力、财力、物力整合到一处形成组织、团体、联盟,那我们就能够汇聚成为一股新的能与中共抗衡,并一定能战胜中共的政治洪流,因为中共只有8000万在编人员,而我们中国人民有十多亿。而这也正是中共禁止中国人民组党、结社的真正原因,因为这里面蕴藏着摧毁中共的力量。

到这里,要如何确权并拿回我们的国主权力及国主利益,及如何与中共对抗,并战胜中共的方法和路径都已经明摆着了。也就是说,要与中共对抗、并战胜中共说简单也简单,只要我们这些被中共做局欺骗、愚弄、控制、收割压榨的十多亿国人学会能群,大家能够醒来举起中国正统中华民国的这杆民主旗帜,然后以中国法统中华民国的最高国家规则《中华民国宪法》及其宪法性文件为共识团结起来,组织成反共的团体、联盟,并建立反共统一战线,只要我们这十多亿的中国国主们能团结到一起一致合力的对抗中共,那么,中共便会在瞬间融化。

但要说难,就难在我们这十多亿的中国人要怎样才能学会团结起来一致的对抗中共!

如果,我们这群十多亿被中共愚弄、收割的中国人连台湾已经走出来、摆好、放在面前可以让你照抄的制度,我们都学不会、抄不来。那么,就依我们这群人的这种智力和尿性,我们还真活该被中共统治,也活该被中共这样一代代的给控制、收割、压榨、迫害下去。

或许,这是一种自然选择,智力高的、有胆气的、能群的、会协作的淘汰或奴役那些智力低、懦弱、不能群、不会协作的。

那么,你是要选择被中共控制、收割利用完了淘汰,还是要选择学会以中华民国的这套国之权在于民的规则,以民主的方式来群,来相处,来协作,来团结一致的驱除中共,恢复中华!

诸位:中共必须死,因为中国必须生!

最后,诸位国主!我今天以中国国主之一的身份,向其余所有的中国国主们提出动议:建议所有的中国国主们一起联合起来团结一致的推翻中共,并以台湾民主制度重塑中国,以确认与保障我们13亿中国国主的国主权力及国主利益。

并为了推翻中共!为了我们13亿中国人民能够真正的成为中国之国家主人!为了我们中国人人如龙!天下大同!本人再附行动建议如下:

一、有请所有不甘沦为中共牛马、炮灰的国主们尽可能的一起努力,将“应当在中国实行中国正统——中华民国的台湾民主制度”塑造成中国共识;

二、有请所有反共的人士、团体、组织相互间尽可能的包容、互助、合作、支援,并争取早日达成反中共统一战线;

三、有请所有中国国主们能站出来的出人,有钱的出钱,有力的出力,一起构建反共的团体组织,并筹集反共资金,建立反共基金或金库支援反共,及尽可能的组建或动员解放军从党卫军回归国家军队,整合所有中国国主的力量一致推翻中共。

动议人:海外中国人权律师联盟成员 左智海

编辑:Geoffrey Jin 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

Motion on the Sovereign’s Authority

Author: Zuo Zhihai

Abstract: This paper examines China’s current political and economic systems from a critical perspective, arguing that China has not achieved theoretical socialism but has instead formed a highly centralized governance model dominated by the Communist Party of China. The author argues that the distribution of national resources and wealth has long been influenced by power structures, making it difficult for ordinary citizens to enjoy equal rights and benefits. At the same time, the author questions official interpretations of collective interests, individual interests, and the concept of ownership, calling on the public to rethink issues such as rights, property, and political participation. The entire text takes a distinctively critical political stance, aiming to spark discussion on state governance and citizens’ rights.

To the People of China:

Hello, everyone!

We have been deceived by the Communist Party.

The People’s Republic of China today is not a socialist state, but a party-ruled autocracy under the Communist Party—much like the imperial autocracies that followed the Qin and Han dynasties. You and I are currently living under the one-party dictatorship of the CCP.

From 1949 to the present, the CCP has never implemented public ownership; rather, it has enforced “party ownership”—a system of ownership by the CCP’s top leadership. All of China’s natural resources, including land, as well as all mineral deposits, forests, rivers, oceans, and the skies, have been appropriated by the CCP under the guise of state or public ownership and made the property of the Party. These resources are controlled and enjoyed by the CCP’s top leadership and their families, while ordinary people like you and me possess nothing.

Nor has the CCP ever implemented distribution according to work in China; instead, distribution is based on one’s status and power within the Party, as well as the closeness of one’s connections to Party leaders. Those with higher status, greater power, and closer ties to leading officials enjoy more resources and social wealth, while those without power, connections, or status receive nothing or only a meager share.

Moreover, what the CCP promotes in China is not collectivism, but individualism—where “individuals” refer exclusively to the CCP’s top leadership and their families. This is because the CCP has never prioritized the interests of China, the nation, or the people; instead, it places the interests of its top leadership and their families above those of the state, the nation, and the people.

Ladies and gentlemen, every collective is composed of individuals. Since the interests of the collective are the sum of individual interests, any infringement upon the legitimate rights and interests of a single individual inevitably harms the collective’s interests. Therefore, any act that sacrifices or infringes upon the legitimate interests of an individual is, in essence, an infringement upon the collective’s interests.

So why does the CCP persist in advocating that we sacrifice our individual interests for the greater good? Because in the CCP’s “greater good,” there are only the interests of the CCP’s top leaders and their families—there is no room for you or me, nor for the interests of the nation, the nation, or the people. Therefore, they are willing to sacrifice you and me, and to plunder the interests of the nation, the nation, and the people, all to maintain their rule and private interests.

Under the CCP’s deliberate obfuscation and misdirection, most of us have failed to realize that the very concept of “private ownership” is problematic. In the current Chinese context, the character “private” carries a negative connotation. Consequently, when people read the term “private ownership,” they often mistakenly assume it implies a form of ownership that is disgraceful, unworthy of advocacy, or even immoral.

But as human beings, why should we not be allowed to own the land and property we have acquired through legitimate efforts, through our own diligence, wisdom, and hard work? Ladies and gentlemen, we have the right to own personal property, and it is precisely the emergence of modern private property that has truly made ordinary people human. For a person who has no right to own property—a person whose land and property can be seized at any time by the orders of an emperor or officials, or by a political party under the guise of state, public, or collective ownership—is not truly human, but merely a half-slave to the emperor, officials, or those leading cadres of the political party.

In fact, the essence of modern private property is to protect the lawful property of any individual—including ordinary citizens—from unlawful infringement. Its significance lies in the fact that when you are unwilling to sell, no one has the right to take your land and property by force—not the emperor, the king, the head of state, party leaders, village officials, or any other members of the public. This safeguards the property rights of ordinary people like you and me, ensuring that your land and property will not be forcibly seized, confiscated, demolished, or expropriated simply because of a decision made by an emperor, a king, the government, a political party, a leader, or any other member of the public!

Therefore, ordinary people have the right to own property, and personal property is sacred and inviolable. This is not a moral decline, selfishness, or backward regression. The right of ordinary people to own private property is a fundamental right of every human being; it represents the civilization of society and the progress of history.

So why does the CCP slander and smear modern private property? It is simply because modern private property is, by its very nature, the CCP’s natural enemy!

Think about it: if every citizen and every ordinary person in New China had the right to own land, property, and natural resources—and if the private property owned by the people were sacred and inviolable—how could the CCP possibly “collectivize” the property of the masses? How could they continue to plunder the nation’s resources and wealth under the guise of state, public, or collective ownership?

Ordinary people possessing personal property does not harm anyone’s legitimate rights and interests, nor does it pose any social harm. The only thing it harms is the self-interest of political parties like the CCP that seek to expropriate your property, because this would prevent them from seizing your property and the nation’s assets. Ordinary people possessing personal property is a completely legitimate act of self-interest that should naturally be protected by law and respected by society.

Moreover, I wonder if everyone has realized this: only slave owners forbid slaves from owning private property, and only slave owners and slaves fear other slaves possessing private property.

But more importantly: Leaders of the nation, please open your eyes. The CCP has always existed solely to exploit us; it has never served the people.

Take a good look: what has the CCP been doing since 1949?

The CCP has used its state power to turn the People’s Republic of China into a “people’s harvester,” and under this harvester, the vast majority of the Chinese people cannot help but be poor. This is because within its “New China harvesting system,” the diligence, talents, and efforts of the overwhelming majority of Chinese people are rendered ineffective by this social system. Therefore, no matter how hard you work or how talented you are, you cannot escape the CCP’s social system, which reaps, exploits, locks you in, and suppresses you.

Look: the CCP first deceived the people by using the guise of public ownership—state-owned, public, and collectively owned—to swindle away national resources that rightfully belong to you and steal public wealth that is yours by right. They have appropriated national resources and public wealth (including state fiscal revenue)—which should be used by and belong to the Chinese people—as private property of the CCP, reserving them exclusively for their own use, enjoyment, and privilege. The CCP has deprived the Chinese people of the right to use national resources and enjoy public wealth; it has even turned the national treasury into a tool for controlling and plundering the people. It has decreed that the people have no right to own land or other natural resources, devising every possible means to strip national resources and public wealth from the common people. It has turned the Chinese people into a true proletariat, leaving you and me with nothing, and depriving the Chinese people of the most basic national livelihood and social security that modern citizens should enjoy.

At the same time, the CCP uses monopolistic practices to strangle the resources essential to the Chinese people’s survival. It disguises party-controlled enterprises as state-owned enterprises, central enterprises, and collective enterprises, then seizes control over the Chinese people’s basic necessities of food, clothing, housing, and transportation. By targeting the very foundations of the Chinese people’s survival and reproduction, it has transformed New China’s land, housing, healthcare, education, elderly care, social security, markets, finance, water, electricity, gas, oil, mineral resources, telecommunications, transportation, tobacco, and other essentials of daily life—all into tools for exploiting the Chinese people. Under the guise of the state and the pretext of “serving the people,” they exploit and oppress the people.

As a result, the vast majority of our people have been perpetually controlled, exploited, and oppressed by the CCP within the People’s Republic of China it has created. We are forced to struggle endlessly amidst hardship, poverty, exhaustion, and cutthroat competition, bearing heavy burdens to sustain the comfortable, carefree lives of the CCP’s leading officials and their families. We have thus become state slaves produced by the CCP’s social system—its “New China Social System.”

As a result, the Chinese people today have become the hardest-working yet most hard-pressed people in the world. Consequently, we have even become a people defined by nothing but exams and endless work and labor, with almost no life to speak of—a people who toil until death.

Unfortunately, under the CCP’s brainwashing and propaganda, most Chinese people do not realize that the reason they live in poverty, toil endlessly, face hardship, and have no hope is because we are trapped in the systemic poverty and structural predicaments created by the CCP’s social system. That is why today we cannot afford to buy homes, get married, raise children, or support our elderly. Moreover, no matter how hard most of us study, work, or labor, we cannot change our fate or improve our lives.

What is even more outrageous is that the CCP holds the power of life and death over the Chinese people. It can easily mobilize the public security, procuratorate, and judicial systems to arrest, convict, sentence to death, make disappear, or commit to psychiatric hospitals any innocent person—or even turn them into human specimens, or traffic and harvest organs from living people. It can also use the public security, procuratorate, and judicial systems to legally plunder private assets, rob the people of their homes, land, and businesses, confiscate property legally purchased by ordinary citizens (such as electric scooters), and seize the goods that street vendors rely on to make a living (such as fruits, vegetables, and tricycles).

But, fellow masters of the nation, are we not the masters of China? It is crystal clear that China should belong solely to the Chinese people, not to a single party or a single family! So why have most of us Chinese people ended up living like this today? Why have we become little more than semi-slaves to the CCP?

Because we have been duped by the Communist Party.

Ladies and gentlemen, being the masters of the nation is not merely an empty slogan, nor is it a hollow title; it is a tangible status that comes with the power and benefits of being the nation’s masters. It is not simply because Mao Zedong stood atop Tiananmen Gate, waved his hand, shouted “Long live the people” a few times, and declared, “The Chinese people have now stood up,” that we became the masters of the nation. Nor does it mean that simply because the Communist Party calls us “the masters of the nation” or “the successors of socialism,” we actually are. We must genuinely possess the power of the masters of the Chinese nation and truly enjoy the benefits of the nation.

So, as the masters of the Chinese nation, what powers should we possess?

First, we have the power to decide who holds office and governs in China, and we have the power to remove these governments and officials from office.

In other words, who serves as our head of state, provincial governors, mayors, and heads of districts, counties, towns, and villages—or which party governs (such as the Communist Party or the Kuomintang)—must be decided by us, the masters of the nation, through voting. Furthermore, we, as the masters of the nation, have the power to remove them from office. Of course, as the masters of the nation, we also have the right to run for office ourselves.

It should not be the case, as it is now, where the Communist Party leadership simply designates someone as President, and that person becomes President; or where they appoint someone as a provincial governor, mayor, or district chief, and that person automatically becomes a provincial governor, mayor, or district chief.

As for Xi Jinping, has any of you ever voted for him to be President? From your local provincial governor down to the township chief, who among you has ever had the right to cast a vote? May I ask, aside from Jiang Wan’an, who else do you know among these mayors? Do you only recognize the Yangtze River Bridge in Nanjing?

Folks, the truth is we don’t even have the power to choose who becomes our county chief. With this, what the hell kind of “masters of the country” are we?

But what is the most terrifying thing right now?

Just as 95% of Chinese Communist Party officials in the People’s Republic of China today are corrupt, even though we know full well that they commit crimes every day—engaging in embezzlement, accepting bribes, and recklessly squandering public funds—what can we, the masters of this country, do about it? Only when we have the power to remove them from office and ensure that their criminal acts are punished by law will they respect the people and dare not fail to serve them.

And only when the people hold the ballot—when those so-called chairmen, governors, mayors, and county and township heads need your votes to get elected—will those officials dare not act high and mighty or wield their authority in your presence. They will instead scramble to curry your favor, rushing to roll out policies that benefit your livelihood and welfare in order to win the election.

Otherwise, power will only be accountable to its source. As long as these officials are appointed by Communist Party leaders, and their positions, status, power, and interests all stem from the promotion of Communist Party cadres, they will serve only the high-ranking Party officials who can appoint or remove them—and pay no heed to us common folk.

Second, the extent of the government’s power depends on the authority we grant it; without our authorization, the government possesses no power whatsoever.

The government is not the state, nor does it naturally represent the state; it is merely a public institution established to serve the people. In fact, this applies not only to the government but also to the head of state, the legislature, public security, the procuratorate, the courts, the military, and all other state institutions. Their powers, as well as their structure, establishment, election methods, and appointment and removal procedures, must all be authorized by us, the masters of the nation, through the Constitution. Without our authorization, their establishment is illegal. Even with our authorization, they may only act within the scope of authority we have granted. Once their actions exceed or violate the authority we have granted under the Constitution, this constitutes a violation of the Constitution, and we have the right to hold them accountable for their actions in accordance with the law. Furthermore, whenever we, the masters of the nation, so desire, we can remove these governments and any other state institutions at any time in accordance with the Constitution.

Only in this way are we truly the masters of these governments, state institutions, and public agencies, and only then will they dutifully serve us, the masters of the nation—rather than acting as the current Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government does. Not only do we lack the power to tell them how they should serve us, but they have turned the tables to forcibly brainwash, manipulate, and coerce us, compelling us to make sacrifices and contributions for the private interests of the CCP, its government leaders, and their families.

Why is this the case? Because today’s government of the People’s Republic of China is not the government of China, nor does it belong to the Chinese people. In essence, it is the CCP government—a body single-handedly manipulated, established, and organized by the Chinese Communist Party, which is subordinate only to the CCP. It serves as a tool for the Communist Party to maintain its rule over the Chinese people, and is used to control, plunder, and exploit China and its people.

What is even more despicable is that today’s CCP government flies the national flag every day, waving the banner of the state, and uses “national regulations” and “the greater national interest” to control, plunder, and exploit us, the people of this nation.

They draw a red line, and your house and land are demolished and handed over to them.

They issue a document, and your electric vehicle can be confiscated and sold to Africa.

They draw a circle, and a scenic area can be turned into a toll booth.

They issue an official notice, and national highways can once again charge tolls.

They enact a few policies, and all profitable, monopolistic, and highly lucrative industries—such as tobacco, telecommunications, oil, gas, and electricity—are restricted to them alone.

Second, the extent of the government’s power depends on the authority we grant it; without our authorization, the government has no power whatsoever.

The government is not the state, nor does it naturally represent the state; it is merely a public institution established to serve the people. In fact, it is not just the government; the powers of the head of state, the legislature, public security, the procuratorate, the courts, the military, and all other state institutions—as well as their structure, establishment, election methods, and appointment and removal procedures—must all be authorized by us, the masters of the nation, through the Constitution. Without our authorization, their establishment is illegal. Even with our authorization, they may only act within the scope of authority we have granted. Once their actions exceed or violate the authority we have granted under the Constitution, this constitutes a violation of the Constitution, and we have the right to hold them accountable for their actions in accordance with the law. Furthermore, whenever we, the masters of the nation, so desire, we can remove these governments and any other state institutions at any time in accordance with the Constitution.

Only in this way are we truly the masters of these governments, state institutions, and public agencies, and only then will they dutifully serve us, the masters of the nation—rather than acting as the current Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government does. Not only do we lack the power to tell them how they should serve us, but they have turned the tables to forcibly brainwash, manipulate, and coerce us, compelling us to make sacrifices and contributions for the private interests of the CCP, its government leaders, and their families.

Why is this the case? Because today’s government of the People’s Republic of China is not the government of China, nor does it belong to the Chinese people. In essence, it is the CCP government—a body single-handedly manipulated, established, and organized by the Chinese Communist Party, which is subordinate only to the CCP. It serves as a tool for the Communist Party to maintain its rule over the Chinese people, and is used to control, plunder, and exploit China and its people.

What is even more despicable is that today’s CCP government flies the national flag every day, waving the banner of the state, and uses “national regulations” and “the greater national interest” to control, plunder, and exploit us, the people of this nation.

They draw a red line, and your house and land are demolished and handed over to them.

They issue a document, and your electric vehicle can be confiscated and sold to Africa.

They draw a circle, and a scenic area can be turned into a toll booth.

They issue an official document, and national highways can once again charge tolls.

They enact a few policies, and all profitable, monopolistic, and highly lucrative industries—tobacco, telecommunications, oil, gas, electricity, and so on—are restricted to them alone.

They pass a law, and they can extract over 20 trillion yuan in taxes and fees from the common people every year.

Because they say: All of the above is strictly in accordance with national regulations.

But, ladies and gentlemen, the government is not the nation, nor the master of the nation; the people are the nation. We, the Chinese people, are the true masters of China. Without the explicit authorization of the people, without the consent of us, the masters of the nation, the Chinese Communist Party government has no authority whatsoever to represent or dispose of the nation.

So what is the CCP government actually doing right now? They are essentially engaging in the same schemes as Cao Cao, using the name of the nation to command us Chinese people! Without the authorization or consent of us, the masters of the nation, they have arbitrarily established political systems, economic policies, and methods of resource and wealth distribution that benefit their own enjoyment and maintenance of privileges. Furthermore, they have consistently used the name of the nation to regulate, exploit, and oppress us, the masters of the nation, while plundering our country’s resources and wealth.

Third, as the masters of the nation, it is solely up to us to decide how much in taxes and fees we pay each year, and it is solely up to us to determine how these funds are spent.

National finance refers to the collection, expenditure, and management of a nation’s wealth. In modern states, the primary source of revenue is taxation. In modern society, national finance constitutes public finance because ownership and control of these funds are firmly held by the people—the true masters of the nation—rather than by any government or political party. Furthermore, the use of these funds must serve the purpose of the “public good”; any use of national finances for non-public purposes is illegal.

Moreover, and most importantly, how are taxes collected in these modern nations? How much is collected? How are they stored and managed? Where are they spent? Ultimately, these matters are decided collectively by the citizens.

This is because modern nations establish a Legislative Yuan (or parliament) in accordance with the Constitution, composed of representatives elected by the citizens. Regarding how taxes are collected, how much is collected, how they are stored and managed, and where they are spent—all of these matters can only be prescribed by law. The enactment of these tax-related laws must be subject to a vote by the representatives in the legislature; a tax law can only be passed with the consent of a majority of representatives, otherwise it will not be approved. Similarly, the operating expenses for the government, police, public prosecutor’s office, courts, and military, as well as the salaries of public officials and other public expenditures and budgets, must all be approved by the legislature; otherwise, they will not be approved. Without the consent of the Legislative Yuan, these administrative agencies, judicial departments, and the military would not receive a single penny for their operational expenses or the salaries of their public officials.

Every eligible citizen has the right to run for a seat in the Legislative Yuan, and representatives can only be elected by the people. Only those who truly reflect the will of the citizens, are capable of fulfilling the mandate entrusted to them, and are favored by the people can be elected. If you feel that the representative you elected is unsuitable—that you made a mistake, were misled, or that the representative has changed their stance, become arrogant after being elected, has ulterior motives, fails to genuinely reflect public opinion, or lacks the competence to fulfill their duties—you can choose not to vote for them next time and instead select someone you believe can truly represent your views. If you feel that none of the candidates in this election are suitable—that none can truly represent you or are all lacking in competence—then you can also step forward and run for office yourself to exercise your civic rights.

Under this system of popular representation, citizens can control the national budget, revenue, and expenditures through the Legislative Yuan. Furthermore, all fiscal budgets, revenue, and expenditures are audited by institutions specified in the Constitution. If the auditing bodies discover issues with the national budget, revenue, or management, they must immediately report the problems to the Legislative Yuan and make them public to the entire society. Simultaneously, judicial authorities—including the police, the Prosecutor’s Office, and the courts—will intervene to investigate. If any illegal or criminal activities are uncovered, criminal proceedings will be initiated immediately, and any misappropriated public assets will be recovered.

Furthermore, all national fiscal budgets, revenues, expenditures, and management must be made public to the entire society. The media, journalists, lawyers, independent organizations, and individual citizens have the right at any time to inquire about, oversee, and inspect the national fiscal budget, revenues, expenditures, and management in order to fulfill their civic duties and ensure that public funds are used exclusively for “public” projects and affairs.

Furthermore, to prevent public officials from engaging in corruption, accepting bribes, or abusing public power to embezzle state assets, modern societies have established a system for the public disclosure of public officials’ assets. From the head of state down to village chiefs, including elected representatives, members of the judicial and law enforcement branches, and military officers, anyone holding public office must disclose to all citizens all family assets, as well as the earned income, investment returns, business transactions, gifts and compensation, debts, real estate, and other assets of themselves, their spouses, and their children, and must regularly update these disclosures to the public. This effectively prevents public officials from abusing the power entrusted to them by the people to channel state resources and public assets into their own families through covert or illegal means, and it also effectively prevents public officials from using their power for personal gain, embezzlement, and bribery.

Now look at the so-called “New China” of the Chinese Communist Party: it has no system for public disclosure of public officials’ assets. Why is that?

Because if the CCP were to establish a system for disclosing public officials’ assets, it would undermine the very foundation of the CCP’s rule. At that point, we—the true masters of the nation—would immediately realize: over the past four decades of reform and opening-up, into whose pockets have China’s state assets and social wealth actually flowed? Then, the majority of the nation’s masters would suddenly come to their senses and instantly see through the true nature of the CCP and its “New China.”

Where do you think the majority of the resources and wealth generated by the reform and opening-up of the “New China” have flowed?

The answer is not to private companies like Alibaba, Tencent, and Baidu, nor to entrepreneurs; nor has it flowed to scientists, intellectual elites, executives, white-collar workers, teachers, athletes, or artists; and certainly not to workers, farmers, drivers, delivery riders, self-employed individuals, or small vendors—the broadest masses of the people—but rather to the leaders of the Party and the state, to the so-called “red families,” to high-ranking officials at the ministerial, provincial, and departmental levels, to leaders of state-owned enterprises, and to the leadership teams of various cities and counties, as well as to the family members, relatives, mistresses, and frontmen of these leaders at all levels.

Why is this the case?

Because, despite being a so-called New China—a nation that claims to uphold socialist public ownership—its national finances are privately owned. Yes, you heard that right. Even in the capitalist societies that the Communist Party denounces, national finances are public and belong to the public treasury. Yet in socialist New China, the national finances are privately owned—they are the private finances exclusively belonging to the top leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. And this is precisely the real reason why you and I are poor.

Why do I say this?

Because the budgeting, revenue and expenditure, management, and use of New China’s state finances are not in the hands of the broad masses of the people, but in the hands of the CCP—a private party.

This is because the consequence of the fiscal operations of the People’s Republic of China is that national resources, public wealth, and the hard-earned money of private enterprises are all plundered as much as possible and funneled into the pockets of the Chinese Communist Party’s leading officials, core members, and their families.

Do you, the rulers of this nation, know where the biggest and most critical problem lies with the tax and confiscation revenues of the CCP’s New China?

The problem lies in the fact that in a modern nation, government tax revenue can only be used for public affairs—specifically to improve people’s livelihoods and fund public services such as healthcare, education, elderly care, childcare, unemployment insurance, social welfare, science and technology, and national defense. Furthermore, how these tax dollars are spent and where they are allocated can only be decided by citizens and their elected representatives through voting, and citizens have the right to oversee the use of funds for these public projects.

However, in New China, once the CCP has raked in over 20 trillion yuan in taxes and fees each year, it has nothing to do with you and me, the masters of this nation. The CCP and its government can use these funds however they please, and leading officials can waste them however they like.

This is because the government of New China and the National People’s Congress—the body responsible for approving and executing the national budget—are effectively run by the CCP itself. The so-called “people’s representatives” are appointed by the CCP, not elected by the masses or the general public. Consequently, these representatives do not represent the people; they represent only the CCP leaders who provide them with benefits and positions. They are accountable only to the source of their power and serve the CCP—a private party—rather than the people. Consequently, the common people have no right to vote on New China’s fiscal expenditures, much less to participate in the distribution of funds or their allocation. Senior CCP leaders can arbitrarily approve and execute the national budget—which is why it is said that China’s fiscal revenue belongs to the CCP and is the private property of its leadership.

The so-called slogan “Taken from the people, used for the people” is nothing more than empty rhetoric to the CCP. They merely cobble together a list of projects and, with a straight face, present a pile of spreadsheets pretending that these tax revenues and confiscated funds have been allocated to education, science and technology, social security and employment, public health, energy conservation and environmental protection, urban and rural community development, agriculture, forestry, and water resources, as well as transportation—and with that, they consider themselves to have given us, the masters of the nation, an accounting.

As for whether the common people believe it or not, they simply do not care. This is because the common people have no power or means to oversee or scrutinize where these tax revenues and confiscated funds are actually being spent. After all, all administrative, legislative, and judicial bodies in New China are run by the CCP itself; even the military serves as the CCP’s own personal guard. If you dare to question or investigate, your ultimate fate will be either detention by the public security, procuratorial, or judicial authorities, or being labeled mentally ill.

Therefore, the money and wealth extorted from the people, the common folk, and the nation will be easily and swiftly diverted by the CCP through various methods and means to pay salaries, benefits, and bonuses to leading officials and their 80 million comrades, to build luxurious government buildings, to host state and provincial banquets, to train the female attendants at the Great Hall of the People and the black-clad umbrella-bearers at Tiananmen Square, to fund public-money feasting and drinking,

Another example: as of May 1, 2026, the threshold for convicting officials and public servants of all ranks within the Chinese Communist Party of the crime of “unaccounted-for substantial assets” has been raised from 300,000 to 3 million RMB. Yet during this period, farmers’ pensions have increased by only 20 yuan. Although many masters of the nation are deeply dissatisfied with this, what can we—having lost our national sovereignty—possibly do about it?

Furthermore, as the masters of China, what national benefits and social security should we be entitled to?

1. We are entitled to a 1/1300th share of ownership and dividends in all of China’s state-owned resources and state-owned enterprises;

2. We have the right to own personal assets, including land, and our personal property is sacred and inviolable;

3. We have the right to freely choose our occupation, to enjoy fair and appropriate working conditions, and to be protected against unemployment;

4. We have the right to receive fair and appropriate compensation for our work, sufficient to ensure the conditions necessary for a dignified life for ourselves and our families (our wages must be able to cover a family’s basic needs for food, clothing, housing, transportation, as well as childcare, medical care, education, and retirement);

5. We have the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limits on working hours and the right to regular paid leave (e.g., an eight-hour workday and no fewer than 15 days of paid annual leave);

VI. When we lose our ability to earn a living due to unemployment, illness, disability, widowhood, old age, or other circumstances beyond our control, we have the right to a standard of living provided by the state that is necessary to maintain the health and well-being of ourselves and our families, including food, clothing, housing, medical care, and necessary social services;

7. When we are kidnapped and extorted by terrorists overseas—even to the point of having our kidneys cut out—the Chinese government has the obligation to rescue and protect us;

8. When our overseas Chinese compatriots face ethnic cleansing, the Chinese government has the obligation to deploy troops to protect them;

9. No foreigner shall receive supernational treatment in China (e.g., those foreign male students accompanied by female Chinese students);

10. And so on and so forth…

Fellow sovereigns of the nation, have you ever truly enjoyed the powers and benefits listed above—those that rightfully belong to the masters of the nation? If you lack even these most basic sovereign powers and benefits that one should possess as a master of the nation, on what grounds do you presume to consider yourselves the masters of China?

Moreover, there are many, many more powers and benefits that the masters of the nation should enjoy. Due to space constraints, I cannot list them all here, but in the end, it all boils down to one question: Who really calls the shots in China? Or rather, who should set the rules for China?

Is it Xi Jinping?

Is it the Communist Party?

Is it those leading officials?

Or should it be up to us, the people? Should it be up to us, the Chinese people, to set China’s rules?

In fact, “only when the power to formulate China’s ‘Supreme National Rules’ is firmly held in the hands of the people, and only when China’s rules are set by the people, can we, the Chinese people, truly become the masters of our nation.”

And this is precisely why, for over two thousand years from the Qin and Han dynasties to the present, the lives of ordinary Chinese people have been as worthless as grass. It is also why, throughout China’s history, whenever the empire prospered, the common people suffered, and whenever the empire fell, the common people suffered. It is why every dynasty in our history has seen no shortage of great famines and instances of cannibalism. And it is the fundamental reason why, regardless of the dynasty or era, it has always been the common people who have been poor, cheated, deceived, and made to suffer.

This is because, from the Qin and Han dynasties to the present day, the power to establish China’s “supreme national laws” has never been in the hands of the people. China’s laws have never been determined by the common people, but rather by emperors, dictators, Chinese Communist Party leaders, and authoritarian political parties—private individuals and factions who alone have the final say over everything in China.

Before February 12, 1912, China’s emperors, claiming to speak for Heaven and holding supreme authority, held the power of life and death over the people. Whatever the emperor decreed became the “Supreme Rule of the State”—the law that the common people were required to revere, bow to, and obey. The imperial court and the nobles, generals, and ministers were merely tools for upholding imperial power, while our nation and its people were nothing more than the emperor’s private property.

After October 1, 1949, the Chinese Communist Party, under the pretext of “people’s democratic dictatorship,” “serving the people,” and “always representing the interests of the broadest masses of the people,” swindled away all of China’s state authority—including the power to draft the constitution, administrative power, legislative power, judicial power, and military power. From then on, whatever they declared to be law became law; whatever they deemed legitimate became legitimate; whatever they deemed illegal became illegal. They manipulated all laws and regulations—including China’s Constitution—as well as the nation’s rules and its people, treating them as mere playthings. Moreover, they have transformed the Chinese people’s government, legislative bodies, public security, procuratorial, and judicial organs, as well as the military—all of these public service institutions—into tools of their private party. From that point on, our nation, its power, and its state organs were no longer in the hands of the people, but in the hands of this private party, the CCP, and became tools for them to control and exploit our people. For this reason, we, the Chinese people, have fallen from being the rightful masters of our nation to becoming the state slaves of the CCP’s “New China.” As a result, all 1.3 billion of us today are subjected to the CCP’s deception, regulation, manipulation, exploitation, plundering, and oppression from birth to death—and we are powerless to refuse or resist.

So now, I wonder: do you intend to continue, just as our ancestors have for over two thousand years, to be regulated generation after generation by these emperors, traitors to the nation, dictators, CCP leaders, and authoritarian parties? To continue being the ingredients on their dining tables and menus? To continue being toyed with, exploited, plundered, and trampled upon by them? Or will you bravely fight for the power that belongs to us as the masters of our nation? Let us bravely take our seats at the table, become the true masters of our nation, and participate in shaping the nation’s rules—rules that ensure we hold the power of national sovereignty, guarantee our access to national resources, public wealth, and other national benefits. No longer will we live as we do now, where all the prosperity and strength of New China belong solely to leading officials and their families, leaving you and me excluded.

By 2025, China’s birth rate will be a mere 7.92 million—far lower even than the 13.91 million recorded in 1949 during the war. Coupled with the inexplicable disappearance and decline of China’s population in recent years, this confirms that we, the Chinese people, can no longer survive and reproduce normally under the CCP’s system of social exploitation. My fellow citizens, an ever-increasing number of us will be stripped of our rights to survival and reproduction by the CCP’s social system. What awaits us in the future is nothing but a slow extinction, death, and disappearance.

Ladies and gentlemen, the Chinese Communist Party must fall so that the Chinese people may live. If we are to survive today, to live happily, to become the true masters of our nation, and to escape our current poverty and hardships, we have no choice but to wrest our country from the CCP’s grasp, reclaim our rights as the nation’s masters, smash the CCP’s system of rules designed to exploit us, and establish a new “Supreme Rule of the State” that truly empowers every Chinese citizen to be the master of their own destiny—a rule that genuinely affirms and safeguards the sovereign rights and interests of every Chinese person. Only then, in accordance with this “Supreme National Rule,” we must reorganize a public government, a national legislative body, a regular police force, a regular procuratorate, regular courts, and a regular national military—all of which are truly subordinate to the Chinese people and exist solely to serve, safeguard, and uphold the sovereign rights and interests of the Chinese people. We must ensure that our national resources and public wealth (including national fiscal revenue) are genuinely used for the public good and the welfare of the people, to safeguard the living conditions of every citizen, to ensure the health and safety of every citizen, and to promote the development of both the nation and its individual citizens. Furthermore, all state organs, all public and social institutions, departments, organizations, groups, and legal entities—indeed, every individual—must be subject to the constraints of this “Supreme Rule of the State.” We must transform the distribution system of the New China from one based on power, blood ties, and connections to one based on labor, creativity, and contribution. We must ensure that hard work leads to prosperity, that every citizen’s talents and gifts find a place to be utilized, and that those who make sacrifices and contributions to the nation and the people receive generous rewards. Only in this way can we Chinese people truly become the masters of our nation, free ourselves from the control and exploitation of the Chinese Communist Party or other authoritarian parties, establish a fair and healthy social system and distribution model, and lead lives of abundance, leisure, health, and dignity.

In a modern society, a nation’s “supreme rule” or highest law is typically referred to as the “Constitution,” and citizens—those with the right to participate in national governance—are called citizens (the essence of a citizen is that they are the masters of the nation). This model of governance, in which the Constitution—agreed upon by all the masters of the nation—serves as the supreme rule and fundamental law for governing the country, is called “constitutionalism.” The process by which all the masters of the nation participate in drafting the Constitution and establish it as the supreme rule and fundamental law of the state is referred to as “constitutional drafting and establishment.”

In other words, for the Chinese people to become true masters of the nation today, we must resolve two issues: 1) how to overthrow the Communist Party’s dictatorship and autocracy in China; and 2) how to establish a set of supreme national rules (i.e., a Constitution) that ensures the Chinese people enjoy the powers and benefits of being the nation’s masters.

But just how difficult is it to overthrow the Communist Party’s rule in China today? The challenge is no less daunting than humanity’s first moon landing. If you don’t believe it, just ask any Chinese person or foreigner and tell them we can overthrow the CCP’s rule in China; their reaction will likely be the same as if you had told people 100 years ago that humans could travel to the moon in a rocket.

So how difficult would it be today for the vast majority of Chinese people to participate in drafting and enacting a constitution, then deliberate and vote to create a set of rules—or a supreme national code—that truly safeguards the sovereignty and interests of the Chinese people? It would be as difficult as reaching the heavens in ancient times.

Why? Because under the CCP’s education aimed at dumbing down and enslaving the people—through brainwashing, indoctrination, information blockades, propaganda, and control—at least 70% of Chinese people today do not know what the Constitution is. They are even less aware of how to design a set of national rules that can affirm and safeguard their sovereign rights and interests. Many of them do not even realize that they have long been controlled and exploited by the CCP, mistakenly believing that the reason Chinese people today have enough to eat is because the CCP has graciously sustained them, and that without the CCP’s protection, China would have long been annihilated by those so-called imperialist nations.

Moreover, even among the 30% of Chinese who are politically aware, a lack of democratic practice and experience with political movements means they have not yet learned—or do not yet know—how to unite to formulate, negotiate, and vote on a set of national rules. This is precisely one of the major reasons why today’s anti-communist democrats are not adept at organizing, cannot unite, and are unable to form a collective force.

Indeed, the reason so many anti-communist individuals, groups, and organizations today are so disorganized is the lack of consensus. Because we cannot reach a unified political consensus, we do not know what kind of nation we should build, nor can we find a set of national rules that the majority of Chinese people would accept.

Although we all know we should oppose communism, understand democratic constitutionalism, recognize the construction of a modern nation, and share the universal consensus on the separation of powers, civil rights, and human rights—and know that we should unite— Yet we either hold our own distinct political views, opinions, and positions; or we are unsure what constitutes the correct political views, opinions, and positions; or we cannot tolerate the political views, opinions, and positions of others; or we simply believe that only we are correct. Some anti-communists even believe that only they are noble and pure, while other anti-communists whose actions or views differ from their own are deemed despicable or even motivated by ulterior motives.

This is why so many anti-communist individuals, groups, and organizations today remain unable to form a united front against the CCP.

Consequently, the vast majority of Chinese people today find it difficult to unite and establish a set of national rules that would ensure the Chinese people enjoy their sovereign power and interests.

Consequently, although many of us wish to resist the CCP, we do not know how to do so. We do not know how to organize ourselves to build the strength needed to overthrow the CCP and transform China. We do not know which organization to join, where to begin, or how to apply our efforts.

Thus, we Chinese people today lack direction and cannot find our way forward.

But I want to tell you all: Heaven bless China! Yes, because Heaven has always left a path for the Chinese nation. The way forward for us mainland Chinese has actually always been right there—as long as you can see through the CCP’s deceptions and lies, you will see it: Taiwan.

Yes, we don’t need to start from scratch, racking our brains to design a perfect set of national rules. Nor do we need to attempt the nearly impossible task of mobilizing over a billion people, only to engage in endless, time-consuming, labor-intensive, and costly debates, negotiations, meetings, and votes. Folks, why should we feel our way across the river? We can simply walk across the bridge—we just need to adopt Taiwan’s democratic system as is.

Your Excellencies, may Heaven bless China!

The democratic revolution that ushered in China’s political modernization—which began with the abdication of the Qing emperor on February 12, 1912—has not ended, nor has it failed. The Republic of China has always existed, and it has already blossomed into a democracy in Taiwan. Today, the people of Taiwan in the Taiwan region of the Republic of China have truly become the masters of Taiwan. They have realized a democratic republic governed by the people and for the people. They have become a living example of the Chinese nation’s transition toward political modernization, civilization, and democratization. They have dispelled the myth that the Chinese nation is unsuited for democracy, and they have charted a path forward for the Chinese people on the mainland.

Of course, it cannot be denied that democracy is not a perfect social system, and Taiwan also has its own problems. However, while democracy may not be the best or most perfect social system, it is the least bad one. The key point is that there is no such thing as a perfect social system in this world—or, to put it another way, given the current stage of human intelligence and experience, we simply cannot design a perfect social system. Yet, compared to the CCP’s system of exploiting the masses, under Taiwan’s democratic system, the people’s control over state power and the benefits they enjoy score at least a passing grade (Taiwan: 68 points, U.S.: 70 points). In contrast, under the CCP’s one-party dictatorship and the Mao-Xi autocracy, we, the Chinese people, aren’t even considered human beings—we are merely the oxen and horses of their ruling elite in times of prosperity, and the cannon fodder in times of turmoil.

Ladies and gentlemen, politics is about reality and must be practical. From a realistic perspective, let’s not start off dreaming of some perfect vehicle. We’d be better off first boarding the democratic bus that is Taiwan with both feet firmly on the ground. Let the people take their seats on the bus of democracy first. Let’s use Taiwan’s democratic system to secure the most basic identities, powers, interests, and well-being of us, the sovereigns of China. Then, in the course of practice, we can gradually learn democracy and accumulate democratic experience based on the realities of the mainland, and step by step modify and refine it according to China’s actual social problems.

Moreover, from the perspective of China’s legal lineage, the democratic rules of the Republic of China (the Taiwanese system) are the legitimate and orthodox system of China. Fellow leaders, China’s legal lineage has in fact always resided in Taiwan, in the Republic of China. The Qing Emperor’s abdication edict of February 12, 1912, explicitly stated that the Qing Emperor abdicated in favor of the Republic of China.

What is the true nature of the Chinese Communist regime? It is a gang of Red bandits and Yellow Russians who rose to power by lying to and deceiving the people, and by plundering and pillaging; a gang of armed rebels and looters who, with the support and funding of the Soviet Union, have wreaked havoc on China—a group that is counter-revolutionary, anti-Chinese, and anti-civilization.

Why has the CCP always been so obsessed with conquering Taiwan? Why must it take Taiwan at all costs? Because the CCP’s origins are illegitimate, and because they fear the people will realize that the Republic of China is the true legitimate government of China!

If you look back at history, the Communist Party has never protected China. During World War II, it was the soldiers of the Republic of China’s National Army who truly defended China, shedding blood for every inch of land. Back then, aside from collaborating with Soviet Russia to betray the nation, sabotage, create chaos, and cede territory, the only thing the CCP did was to purge, massacre, and imprison the Nationalist Army heroes of the War of Resistance, as well as persecute to death, exile, and subject to re-education through labor the national elites who had emerged from all walks of life during the late Qing and Republican eras in fields such as science, education, culture, industry, commerce, and the arts—not to mention starving to death over 50 million Chinese farmers. And today, this band of CCP bandits continues to engage in their old ways, using “serving the people” as a pretext to plunder all of China under the guise of public, state, and collective ownership.

Therefore, fellow compatriots, wake up: the Republic of China is the true legitimate government of China. Today, we should rightfully implement the Republic of China’s system of governance—Taiwan’s democratic system—in China, rather than any system devised by the Communist bandits or other individuals, groups, or organizations.

Of course, I am very pleased that many anti-communist friends have pooled their wisdom to propose numerous ideas and suggestions regarding what kind of national system should be implemented in China. For example: some believe China should adopt a federal system; others believe each province should become independent; and still others believe certain provinces should secede from China to form their own independent nations, and so on.

However, what everyone must consider is whether the political views, opinions, and proposals we put forward have a mass base of support. Can they gain the support of the Chinese people? Proposals such as a federal system, provincial independence, or a specific province establishing its own nation are unacceptable to the vast majority of the Chinese people. If our political proposals do not receive the support of the people, then our anti-communist movement becomes a stream without a source—how can we possibly overthrow the CCP?

Furthermore, from a cognitive perspective, we must consider the level of understanding among the Chinese people after more than 70 years of indoctrination by the CCP. If we were to propose a “constitutional republic for all,” or initiate discussions on drafting a federal constitution, or establish a democratic parliament in China, the people would simply be unable to participate. In fact, let alone modern political concepts like the separation of powers, representative government, or the public ownership of governing authority—half of the Chinese population does not even understand the meaning of the word “citizen,” and the vast majority cannot distinguish between the state and the government. Under these circumstances, it is extremely difficult to clearly explain our political goals to the people, or to help them understand what kind of society we are striving to build. Consequently, mobilizing them becomes virtually impossible.

But as long as we concretize these abstract national rules, social systems, and political concepts for the Chinese people into a Taiwan that they can see and touch, and tell them that we should learn from Taiwan and live a beautiful life like the Taiwanese people, then the people at home will be able to understand what we are talking about and what we are pursuing and fighting for.

Despite the CCP’s efforts to build a firewall to block the external network and control the domestic internet to manipulate public opinion and fool people’s minds, some Chinese people began to awaken and began to gradually realize the truth of China’s modern history. They learned that it was the Republic of China that overthrew the Qing Dynasty, ended China’s 2,000-year imperial autocracy, and truly implemented the right of the country to the people I learned that the soldiers of the Republic of China Army were the backbone of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. And especially when we see that Taiwan now has complete people’s livelihood and medical insurance, that Taiwan’s traditional culture is more Chinese than China’s, that Taiwan’s economy, stock market, and technology industries are developing and growing rapidly, that Taiwan’s officials are kowtowing in front of the people, that Taiwan’s civil servants are extremely flattering and seeking praise from the people, and that the Chinese people serve Dr. Sun Yat-sen’s country, His recognition of his Three Principles of the People, his anti-Japanese achievements against Chiang Kai-shek and the soldiers of the National Army, and his recognition of the Republic of China and Taiwan have all soared like never before! Therefore, only by advocating the implementation of this democratic system in the Taiwan region of the Republic of China in China can we gain the support and recognition of more and more Chinese people.

Moreover, the realities of East Germany, West Germany, North Korea, South Korea, us under the Chinese Communist Party and Taiwan are all there, but any Chinese with brains will see clearly sooner or later.

Then, it must be made clear what exactly is our anti-communist purpose? Is it to seize power in China and then replace the CCP as the new privileged class to rule China, control the people, and harvest the people? Or is it to become the ruler of a small provincial country in order to realize one’s own life ideals and satisfy the desire for power? Or is our anti-communism intended to show off our knowledge and propose a unique and unconventional political plan?

But if the purpose of everyone’s anti-communism is to strive for the power and interests of every Chinese as the ruler of the country, to build a society where the power and benefits of the country lie with the people, to break the privatization of Chinese politics and achieve the publicization of Chinese national politics, then we must follow democracy, and then China should implement federal and provincial independence, Or a province should be established as a separate country, etc., and it should not be decided by only a small number of people.

Of course, everyone can put forward any political views, opinions and political propositions, but whether it can be implemented in China should only be decided by the 1.3 billion Chinese people through a referendum, because these 1.3 billion Chinese people are the true masters of China, and only they have the power to punish China.

Moreover, the vote must also be held in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of China and the Regulations for the Amendment of the Constitution of the Republic of China, because the Republic of China and its set of supreme national rules are the orthodoxy of our China.

What is even more pressing is the practical point: only if we, the anti-communist individuals, groups, and organizations, first put aside our objections and restore the national rules of the Republic of China, can we all unite and form a joint force instead of a scattered sand, and then we can have hope of winning. Otherwise, some of our demands for a federation, some for the independence of provinces, and some for a province to establish its own state, etc., will not require the CCP to take action. Everyone’s strength will be consumed and offset by each other, or even attacked and hostile to each other. In this way, even after a few generations, we will still not be able to achieve anything, and we will not be able to overthrow the CCP.

Everyone, what is the main reason why the CCP is currently able to act lawlessly and do whatever it wants in China? The leadership of the CCP does not have any great power? Why do they press more than a billion of our Chinese people to the ground to rub and harvest?

The answer lies in a quote from the pre-Qin philosophers: “If you are not as strong as an ox, you cannot walk like a horse, but if you use an ox or a horse, what is it?” He said: “People can be in groups, but they cannot be in groups.” Because the Communist Party of China is a strict party organization with 80 million members, a military, fiscal revenue, and administration, but we, the more than one billion Chinese, cannot form a group, but cannot form our own organizational force.

You all, the power of individual human beings is very limited, fragile and small. Let us not say that we alone can defeat the CCP. We, individual social individuals, have no right to even fight against the CCP in reality. Let us not say that the CCP will shatter you if it touches you. Even if the county party secretary sneezes, I can’t stand it. But as long as we gather these seemingly ordinary, ordinary, and weak individuals one by one, and gradually integrate our human, financial, and material resources into one place as much as possible to form organizations, groups, and alliances, we will be able to converge into a new force that can compete with the Communist Party of China and will definitely defeat the political torrent of the Communist Party of China, because the Communist Party of China only has 80 million employees, while we Chinese people have more than one billion. And this is the real reason why the CCP prohibits the Chinese people from forming parties and forming associations, because this contains the power to destroy the CCP.

By this point, the methods and paths for confirming power and regaining the power and interests of our national masters, as well as how to confront and defeat the Chinese Communist Party, have been clearly laid out. In other words, it is simple to confront and defeat the CCP. As long as we, the more than one billion Chinese people who have been deceived, fooled, controlled, exploited, and exploited by the CCP, learn to gather together, everyone can wake up and raise the democratic flag of the orthodox Republic of China, and then unite with the Constitution of the Republic of China and its constitutional documents, the highest national rule of the Chinese legal system Organize into anti-communist groups and alliances, and establish an anti-communist united front. As long as we, the more than one billion Chinese masters, can unite together and work together to fight against the CCP, then the CCP will melt in an instant.

But if we talk about the difficulty, it is how we, the more than one billion Chinese, can learn to unite and fight against the CCP!

If we, the more than one billion Chinese who have been fooled and harvested by the Chinese Communist Party, even Taiwan has come out, put it in front of us, and can copy the system, we will not be able to learn or copy it. Then, based on the intelligence and urine nature of our group of people, we really deserve to be ruled by the CCP, and we also deserve to be controlled, harvested, squeezed and persecuted by the CCP from generation to generation.

Perhaps it is a natural selection, the elimination or enslavement of those who are intellectually high, courageous, social, and collaborative, or those who are intellectually low, cowardly, unsocial, and non-collaborative.

So, do you choose to be controlled by the CCP, harvested, exploited and eliminated, or do you choose to learn to follow the rules of the Republic of China that state power lies with the people, and work together in a democratic way, get along, cooperate, and unite to expel the CCP and restore China!

Everyone: The CCP must die because China must live!

Finally, the Lords of the Nation! Today, as one of the Chinese masters, I propose a motion to all other Chinese masters: I suggest that all Chinese masters unite and unite to overthrow the Communist Party of China and reshape China with Taiwan’s democratic system to confirm and protect the power and interests of our 1.3 billion Chinese masters.

And to overthrow the CCP! For our 1.3 billion Chinese people to truly become the masters of China’s country! For us Chinese are like dragons! Great Harmony in the World! I would like to attach the following action suggestions:

1. I invite all Chinese leaders who are unwilling to be reduced to the ashes of the Chinese Communist Party to work together as much as possible to shape “Chinese orthodoxy ——the Republic of China’s Taiwanese democratic system” in China into a Chinese consensus;

2. All anti-communist persons, groups, and organizations are requested to be as tolerant, mutual assistance, cooperation, and support as possible among themselves, and to strive to reach an anti-communist united front as soon as possible;

3. All Chinese rulers are requested to come forward, contribute money if they have money, and contribute forcefully to jointly build anti-communist groups and organizations, raise anti-communist funds, establish anti-communist funds or coffers to support anti-communism, and as much as possible, form or mobilize the People’s Liberation Army to return from the SS to the national army, and integrate the forces of all Chinese rulers to unanimously overthrow the Communist Party of China.

Motivator: Zuo Zhihai, member of the Overseas Chinese Human Rights Lawyers Alliance

Editor: Geoffrey Jin Proofreader: Feng Reng Translation: Ge Bing

68岁的老人用生命丈量自由

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作者:罗翔

首先感谢盛雪大姐为董广平所做的一切,并声援董广平先生!

2026年,一则消息再次刺痛无数人的心。

第十三届奥斯卡自由人权奖获得者、68岁的董广平,乘坐一艘简陋的橡皮艇,在茫茫大海中漂泊三十多个小时,横渡三百多公里,最终抵达韩国泰安海岸。

当同龄人在公园里遛弯、含饴弄孙、享受天伦之乐时,这位古稀老人却把自己的生命押在了惊涛骇浪之上,只为换取两个字——自由。

这不是冒险,更不是“偷渡发财”。这是一场被专制逼到绝境的悲壮逃亡。

董广平不是普通人。他曾因坚持追求自由与人权,长期遭受中共当局的残酷打压:被关押、被监控、被反复传唤,正常生活被彻底剥夺。即便如此,当局仍不肯放过他。一个敢于说真话的人,在极权眼中就是必须被消灭的威胁。

他活在漫长的恐惧中:电话被监听,朋友突然失踪,深夜随时可能响起敲门声,不知道哪一天就会再次被投入监狱。这种恐惧,日复一日、年复一年,像无形的枷锁勒紧喉咙。

他终于明白:没有自由的土地,再繁华,也只是更大的牢笼;没有尊严的人生,再“稳定”,也只是慢性处决。

于是,68岁的他做出了决定——逃离。

他清楚地知道:橡皮艇在大海面前脆弱如一片落叶;黑夜里的巨浪随时可能将他吞没;三十多个小时的漂泊,他的体力随时可能崩溃;死亡的概率极高。

但他依然义无反顾地出发了。

因为对他而言,继续留在那片土地上,比死亡更可怕。

真正震撼世人的,不只是这场逃亡本身,而是一个年近古稀的老人,仍然对自由保持着近乎偏执的渴望。这说明什么?

自由是人的天性。

无论极权如何洗脑,如何封锁信息,如何制造恐怖,都无法彻底扑灭人类灵魂深处对自由的向往。一个68岁的老人尚且愿意用生命去赌,那些年轻人,又怎会真正甘心被永远关在笼子里?

董广平的橡皮艇很小,却装着一个中国人最后的尊严。它不是一次普通的漂流,而是一个老人用毕生力气划向光明的绝地反击。它撕裂了黑夜,向全世界发出呐喊:

今天的中国,依然有人宁死不屈;依然有人把自由看得比生命更重;依然有人在用行动控诉那个制度——

真正让人绝望的,从来不是贫穷,而是没有自由;真正让人拼死逃离的,从来不是国土,而是压迫。

当一位68岁的老人,在冰冷刺骨的大海上漂流三十多个小时,只为逃离独裁时,这本身就是对那个政权最沉重、最无情的控诉。

董广平成功了。他用行动告诉我们:再黑暗的夜,也挡不住一颗向往黎明的心。

那么,当一位68岁的老人都不惜用生命换取自由时,我们这些还能发声、还能行动的人,又该如何面对自己内心的怯懦?

68岁的老人用生命丈量自由

编辑:张宇 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

A 68-Year-Old Man Measures Freedom with His Life

By :Luo Xiang

First, I would like to thank Sister Sheng Xue for everything she has done for Dong Guangping, and I stand in solidarity with Mr. Dong Guangping!

In 2026, a piece of news once again pierced the hearts of countless people.

Dong Guangping, a 68-year-old recipient of the 13th Oscar Freedom and Human Rights Award, boarded a makeshift rubber dinghy and drifted for more than 30 hours across the vast ocean, traversing over 300 kilometers before finally reaching the coast of Taean, South Korea.

While people his age were strolling in parks, doting on their grandchildren, and enjoying the joys of family life, this septuagenarian staked his life against the raging waves, all for the sake of two words: freedom.

This was not an adventure, nor was it an attempt to “smuggle across the border for profit.” It was a tragic escape driven to the brink by an authoritarian regime.

Dong Guangping is no ordinary man. For his steadfast pursuit of freedom and human rights, he has long suffered brutal repression at the hands of the Chinese Communist authorities: he has been detained, placed under surveillance, and repeatedly summoned for questioning, his normal life completely stripped away. Even so, the authorities refuse to leave him alone. In the eyes of a totalitarian regime, anyone who dares to speak the truth is a threat that must be eliminated.

He lived in constant fear: his phone was tapped, friends vanished without a trace, the door could be knocked on at any moment in the dead of night, and he never knew when he might be thrown back into prison. Day after day, year after year, this fear tightened around his throat like invisible shackles.

He finally realized: a land without freedom, no matter how prosperous, is merely a larger cage; a life without dignity, no matter how “stable,” is nothing but a slow execution.

And so, at the age of 68, he made a decision—to flee.

He knew full well: a rubber dinghy is as fragile as a falling leaf in the face of the ocean; giant waves in the dark of night could swallow him at any moment; after more than thirty hours adrift, his strength could give out at any moment; the odds of death were extremely high.

Yet he set out without hesitation.

For him, remaining on that land was more terrifying than death itself.

What truly shook the world was not merely the escape itself, but the fact that a man nearing seventy still harbored an almost obsessive longing for freedom. What does this tell us?

Freedom is human nature.

No matter how much totalitarianism brainwashes people, blocks information, or instills terror, it cannot completely extinguish the deep-seated yearning for freedom in the human soul. If a 68-year-old man is willing to risk his life, how could young people truly accept being locked in a cage forever?

Dong Guangping’s rubber dinghy was small, yet it carried the last shred of dignity for a Chinese man. It was not an ordinary voyage, but a desperate, last-ditch struggle by an elderly man, rowing toward the light with all his remaining strength. It tore through the darkness, sending a cry to the world:

In today’s China, there are still those who would rather die than yield; there are still those who value freedom more than life itself; there are still those who are denouncing that system through their actions—

What truly drives people to despair is never poverty, but the lack of freedom; what truly compels people to flee at the risk of their lives is never their homeland, but oppression.

When a 68-year-old man drifts for more than thirty hours on the bone-chilling open sea, solely to escape dictatorship, this in itself is the heaviest, most ruthless indictment of that regime.

Dong Guangping succeeded. Through his actions, he tells us: no matter how dark the night, it cannot stop a heart yearning for dawn.

So, when a 68-year-old man is willing to risk his life for freedom, how should we—who still have a voice and the ability to act—confront the cowardice within our own hearts?

68岁的老人用生命丈量自由

Editor: Zhang Yu Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

中国人民还是中共的奴隶吗?

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——写在“六·四”三十七周年前夜

作者:中国民主党美南党部副主席 陆乾坤

这些年在海外生活,经常有人会问我一句话:“中国老百姓是不是中国共产党的奴隶?”每次听到这句话,我心里都很难受。因为仔细想想,这句话虽然刺耳,却并不是毫无根据。很多时候,中国人民确实像被一个庞大而冷酷的政治机器长期控制着,活得没有尊严、没有安全感,也没有真正意义上的自由。

中国人是世界上最勤劳、最能吃苦的民族之一。无数中国人从早到晚拼命工作,一辈子省吃俭用,只想给家人一个稳定生活。可为什么直到今天,很多中国人依然活得如此沉重、如此压抑?为什么一个普通中国人,即使努力奋斗几十年,依然不敢说真话,不敢公开表达思想,不敢真正拥有独立人格?

原因其实并不复杂。因为中国人民从来不是这个国家真正的主人。真正控制这个国家的,是中国共产党。而中共从来就不是一个正常意义上的现代政党,它更像一个依靠暴力、谎言和恐惧建立起来的极权利益集团。

很多人直到今天,依然没有真正看清中共的本性。它从诞生开始,就带着浓厚的流氓政治色彩。它靠枪杆子夺权,靠阶级斗争制造仇恨,再靠不断制造恐惧来维持统治。它最擅长的一件事,就是绑架整个国家,然后再告诉人民:“没有共产党,中国就会天下大乱。”

这种逻辑,本质上和绑匪没有区别。绑匪拿枪指着人质的头,说“没有我保护你,你会死”;而中共则长期用“稳定压倒一切”的名义,把十四亿中国人困在一个巨大的政治牢笼里。

几十年来,中国人民其实一直活在这种被控制、被管理、被收割的状态中。共产党控制土地、媒体、教育、司法、互联网和金融体系,甚至试图控制人的思想。从小学开始,中国孩子就被灌输所谓“爱党教育”。共产党刻意把“国家”“民族”“人民”和“党”混为一谈,仿佛反对共产党,就是反对中国。

可问题是,共产党什么时候真正代表过中国人民?

中国人民有权自由选举政府吗?有权公开批评政府吗?有权决定国家未来方向吗?答案其实所有人都知道。

普通中国人,只能在这个体制下小心翼翼地活着。小时候拼命读书,长大后拼命工作,再背上几十年的房贷。很多年轻人表面上生活在高楼林立的大城市里,实际上却像被困在巨大机器中的螺丝钉,永远不敢停下来。一旦失业、生病或者发生经济危机,一个普通家庭多年的积累就可能瞬间崩塌。

更可悲的是,很多中国人甚至已经习惯了这种状态。很多父母从小教育孩子的第一句话,不是“做一个有尊严的人”,而是“千万不要惹政府”。这背后反映的,其实是整个社会长期被高压统治后的恐惧心理。

而中共最恶毒的地方,还在于它一边压迫人民,一边不断用“民族复兴”“国家强大”来麻痹人民。它天天高喊“人民至上”,可真正享受特权的,永远是那批所谓的“赵家人”。

普通老百姓拼命工作,一个月赚几千块钱,为房贷、学费和医疗费焦头烂额;而那些掌握权力的红色权贵阶层,却早已经把家属、资产和财富转移到了欧美国家。他们一边高喊“爱国”,一边让自己的孩子拿外国护照、住豪宅、上世界最好的学校。

真正留在中国承受高房价、高失业率和高压统治的,永远是普通中国人。

更加荒唐的是,中国人民辛辛苦苦创造的财富,并没有真正用在中国人民自己身上。这些年,中共最喜欢做的一件事,就是拿着中国老百姓的钱,到世界各地“大撒币”。它向外国政府提供巨额援助,援建外国基础设施,给外国留学生超国民待遇,动不动就是几十亿、上百亿美元。

可与此同时,中国国内却有无数人在生存线上挣扎。

很多农村老人,一个月养老金只有一两百块钱;很多普通家庭,因为一场大病瞬间倾家荡产;大量年轻人毕业即失业;还有无数普通人辛苦一辈子买下的房子,最后变成了烂尾楼。

中国人民明明生活在所谓“世界第二大经济体”里,却依然活得没有基本安全感。

一个真正伟大的国家,不是高楼有多高,也不是高铁有多快,更不是军舰有多少。真正伟大的国家,应该是人民能够有尊严地活着,能够自由表达思想,能够不再恐惧权力。

可今天的中国,越来越像一个被严密监控的巨大空间。从地铁摄像头到手机实名制,从网络审查到人脸识别,整个社会正在被技术和权力层层包裹。很多中国人被迫活成两个人:一个是真实的自己,一个是“允许存在”的自己。

“六·四”,就是这个体制最血腥的证明。

1989年,成千上万的学生和北京市民走上街头,他们反腐败、要自由、要民主,希望中国能够变得更好。他们不是暴徒,他们只是希望,中国不应该永远被一群红色权贵统治。

可最后,中共用坦克和机枪回答了他们。

三十七年过去了,中共直到今天,依然不敢公开谈论“六·四”。因为“六·四”是这个政权永远无法洗掉的血债。它证明了一件事:共产党最害怕的,从来不是外国敌人,而是中国人民自己。

今天,越来越多中国人已经开始意识到,问题根本不是某一个贪官,也不是某一个领导人,而是整个制度本身出了问题。因为这个制度从建立的第一天开始,就不是为了让人民自由,而是为了让共产党永远统治。

在这个体制里,人民很多时候只是被动员、被管理和被使用的对象。经济发展需要你时,你是“人民”;维稳需要你沉默时,你又随时可能变成“境外势力”。

所以,中国真正的问题,从来不是什么改革不改革的问题,而是这个建立在暴力、谎言和控制之上的体制,本身就已经走到了历史尽头。

写下这些文字的时候,又一个“六·四”周年即将到来。三十七年过去了,那些当年倒在天安门广场上的年轻人,如果活到今天,也已经白发苍苍。

但中共最害怕的一件事,始终没有改变。

那就是:中国人民有一天不再恐惧。

因为当人民不再恐惧的时候,一个真正属于人民、而不是属于权力集团的中国才有可能真正出现。

编辑:黄吉洲 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

Are the Chinese People Still Slaves to the Chinese Communist Party?

—Written on the Eve of the 37th Anniversary of “June 4th”

Author: Lu Qiankun, Vice Chairman of the Southern U.S. Branch of the China Democratic Party

Living overseas these past years, people often ask me, “Are the Chinese people slaves to the Chinese Communist Party?” Every time I hear this question, it pains me deeply. Because when I think about it carefully, although the statement is harsh, it is not entirely without basis. In many ways, the Chinese people do indeed seem to be under the long-term control of a massive and ruthless political machine, living without dignity, without a sense of security, and without true freedom.

The Chinese are among the hardest-working and most resilient people in the world. Countless Chinese work tirelessly from dawn to dusk, scrimping and saving their entire lives, all to provide their families with a stable life. Yet why, even today, do so many Chinese still live with such a heavy burden and such deep oppression? Why is it that an ordinary Chinese person, even after decades of hard work, still dares not speak the truth, dares not openly express their thoughts, and dares not truly possess an independent personality?

The reason is actually not complicated. It is because the Chinese people have never been the true masters of this country. The entity that truly controls this country is the Chinese Communist Party. And the CCP has never been a modern political party in the conventional sense; it is more like a totalitarian interest group built on violence, lies, and fear.

To this day, many people still fail to truly see the true nature of the CCP. From its very inception, it has been steeped in the characteristics of thuggish politics. It seized power through the barrel of a gun, fomented hatred through class struggle, and maintains its rule by constantly instilling fear. One thing it excels at is holding the entire nation hostage, only to then tell the people: “Without the Communist Party, China would descend into chaos.”

This logic is, in essence, no different from that of a kidnapper. A kidnapper points a gun at a hostage’s head and says, “Without my protection, you will die”; the CCP, meanwhile, has long used the slogan “stability trumps all” to trap 1.4 billion Chinese people in a massive political cage.

For decades, the Chinese people have in fact lived in a state of being controlled, managed, and exploited. The Communist Party controls land, the media, education, the judiciary, the internet, and the financial system—and even attempts to control people’s minds. Starting in elementary school, Chinese children are indoctrinated with so-called “love-the-Party education.” The Party deliberately conflates “the nation,” “the people,” and “the Party,” as if opposing the Communist Party were tantamount to opposing China itself.

But the question is: When has the Communist Party ever truly represented the Chinese people?

Do the Chinese people have the right to freely elect their government? Do they have the right to openly criticize the government? Do they have the right to determine the future direction of the nation? Everyone knows the answer.

Ordinary Chinese people can only live cautiously within this system. They study desperately as children, work tirelessly as adults, and then shoulder decades of mortgage debt. Many young people appear to live in big cities filled with skyscrapers, but in reality, they are like screws trapped in a massive machine, never daring to stop. A single instance of unemployment, illness, or an economic crisis can cause an ordinary family’s years of savings to collapse in an instant.

What is even more tragic is that many Chinese people have grown accustomed to this state of affairs. The first thing many parents teach their children from a young age is not “be a person of dignity,” but “never cross the government.” What this reflects, in reality, is the deep-seated fear instilled in an entire society by decades of oppressive rule.

The most insidious aspect of the Chinese Communist Party lies in the fact that while it oppresses the people, it constantly lulls them into complacency with slogans like “national rejuvenation” and “national strength.” It shouts “the people come first” day in and day out, yet those who truly enjoy privileges are always the so-called “Zhao family.”

Ordinary people work themselves to the bone, earning a few thousand yuan a month, while struggling with mortgage payments, tuition fees, and medical bills; while the red elite who hold power have long since transferred their families, assets, and wealth to Western countries. They shout “patriotism” on one hand, while on the other, they ensure their children hold foreign passports, live in mansions, and attend the world’s best schools.

It is always the ordinary Chinese people who remain in China, bearing the brunt of sky-high housing prices, high unemployment rates, and oppressive rule.

What is even more outrageous is that the wealth painstakingly created by the Chinese people has not truly been used for the benefit of the Chinese people themselves. In recent years, one of the CCP’s favorite pastimes has been to take the Chinese people’s money and “splash it around” all over the world. It provides massive aid to foreign governments, helps build infrastructure in other countries, and grants foreign students preferential treatment—often spending tens of billions or even hundreds of billions of dollars at a time.

Yet at the same time, countless people within China are struggling to survive.

Many elderly people in rural areas receive only 100 to 200 yuan a month in pension; many ordinary families are instantly reduced to poverty by a single serious illness; a large number of young people face unemployment immediately after graduation; and countless ordinary people who worked their entire lives to buy a home end up with a construction project that never gets completed.

The Chinese people clearly live in what is called the “world’s second-largest economy,” yet they still lack a basic sense of security.

A truly great nation is not defined by the height of its skyscrapers, the speed of its high-speed trains, or the number of its warships. A truly great nation is one where people can live with dignity, freely express their thoughts, and no longer live in fear of authority.

Yet today’s China increasingly resembles a vast, tightly monitored space. From subway surveillance cameras to real-name registration for mobile phones, from internet censorship to facial recognition, society as a whole is being enveloped layer by layer by technology and power. Many Chinese people are forced to live as two separate personas: their true selves, and the version of themselves that is “permitted to exist.”

“June 4th” stands as the bloodiest testament to this system.

In 1989, tens of thousands of students and Beijing residents took to the streets. They protested corruption, demanded freedom and democracy, and hoped for a better China. They were not rioters; they simply hoped that China would not be ruled forever by a clique of red oligarchs.

But in the end, the Chinese Communist Party answered them with tanks and machine guns.

Thirty-seven years have passed, yet to this day, the CCP still dares not speak openly about “June 4th.” Because “June 4th” is a blood debt this regime can never wash away. It proves one thing: what the Communist Party fears most has never been foreign enemies, but the Chinese people themselves.

Today, more and more Chinese people are beginning to realize that the problem is not a single corrupt official or a single leader, but the system itself. From the very first day of its establishment, this system was not designed to grant freedom to the people, but to ensure the Communist Party’s eternal rule.

Within this system, the people are often merely objects to be mobilized, managed, and exploited. When economic development needs you, you are “the people”; when social stability demands your silence, you can instantly become a “foreign force.”

Therefore, China’s real problem has never been about reform or the lack thereof, but rather that this system—built upon violence, lies, and control—has already reached the end of its historical journey.

As I write these words, another anniversary of “June 4th” is approaching. Thirty-seven years have passed; if those young people who fell on Tiananmen Square back then were still alive today, they would be gray-haired.

But the one thing the Chinese Communist Party fears most has never changed.

That is: the day when the Chinese people no longer live in fear.

Because only when the people are no longer afraid will a China that truly belongs to the people—rather than to the ruling elite—ever have a chance to emerge.

Editor: Huang Jizhou Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing