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2026 藏历新年市集•藏人良心犯迫害实录

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2026 藏历新年市集•藏人良心犯迫害实录

作者:关永杰
编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:钟然 校对:程筱筱 翻译:戈冰

2026年1月18日,在北加州藏人文化中心举办的藏历新年市集中,华语青年挺藏会设立摊位,举办“为藏人政治犯写明信片”活动,呼吁外界关注仍被关押的藏人良心犯处境,并持续关注此前被中共当局逮捕的华语青年挺藏会成员张雅笛。这是该会第二年以此形式表达对藏人追求自由的支持,在去年已经整理出来的20位良心犯资料的基础上,在多方支持与协助下,今年他们新增整理了10位藏人良心犯的简历和案情资料:

2026 藏历新年市集•藏人良心犯迫害实录

1、西绕•降央列谢(Sherab Jamyang Lekshey)四川甘孜州德格县僧人,色达县叶纳寺(Yena Monastery)住持。因反对金沙江“岗托水电站”项目而参与请愿活动,2024 年 2 月遭抓捕。

2、贡布次仁(Gonpo Tsering)四川甘孜州德格县僧人,叶纳寺行政负责(Administrator)。同样因反对金沙江“岗托水电站”项目而参与请愿活动,2024 年 2 月遭抓捕,

3、泽嘎嘉措(Zega Gyatso)青海省果洛藏族自治州同德县僧人,僧侣及宗教教师。2025 年 7 月 2 日被捕,被指控“向境外汇款”等未明确说明的罪名。

4、岗•次仁卓玛(Gang Tsering Drolma)四川甘孜州色达县大则乡岗扎村藏族作家、人权与教育倡导者。长期从事藏语写作、文化保护与社会活动,被指控“分裂国家、危害国家安全”。

5、果•喜绕嘉措(Go Sherab Gyatso,别名:果喜 Goshe)四川阿坝州阿坝县僧人,果喜寺(Goshe Monastery)年轻而有影响力的学者型僧侣,长期致力于佛学与藏族文化传播。曾多次因拒绝“爱国再教育”、出版著作及言论而遭拘押,2021 年 3 月在拉萨被捕,被指控“煽动分裂国家罪”,判处 有期徒刑10 年。

6、岗布优顿(Gangbu Yudrum)四川甘孜州色达县然充乡僧人、作家与文化活动人士。长期致力于藏族文化、教育和环境保护,参与非暴力社会活动。被指控“煽动分裂国家、危害国家安全”,判处 有期徒刑7 年。

7、岗吉•卓巴杰(Gangkyi Drupa Kyab)四川甘孜州德格县人,作家、艺术家,曾任私立学校教师。2013 年起因文学创作与公共表达多次遭到拘押。2015 年、2021 年先后被捕,最终被指控“分裂国家、危害国家安全”,判处有期徒刑 14 年。

8、桑珠(Samdu)四川甘孜州色达县藏族作家、社会活动人士。长期关注藏族语言、教育及社会问题。2012 年起多次被捕,曾因“分裂国家罪”服刑 5 年,获释后再次遭拘押。2021 年 4 月再次被捕,最终被判有期徒刑 8 年,另加剥夺政治权利 2 年。

9、赛朗(Seynam)四川甘孜州色达县然充乡藏人,长期参与藏族教育与环境保护活动。2022 年因组织健康与环保相关的社区活动被拘押。随后被指控“分裂国家罪”,判处 有期徒刑 6 年。

10、阿亚桑扎(Anya Sengdra)青海省果洛州甘德县牧民、环保与反腐败活动人士。2014年起发起“曼珠林(Mangzhul)”组织,揭露非法采矿和腐败问题,多次被捕。

这十位藏人均因非暴力表达、宗教活动、文化保护或社会倡议而被以“分裂国家”“危害国家安全”“非法集会”等模糊罪名判刑或羁押,关押地点主要集中在四川、青海和西藏自治区的监狱系统。多位当事人在羁押期间被报告遭受酷刑、健康恶化或与外界隔绝。

本次活动由华语青年挺藏会发起,组织者包括一名匿名工作人员,以及Pema、段荆棘、小翠、卢克等人,活动吸引了来自不同族裔和背景的民众参与。

活跃于湾区的民主运动人士罗艳丽亦担任义工,与现场民众一同向藏人政治犯书写明信片,表达声援与关怀。

多位中国民主党成员到场支持。董新展在为藏人政治犯写下明信片的同时,也参与并支持了北加州藏人文化中心的义卖活动。

李栩则携带自制标语,在市集现场高举展示,表达对西藏人民争取自由与人权的支持。

此外,周云龙、陈志军携家人一同前来。周云龙表示,他特意带着孩子来参加活动,是希望下一代能够了解,在共产主义极权统治之下,人民如何失去自由,而敢于抗争的人又是如何被囚禁和迫害的。

胡丕政、吴志创、高俊影、周忠玉等多位中国民主党成员也陆续到场,以实际行动声援藏人政治犯及相关人权议题。

活动现场,不同族裔的参与者在摊位前驻足书写明信片。在美国的大陆人、香港人、西藏人以及维吾尔人,尽管语言、文化及经历各不相同,却有着共同的历史记忆与现实处境,都是在不同程度上遭受了中共政权的压迫。对参与者而言,这些寄往监狱系统的明信片,或许无法立刻改变良心犯的处境,但这种对具体个体的关怀,是跨族群之间的相互确认,我们对自由的渴望并不孤单,这些来自海外的关怀,是在提醒外界:那些因表达、信仰与良知而被囚禁的人,并未被世界遗忘。

2026 Tibetan New Year Market • Documentation of Persecution Against Tibetan Prisoners of Conscience

Author: Guan Yongjie

Editor: Hu Lili Managing Editor: Zhong Ran

Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

Abstract: At the 2026 Tibetan New Year Market, the Chinese Youth Stand For Tibet launched a postcard-writing campaign to expose the persecution of ten newly identified Tibetan prisoners of conscience. The initiative calls for attention to the plight of Tibetan political prisoners detained for nonviolent expression, religious beliefs, and cultural activities.

On January 18, 2026, at the Tibetan New Year Fair held at the Tibetan Cultural Center in Northern California, the Chinese Youth Stand For Tibet set up a booth hosting a “Write Postcards for Tibetan Political Prisoners” event. This initiative called for attention to the plight of Tibetan prisoners of conscience still detained and continued concern for Zhang Yadi, a member of the association previously arrested by Chinese authorities. This marks the second consecutive year the group has expressed support for Tibetans’ pursuit of freedom through this initiative. Building upon last year’s compilation of information on 20 prisoners of conscience, with support and assistance from multiple sources, they have added profiles and case details for 10 additional Tibetan prisoners of conscience this year:

2026 藏历新年市集•藏人良心犯迫害实录

1. Sherab Jamyang Lekshey, a monk from Derge County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province, and abbot of Yena Monastery in Serthar County. Arrested in February 2024 for participating in petitions opposing the “Gangtu Hydropower Station” project on the Jinsha River.

2. Gonpo Tsering, a monk from Derge County, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province, and Administrator of Yena Monastery. Also arrested in February 2024 for participating in petitions opposing the Gangtuo Hydropower Station project on the Jinsha River.

3. Zega Gyatso, a monk and religious teacher from Tongde County, Guoluo Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Qinghai Province. Arrested on July 2, 2025, he faces unspecified charges including “sending money abroad.”

4. Gang Tsering Drolma, Tibetan writer and human rights/education advocate from Gangza Village, Daze Township, Serthar County, Gar Prefecture, Sichuan. Long-time practitioner of Tibetan-language writing, cultural preservation, and social activism. Charged with “splitting the nation and endangering national security.”

5. Go Sherab Gyatso (alias Goshe), a monk from Aba County, Aba Prefecture, Sichuan Province, is a young and influential scholar-monk at Goshe Monastery. He has long dedicated himself to disseminating Buddhist teachings and Tibetan culture. He was detained multiple times for refusing “patriotic re-education,” publishing works, and his statements. Arrested in Lhasa in March 2021, he was charged with “inciting secession” and sentenced to 10 years in prison.

6. Gangbu Yudrum, a monk, writer, and cultural activist from Ranchung Township, Serthar County, Garzê Prefecture, Sichuan Province. He has long been committed to Tibetan culture, education, and environmental protection, participating in nonviolent social activities. He was charged with “inciting secession and endangering national security” and sentenced to 7 years in prison.

7. Gangkyi Drupa Kyab, a writer and artist from Derge County, Sichuan’s Ganzi Prefecture, formerly taught at a private school. Since 2013, he has been detained multiple times for his literary work and public expressions. Arrested in 2015 and 2021, he was ultimately charged with “splitting the nation and endangering national security” and sentenced to 14 years in prison.

8. Samdu, a Tibetan writer and social activist from Serta County, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province. He has long focused on Tibetan language, education, and social issues. Arrested multiple times since 2012, he previously served a five-year sentence for “separatism.” After his release, he was detained again. Arrested once more in April 2021, he was ultimately sentenced to eight years in prison plus two years of deprivation of political rights.

9. Seynam, a Tibetan from Ranchung Township, Serta County, Garzê Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan Province, has long been involved in Tibetan education and environmental protection activities. In 2022, he was detained for organizing community activities related to health and environmental protection. He was subsequently charged with “separatism” and sentenced to six years in prison.

10. Anya Sengdra, a herder and environmental/anti-corruption activist from Gande County, Guoluo Prefecture, Qinghai Province. Since 2014, he founded the “Mangzhul” organization to expose illegal mining and corruption, leading to multiple arrests.

These ten Tibetans were sentenced or detained on vague charges such as “splitting the nation,” “endangering national security,” and “illegal assembly” for nonviolent expression, religious activities, cultural preservation, or social advocacy. Their detention centers are primarily concentrated within the prison systems of Sichuan, Qinghai, and the Tibet Autonomous Region. Multiple detainees have been reported to have suffered torture, deteriorating health, or isolation from the outside world during their incarceration.

This event was initiated by the Chinese Youth Stand For Tibet, organized by an anonymous staff member alongside Pema, Duan Jingji, Xiao Cui, Lu Ke, and others. It drew participants from diverse ethnicities and backgrounds.

Bay Area democracy activist Luo Yanli also volunteered, joining attendees in writing postcards to Tibetan political prisoners to express solidarity and concern.

Several members of the China Democracy Party attended to show support. While writing postcards for Tibetan political prisoners, Dong Xinzhan also participated in and supported the North California Tibetan Cultural Center’s charity sale.

Li Xu brought homemade banners, holding them high at the market to express support for the Tibetan people’s struggle for freedom and human rights.

Additionally, Zhou Yunlong and Chen Zhijun attended with their families. Zhou Yunlong stated he deliberately brought his children to the event, hoping the next generation would understand how people lose their freedom under communist totalitarian rule and how those who dare to resist are imprisoned and persecuted.

Several members of the China Democracy Party, including Hu Pizheng, Wu Zhichuang, Gao Junying, and Zhou Zhongyu, also arrived to show solidarity with Tibetan political prisoners and related human rights issues through concrete actions.

At the event, participants from diverse ethnic backgrounds paused at booths to write postcards. Mainland Chinese, Hong Kongers, Tibetans, and Uyghurs in the United States—though differing in language, culture, and experiences—shared common historical memories and present realities, each enduring varying degrees of oppression under the Chinese Communist regime. For participants, these postcards sent to the prison system may not immediately alter the plight of prisoners of conscience. Yet this care for specific individuals represents mutual recognition across ethnic groups—a reminder that our yearning for freedom is not solitary. These expressions of concern from abroad signal to the world: those imprisoned for their speech, beliefs, and conscience have not been forgotten.

王炳章:让策略灵活得使魔鬼迷惑———浙江、山东民运组党的感想之二(1998, 9, 9)

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编辑:冯仍 校对:王滨 翻译:吕峰

浙江的响雷,山东的曙光,使国内公开层面的民运活动提升到一个新的高度,即筹组公开反对党的高度。一个公开的反对党,正在孕育之中。

在专制制度下,催生一个公开的反对党(注意:不是秘密层面的反对党,此问题以后讨论),需要客观和主观的很多条件。这里,我只想谈谈主观因素,即我们民运自身可以掌控的因素。主观因素,包括勇气和策略等。

上一篇文章中,我主要谈的是勇气。我始终坚持,勇气为第一要素,勇气为开路先锋。在当前,勇敢是最大的道德体现。试想,当人们通通勇敢地走向牢房的时候,再专制的牢房都会被踏平,牢房的存在就失去了意义。问题是,有勇气的人,并不是很多。这就涉及到避免或减少镇压损失、让胆量不是那么大的人士也能参与,争取中间人士的同情、争取舆论的支持等一系列的问题,也就是策略问题。

只有勇,没用谋,是政治上的冒险主义;只会谋,缺少勇,是政治上的保守主义。两种倾向都要避免。

策略是桥和船,是抵达彼岸不可或缺的工具。毛泽东讲过:“政策和策略是党的生命” 。这句话有道理,不可因人废言。讲起毛,可能大家还记得四六年的重庆谈判。毛到了重庆,高呼蒋委员长万岁,三民主义万岁,俯首称臣,做了一场漂亮的 “政治秀” 。这是什么?这是策略。毛泽东打江山的一些策略,是成功的。舍之,到不了彼岸,达不成政治目标。

策略之所以运用,乃为绕过礁石,达到彼岸;策略的原则,是削弱对手,壮大自己,争取群众;策略的生命,在于其灵活性。船为绕过礁石,有时必须采取迂回;为了避开浪头,甚至走段回头路。关键是灵活二字。

我们的口号是,让勇气与道义使魔鬼退却;让战略与策略使魔鬼迷惑。

这次,浙江和山东的民运朋友们,在组党过程中的策略表现如何呢?我说,很好。我从天时、地利、人和等角度分析一下。

天时:时间是可以基本由自己掌握的。浙江选在美国总统克林顿访华期间举事;山东选在联合国人权委员会高级专员罗宾森夫人访华前夕响应。两个时间都不错。此时,中共一时不好抓,要给客人一个面子。几天之后,舆论已经造大,也难以下手。下了手,克林顿、罗宾森肯定要表态,中共后患无穷。

地利:浙江和山东都是民运力量比较雄厚的地方。

人和:浙江、山东的民运人士比较团结,心齐。除此之外,人员的分线安排也很有策略,第一线冲出来公开注册,第二线预备,第三、四线人员做后援和后勤。

提法:浙江明确表示尊重中国宪法,用“和平、理性、非暴力”的原则,推动中国大陆的民主化。山东的组党申请提出,尊重江泽民的国家元首地位,承认中共为执政党。这是毛泽东教出来的招术:“打着红旗反红旗” 。中共心知肚明,但是又不好说。棋下到这个地步,可说是出自高手。

做法:完全公开、合法、合中共的法。注册人员公开、纲领公开、做法公开。除了注册外,浙江朱康大还上街公开散发了上千份的“宣言”。王有才和王东海等人被抓后,二线人员通过合法手段申请示威抗议,明知得不到批准,但造成舆论,争取了同情。合法斗争还有一着:法律抗争。你不是有法吗?我就来个以法抗争。为此,各地民运人士组成了法律后援会,二、三线人员给被捕者聘请了律师。如果中共审判王有才,一场法律大战不可避免。其它的做法,如声援灾区、谴责印尼屠华等,不仅合法,而且得分。

总之,这次浙江和山东民运在策略上的操作,可圈可点,给后继者提供了不少借鉴。当策略灵活得使魔鬼迷惑时,我们算是相当地成功了。

前面还有很多弯路,还有很多浪头,还要设计一系列的策略。勇气带动下的策略运用,仍须我们仔细探讨。

(作者为中国之春创办人,现任民主正义党发言人)(1998, 9, 9)

Wang Bingzhang: Let Flexibility in Tactics Confound the Devil— Reflections No. 2 from the Zhejiang and Shandong pro-democracy Party-building groups(September 9, 1998)

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Lyu Feng

The thunder in Zhejiang and the dawn in Shandong have elevated open pro-democracy activities inside the country to a new level—the level of organizing an open opposition party. A public opposition party is now in gestation.

Under an authoritarian system, the birth of an open opposition party (note: not one operating underground; that issue can be discussed later) requires many objective and subjective conditions. Here I want to speak only about the subjective factors, those that we in the pro-democracy movement can control. These include courage and tactics.

In my previous article, I focused mainly on courage. I have always maintained that courage is the primary element, the pioneer that clears the way. At present, bravery is the greatest moral expression. Imagine: if people were to walk toward prison cells with courage, even the most repressive prisons would be trampled flat, and their existence would lose meaning. The problem is that there are not many people with such courage. This brings up how to avoid or reduce the costs of repression, how to enable those with less boldness to participate, how to win the sympathy of the middle ground, and how to gain support from public opinion—in other words, questions of tactics.

Courage without strategy becomes political adventurism; strategy without courage becomes political conservatism. Both tendencies must be avoided.

Tactics are the bridges and boats—indispensable tools for reaching the other shore. Mao Zedong once said, “Policy and tactics are the life of the Party.” There is truth in that statement; one should not reject words simply because of who said them. Speaking of Mao, many may remember the Chongqing negotiations in 1946. When Mao arrived in Chongqing, he shouted, “Long live Chairman Chiang! Long live the Three Principles of the People!” bowing his head in submission and putting on a splendid political show. What was that? It was tactics. Some of Mao Zedong’s strategies in seizing power were successful. Without them, he could not have reached the other shore or achieved his political objectives.

Tactics are employed to bypass reefs and arrive at the destination. Their principle is to weaken the opponent, strengthen oneself, and win over the masses. The vitality of tactics lies in flexibility. To steer around reefs, a boat sometimes must take a detour; to avoid high waves, it may even have to retrace part of its path. The key word is flexibility.

Our slogan is: let courage and moral righteousness force the devil to retreat; let strategy and tactics confound the devil.

So how did our friends in Zhejiang and Shandong perform tactically during their party-building efforts? I would say: very well. Let me analyze this from the perspectives of timing, geographic advantage, and unity among people.

Timing: The moment can largely be chosen by oneself. Zhejiang acted during U.S. President Clinton’s visit to China; Shandong responded on the eve of the visit by U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson. Both moments were excellent. At such times, the authorities would find it inconvenient to make arrests—they must give face to their guests. A few days later, public opinion had already grown, making action more difficult. If arrests were made, Clinton and Robinson would surely have to respond, leaving the authorities with endless troubles.

Geographic advantage: Both Zhejiang and Shandong are places where the pro-democracy movement is relatively strong.

Unity: Activists in Zhejiang and Shandong are relatively united and of one mind. In addition, the arrangement of personnel into different lines was also strategic: the first line stepped forward to register publicly; the second line stood ready; the third and fourth lines provided support and logistics.

Formulation of demands: Zhejiang clearly expressed respect for China’s Constitution and advocated promoting democratization on the mainland through the principles of “peace, rationality, and non-violence.” Shandong’s application for party formation stated respect for Jiang Zemin’s position as head of state and recognized the Communist Party as the ruling party. This is a tactic taught by Mao Zedong: “opposing the red flag while carrying the red flag.” The authorities understand perfectly well, yet they find it hard to object. To reach this stage in the game can truly be called the work of masters.

Methods: Completely open, legal, and in accordance with the authorities’ own laws. The registrants were public, the platform was public, and the methods were public. Beyond registration, Zhu Kangda in Zhejiang even went into the streets and distributed thousands of copies of a “Declaration.” After Wang Youcai and Wang Donghai were arrested, second-line personnel applied through legal channels for demonstrations and protests. They knew approval would not be granted, but they created public opinion and gained sympathy. There is another move in lawful struggle: legal resistance. Don’t you have laws? Then we will use the law to resist. To this end, activists in various places formed legal support groups, and second- and third-line personnel hired lawyers for those arrested. If the authorities put Wang Youcai on trial, a major legal battle would be unavoidable. Other actions, such as supporting disaster areas and condemning anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia, were not only legal but also earned moral credit.

In sum, the tactical operations of the Zhejiang and Shandong activists this time were highly commendable and provide many lessons for those who follow. When tactics are flexible enough to confound the devil, we can say we are considerably successful.

There are still many bends ahead, many waves, and many more strategies to design. Under the impetus of courage, the application of tactics remains something we must continue to explore carefully.

(The author is the founder of China Spring and currently serves as spokesperson for the Democratic Justice Party.)(September 9, 1998)

洛杉矶 2月8日 《全球觉醒》 第五十八期

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洛杉矶 2月8日 《全球觉醒》 第五十八期
洛杉矶 2月8日 《全球觉醒》 第五十八期

《全球覺醒》第五十八期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

📢 活動主題:抗議中共迫害調查記者、全面封殺輿論監督

近期,中國調查記者劉虎與知名自媒體人巫英蛟,因發表揭露地方官員濫權的調查文章,先後遭到成都警方抓捕與跨省帶走,並在過程中受到中共紀委監委的直接警告。此舉再次證明,在中國,說出真相本身就被視為一種“罪行”。

劉虎被譽為“中國調查新聞最後一面大旗”,曾多次以實名方式揭露高級官員貪腐。2013年,他被羈押346天,最終無罪並獲得國家賠償,這本應成為法治進步的標誌。然而今天,歷史正在倒退,同樣的迫害再次上演。

巫英蛟長期關注法治與公共利益議題,透過自媒體發佈深度調查內容,與多位記者合作揭示地方黑箱操作。正因如此,他成為被打壓的對象,被警力帶走、被迫噤聲。

這起事件,並非個案,而是中共系統性打壓新聞自由、消滅獨立聲音的一部分。當紀委取代法院,警察取代法律,輿論監督就被徹底清除。沒有監督的權力,必然走向失控;沒有自由的社會,只剩恐懼與沉默。

然而,真相不會因抓捕而消失,自由也不會因恐嚇而終結。打壓記者,只會讓世界更清楚地看見中共的獨裁本質。

📣 我們嚴正呼籲:

立即釋放劉虎!立即釋放巫英蛟!

立即停止對記者、寫作者與公民的政治迫害!

恢復基本新聞自由,停止以維穩之名踐踏人權!

✊ 我們的口號:

✊ 新聞無罪!寫作無罪!

✊ 真相無罪!良心無罪!

✊ 停止迫害!釋放良心犯!

✊ 中國不等於中共!自由屬於人民!

時間:2026年2月8日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:劉廣賢/廖軍

活動規劃:孙晔/張維清

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

胡月明4806536918 /李錦華9092207666

陳冬梅6193503688 /陈健6266178615

黄思博 6262345396 / 王文 6262723851

活動義工:于海龍/周蘭英/王彪 / 張帥/鐘文/杜吉平/付靜爭

攝影:Ji Luo /王永 /張允密

主辦單位:

中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

洛杉矶 2月8日 第776次茉莉花行动公告

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洛杉矶 2月8日 第776次茉莉花行动公告
洛杉矶 2月8日 第776次茉莉花行动公告

第776次茉莉花行动公告—

纪念疫情吹哨人李文亮医生

并追责中共隐瞒新冠疫情

2020年2月7日凌晨,

武汉医生 李文亮 因感染新冠病毒去世,年仅34岁。

在疫情初期,他基于专业判断提醒同事注意“未知肺炎”的风险,

却因此遭到训诫、压制,被迫沉默。

他的善意与责任,最终以生命为代价。

我们必须清醒地看到:

新冠病毒的全球灾难,

并非天灾,而是人祸。

中共当局在疫情初期:

• 压制吹哨人

• 封锁关键信息

• 打压专业警示

• 对内维稳、对外隐瞒

直接导致疫情失控、全球蔓延,

无数生命因此付出无法挽回的代价。

李文亮医生的死亡,

不仅是个人悲剧,

更是制度性掩盖真相的结果。

今天,我们站出来纪念他,

不是为了延续悲情,

而是为了追问责任、守住底线:

• 说真话无罪

• 掩盖真相必须追责

• 一个健康的社会,不该只有一种声音

李文亮医生用生命告诉我们:

诚实,本身就是对社会最基本的善意。

我们的纪念,是对逝者的尊重,

也是对未来的警告——

让说真话的人不再孤独,

让掩盖真相的政权无法逃避责任。

活动 地点:洛杉矶中国领事馆

时间:2026年2月8日下午2点

活动发起人:杨长兵 张宇 毛一炜 曾群兰

活动组织:马群 赵叶 黄娟 牟宗强

策划:赵贵玲、韩震、王灵

活动现场负责人:倪世成 卓皓然

活动主持人:张宇(女) 张晓丽

摄影摄像:陀先润 李语心

秩序维护义工:康余 陳信男

物料义工:王乐 郑洲

海报设计:张致君

为什么中国人大多是无神论者?从中共操控文化与信仰的视角看

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作者:杨辰 编辑:冯仍 校对:程筱筱 翻译:周敏

在知乎上,一个热门问题引发了不少讨论:“为什么大多数中国人都是无神论者?”西方人眼中,中国人似乎缺乏信仰,但这其实是中共长期洗脑和操控的结果。中国人的“无神论”不是自然演化,而是被中共强加的意识形态枷锁,根植于几千年的历史文化,却被扭曲成服务于极权统治的工具。这篇文章从中西方差异入手,揭露中共如何通过压制宗教、推广唯物主义来维持控制,或许能撕开一些伪装的面纱。

拿史前大洪水的神话来说明中西方差异吧。西方传说中,上帝看到人间罪恶,便降下洪水惩罚,只怜悯诺亚一家,让他们建造方舟逃过一劫。这反映出西方文化中,神是绝对主宰,一切源于神的意志,强调个人与神明的精神连接。而在中国神话里,大禹带领民众艰苦奋斗,堵塞洪水、疏通河道,最终战胜灾害。这本是“人定胜天”的积极理念,但中共却将其篡改为集体主义神话,宣扬“群众力量”,实则掩盖他们对民众的奴役。中共的教育体系从小学起就灌输这些故事,不是为了启发独立思考,而是为了培养对党的盲从,让人民相信只有在党的领导下才能“战胜天灾”——就像他们宣传的抗疫“胜利”一样,忽略了无数被掩盖的悲剧。

许多人天真地认为中国人不信神是因为共产主义和马克思主义强调无神论,但这正是中共的宣传伎俩。实际上,中共正是利用中国历史文化的土壤,将无神论作为武器,摧毁传统信仰,代之以对党的崇拜。中国神话中神仙众多,道教有玉皇大帝、太上老君,佛教有如来佛祖、观音菩萨,还有财神爷、土地公等,各司其职。但在中共统治下,这些被贬为“封建迷信”,民众与神的关系被扭曲成“交易”:人敬神,神须服务。但中共不允许任何“神”凌驾于党之上,他们摧毁寺庙、迫害信徒,将宗教变成可控的工具。西方人祈祷是“上帝赐我力量,感谢上帝”,成功归功于神,失败自责。中国人求愿后,若实现就还愿,若不成则换庙——但在中共时代,连这点自由都被剥夺,寺庙成了党的宣传阵地,僧侣被迫学习“习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想”。

举些例子就能看出这种扭曲。华北“晒龙王”的习俗,本是民间对神明的“讨说法”,但中共视之为“落后风俗”,在文革中被砸烂。民国军阀张宗昌炮轰龙王求雨的事儿,虽荒唐,却体现了不畏“神权”的民间精神;如今,中共却用“人工降雨”技术自夸“科技兴国”,实则在新疆等地用高科技监控宗教少数民族。乐山大佛因有“实绩”而受维护,但中共在西藏摧毁无数寺庙,强迫喇嘛“爱国爱党”,将宗教遗产变成旅游道具。动画《哪吒》里那句“拜了三年,生不出来,我砸了这破庙”,在今天会被审查为“负面能量”,因为它挑战权威——而中共最怕的就是人民挑战党的“神圣”地位。

中国人拜神多为实用主义,“无事不登三宝殿”,但中共将此妖魔化为“唯物主义胜利”,实则通过“破四旧”运动摧毁了亿万人的精神家园。西方人难懂这种模式,故觉得中国人敬神却不信神。但真相是,中共不允许真信神,因为那会分散对党的忠诚。少数虔诚信徒?他们被监视、关押,如法轮功学员或地下基督徒。汉字象形说有道理,难有统一一神教,但商朝的鬼神崇拜被周灭商后理性化——可惜中共篡改历史,将周易变成“辩证唯物主义”的伪装,废人祭是进步,但中共的“阶级斗争”造成更多死亡。

如今中国人“信仰”祖先,烧纸钱祭祖,但中共连这都控制:清明节被宣传为“文明祭扫”,禁止“迷信活动”。国外烧冥币潮流有趣,但在中国,中共用“无神论”教育从小洗脑,让人民无处寄托,只剩对党的“感恩”。中国人并非无信仰,而是被中共剥夺了自由信仰。王权大于神权的历史,被中共放大成极权大于一切,四次灭佛不过是小巫见大巫——想想新疆的再教育营、基督教会的“三自”控制。相比西方神明,中国人被逼信“伟大领袖”,这不是文化自信,而是极权奴役。在当下,这“无神论”不过是中共维持统治的谎言,唤醒需要真相。

Why Are Most Chinese People Atheists? From the Perspective of the CCP’s Manipulation of Culture and Belief

Author: Yang Chen Editor: Feng Reng Proofreading: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translation: Zhou Min

On Zhihu Q&A platform, a trending question sparked considerable discussion: “Why are most Chinese people atheists?” In the eyes of Westerners, Chinese people seem to lack faith, but this is actually the result of the CCP’s long-term brainwashing and manipulation. The “atheism” of the Chinese people is not a natural evolution, but an ideological shackle imposed by the CCP; it is rooted in thousands of years of history and culture, yet distorted into a tool serving totalitarian rule. This article starts with the differences between the East and the West to reveal how the CCP maintains control by suppressing religion and promoting materialism, perhaps tearing away some of the camouflaged veils.

Let’s use the myth of the Great Flood to illustrate the differences between China and the West. In Western legends, when God saw the wickedness of the world, He sent a flood to punish it, showing mercy only to Noah’s family and allowing them to build an ark to escape. This reflects that in Western culture, God is the absolute master, and everything originates from God’s will, emphasizing the spiritual connection between the individual and the divine. In Chinese mythology, however, Da Yu (Yu the Great) led the people in arduous struggle, blocking the flood and dredging river channels to eventually overcome the disaster. This was originally a positive concept of “man’s determination can conquer heaven,” but the CCP has distorted it into a collectivist myth, promoting “the power of the masses” to actually cover up their enslavement of the people. The CCP’s education system instills these stories from primary school onward, not to inspire independent thinking, but to cultivate blind obedience to the Party, making the people believe that only under the Party’s leadership can they “overcome natural disasters”—just like the “victory” in the anti-epidemic fight they promote, while ignoring the countless covered-up tragedies.

Many people naively believe that Chinese people do not believe in God because Communism and Marxism emphasize atheism, but this is precisely the CCP’s propaganda trick. In fact, the CCP utilizes the soil of Chinese history and culture to use atheism as a weapon to destroy traditional beliefs and replace them with worship of the Party. Chinese mythology has numerous deities: Taoism has the Jade Emperor and Taishang Laojun; Buddhism has the Buddha and Guanyin Bodhisattva; and there are also the God of Wealth, the Earth God, and others, each with their own duties. But under CCP rule, these are disparaged as “feudal superstition,” and the relationship between the people and the gods is distorted into a “transaction”: people respect the gods, and the gods must serve. However, the CCP does not allow any “God” to stand above the Party; they destroy temples, persecute believers, and turn religion into a controllable tool. When Westerners pray, it is “God give me strength, thank God”; success is credited to God, and failure results in self-reflection. When Chinese people make a wish, if it comes true, they fulfill their vow; if it does not, they switch temples—but in the CCP era, even this bit of freedom is stripped away. Temples have become the Party’s propaganda fronts, and monks are forced to study “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.”

A few examples reveal this distortion. The custom of “sunning the Dragon King” in North China was originally a folk way of “demanding an explanation” from the deity, but the CCP regards it as a “backward custom,” and it was smashed during the Cultural Revolution. The story of the Republic-era warlord Zhang Zongchang shelling the Dragon King to pray for rain, though absurd, reflected a folk spirit that did not fear “theocratic power”; today, the CCP uses “artificial rain” technology to boast about “strengthening the country through science and technology,” while in reality using high-tech to monitor religious minorities in places like Xinjiang. The Leshan Giant Buddha is maintained because it has “actual results” (as a tourist attraction), but the CCP has destroyed countless temples in Tibet, forced lamas to be “patriotic and love the Party,” and turned religious heritage into tourism props. The line “I’ve worshipped for three years, yet I can’t give birth; I’ll smash this broken temple” in the animation Nezha would be censored today as “negative energy” because it challenges authority—and what the CCP fears most is the people challenging the “sacred” status of the Party.

The Chinese people’s worship of gods is mostly pragmatic—”one does not visit the temple unless there is a need”—but the CCP demonizes this as a “victory for materialism.” In reality, through the “Four Olds” movement, they destroyed the spiritual home of hundreds of millions. Westerners find it difficult to understand this pattern, so they feel that Chinese people respect gods but do not believe in them. But the truth is, the CCP does not allow true belief in God because that would disperse loyalty to the Party. What about the few devout believers? They are monitored and imprisoned, such as Falun Gong practitioners or underground Christians. There is logic in the theory that the pictographic nature of Chinese characters makes it difficult to have a unified monotheism, and the worship of ghosts and gods in the Shang Dynasty was rationalized after the Zhou defeated the Shang—unfortunately, the CCP falsifies history, turning the I Ching into a disguise for “dialectical materialism.” Abolishing human sacrifice was progress, but the CCP’s “class struggle” has caused even more deaths.

Today, Chinese people “believe” in their ancestors and burn joss paper to pay respects, but the CCP controls even this: the Qingming Festival is promoted as “civilized tomb-sweeping,” and “superstitious activities” are prohibited. The trend of burning “Hell Bank Notes” abroad is interesting, but in China, the CCP uses “atheist” education to brainwash from childhood, leaving the people with nowhere to place their spirit except for “gratitude” toward the Party. It is not that the Chinese people have no faith, but that they have been deprived of the freedom of belief by the CCP. The history of “royal power being greater than divine power” has been magnified by the CCP into “totalitarianism being greater than everything.” The four historical persecutions of Buddhism were small compared to this—consider the re-education camps in Xinjiang and the “Three-Self” control over Christian churches. Compared to Western deities, the Chinese people are forced to believe in the “Great Leader.” This is not cultural confidence; it is totalitarian slavery. At present, this “atheism” is merely a lie used by the CCP to maintain its rule; awakening requires the truth.

领事馆前的追问

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——第773次茉莉花行动:关于校园死亡、未成年人生命与被封存的真相

采访 / 整理:胡景 编辑:李聪玲 校对:冯仍 翻译:周敏

在中国驻洛杉矶领事馆前,第773次茉莉花行动如期举行。

这一次,行动的焦点并非某一具体个案,而是一个反复出现、却始终无法被完整回答的问题——中国校园与未成年人“非正常死亡”事件,为何信息总是迅速被封锁?同时公权力机关对家属进行全力打压?

由于事发地在中国大陆,我们无法去现场采访受害者家属或相关学校人员。本次采访对象,均为长期关注中国人权问题的海外民运与异见人士。他们虽不掌握现场证据,却坚持发声,持续追问那些被制度性掩盖的疑点。

“这不是孤立事件,而是一种反复出现的处理模式。”中国民主党党员黄娟指出,校园与青少年“非正常死亡”案件,在处理方式上呈现出高度一致的结构性特征。她表示,从公开案例与长期观察来看,多个事件中都出现了相似情形:结论被迅速定性为“自杀”或“意外”,关键证据无法核查,监控缺失,尸检、调查过程不透明,而家属及群众的合理质疑,却往往被迅速地纳入“维稳”框架。

“虽然这并不意味着每一个个案背后都有阴谋,但它清楚地说明,真相发现机制存在严重的结构性缺陷。”在黄娟看来,真正的区别不在于“是否发生意外”,而在于事后是否允许对事件进行独立调查、证据是否可复核、结论是否可以被质疑。而在这些案件中,处理目标往往着眼于“降温”和“风险控制”,而非最大限度地还原事实。

“为什么信息被封锁,而且几乎成了常态?”针对信息封锁与对家属的打压,黄娟直言,这并非个别失误,而是一种制度性结果。

未成年人死亡问题高度敏感,不只是因为未成年人处于生命最健康的时期,更因为未成年人是一个家庭的未来,一个家庭的希望。一旦信息公开,极可能引发舆情扩散乃至公众问责。在权力与程序严重不对等的情况下,证据掌握在校方或官方手中,家属却缺乏最基本的调查渠道。当“控制后果”被置于“查明真相”之前,封锁与压制便成了惯性选择。也正因如此,这类事件不断引发公众对“活摘器官”的持续质疑。

“当遗体处理高度封闭、证据无法核查时,客观上已经无法排除最严重的可能性。”“体制拒绝透明,不但无法自证清白,反而不断强化了最严重的指控。”

“如果我们不说话,这个社会就只剩下恐惧。”站在领事馆前的中国民主党党员朱晓娜,从个人经历与一个母亲的视角给出了另一种回答。她说,自己之所以参加这次茉莉花行动,是因为“真的忍不住了”。“一次、两次、三次……太多生命就这样被‘处理掉’,连一个说清楚的机会都没有。”在她看来,校园本应是最安全的地方,而现实却恰恰相反。当孩子在校园里出事,却一次次在沉默中“结案”,当真相被迅速封存、讨论被迅速压制,那种冷漠本身,就是对社会良知的摧毁。她坦言,站出来并非因为不害怕。但更让人害怕的,是未来有一天,当我们回头看时,明明知道不对,却选择了躲开、装作没看见,那是对一个人良心的摧残。但她拒绝被贴上“激进”的标签,因为“真正激进的,是一个连孩子都保护不了的制度。如果在中国,说一句真话是安全的,那么谁还会站在这里?又有谁愿意跨越千山万水,选择背井离乡?”

“我曾经也是那个‘什么都不知道的人’”,中国民主党党员刘芳的发言,则从“无知”开始。她说,在自己还生活在中国时,自己和绝大多数普通人一样,几乎完全不知道活摘器官的问题。新闻中只会强调“成功移植”、“医学进步”,却从不解释:器官是谁的?它从哪里来?为什么来得这么快?

真正的冲击,发生在她来到美国之后。通过接触法轮功组织、查阅大量公开资料、调查报告、证词与医学数据,她一点一点接近了那个从未被允许知道的现实。“这个过程对我来说是非常可怕的,因为我发现,这些事情不是发生在某个陌生的地方,而是发生在我熟悉的城市、医院,发生在我曾经生活的制度里。”她曾经以为,受害者只是被标签化的“少数人”。但后来意识到一个令人毛骨悚然的事实——中国大陆就是现实版的《一九八四》,在这样的极权体制下,每一个普通人,都可能成为潜在受害者,成为待宰羔羊。

她向我们提出了一连串无法被回避的问题:在中国,一个普通的十字路口都可以布满十几个监控,那么——为什么一个孩子在校园里死亡,真相却可以消失?为什么遗体可以在未经家属同意的情况下被转移?监控去了哪里?记录去了哪里?责任又去了哪里?

刘芳还从医学常识的角度指出:器官离体后的存活时间是以小时计算的,而血液配型、交叉配型、运输与手术准备,并不存在所谓的“科学奇迹”。然而这一切是如何安排的这么“井井有条”的?是谁把这样的链条安排的如此“天衣无缝”?所以“这不是技术问题,而是制度问题。”

面对“海外民运没有一手证据却不断发声”的质疑,黄娟的回答直指要害:在一个证据被系统性控制的环境中,要求“先有铁证再发声”,本身就是不可能完成的任务。

海外民运的意义,不在于替代司法定罪,而在于持续记录被压制的疑点,一起发声要求独立调查,防止沉默成为常态,从而尽最大的可能还原真相。“如果今天不追问,真相就会被永久掩埋,责任也会被消失,而风险则会被不断地复制。”

领事馆前的这场抗议并非为了制造对立,更不意味着对抗,而是一种坚持——在一个连追问都是有罪的社会环境之外,为那些再也无法开口的孩子发声,替那些被迫沉默的家属发声,向世界提出两个我们必须直面的问题:

他们到底是怎么死的?

中共何时会公开相关真相?

Questioning in Front of the Consulate

— The 773rd Jasmine Action: Regarding Campus Deaths, the Lives of Minors, and the Sealed Truth

Abstract: The 773rd Jasmine Action was held in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, focusing on the long-standing issues of information blockade, lack of transparency in investigations, and the suppression of family members regarding unnatural deaths of minors and incidents on Chinese campuses. Overseas dissidents called for independent investigations and sought the truth that has been sealed away.

Interview / Compilation: Hu Jing Editor: Li Congling Proofreading: Feng Reng Translation: Zhou Min

The 773rd Jasmine Action was held as scheduled in front of the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in Los Angeles.

This time, the focus of the action was not a specific individual case, but a recurring question that has never been fully answered: Why is information regarding “unnatural deaths” on Chinese campuses and involving minors always swiftly blockaded? At the same time, why do public security organs exert full efforts to suppress the families?

Because the events take place in Mainland China, we are unable to interview the victims’ families or relevant school personnel on-site. The interviewees for this report are all overseas pro-democracy and dissident figures who have long monitored Chinese human rights issues. Although they do not possess on-site evidence, they persist in speaking out and continuing to question the doubts that are institutionally covered up.

“This is not an isolated incident, but a recurring pattern of handling,” noted Huang Juan, a member of the China Democracy Party. She pointed out that cases of “unnatural deaths” on campuses and among teenagers exhibit highly consistent structural characteristics in how they are handled. She stated that based on public cases and long-term observation, similar situations have appeared in multiple incidents: conclusions are quickly labeled as “suicide” or “accident,” key evidence cannot be verified, surveillance footage goes missing, and the autopsy and investigation processes are opaque. Meanwhile, the reasonable doubts of family members and the public are often swiftly incorporated into a “stability maintenance” framework.

“While this does not mean every individual case has a conspiracy behind it, it clearly illustrates that the truth-discovery mechanism has serious structural flaws,” in Huang Juan’s view. The real difference does not lie in “whether an accident occurred,” but in whether independent investigations are permitted after the fact, whether evidence is reviewable, and whether conclusions can be questioned. In these cases, the handling objectives are often aimed at “cooling down the situation” and “risk control,” rather than maximizing the restoration of facts.

“Why is information blockaded, and why has it become almost a norm?” Regarding the information blockade and the suppression of families, Huang Juan stated directly that this is not an individual error, but an institutional result.

The issue of the death of minors is highly sensitive, not only because minors are in the healthiest period of their lives, but also because they represent the future and hope of a family. Once information is made public, it is extremely likely to trigger the spread of public opinion and even public accountability. In a situation where power and procedures are severely unequal, evidence is held in the hands of the school or officials, while families lack the most basic channels for investigation. When “controlling consequences” is placed ahead of “finding the truth,” blockade and suppression become the habitual choice. It is precisely because of this that such incidents continuously trigger public suspicion regarding “forced organ harvesting.”

“When the handling of remains is highly closed and evidence cannot be verified, it becomes objectively impossible to rule out the most serious possibilities.” “The system’s refusal to be transparent not only fails to prove its innocence but instead continuously strengthens the most serious accusations.”

“If we do not speak, this society will be left with nothing but fear.” Standing in front of the consulate, Zhu Xiaona, a member of the China Democracy Party, provided another answer from her personal experience and the perspective of a mother. She said she participated in this Jasmine Action because she “really couldn’t bear it anymore.” “One, two, three times… too many lives are ‘disposed of’ just like that, without even a chance to explain clearly.” In her view, a campus should be the safest place, yet reality is exactly the opposite. When something happens to a child on campus and the case is “closed” repeatedly in silence, when the truth is quickly sealed and discussion is quickly suppressed, that coldness itself is the destruction of social conscience. She admitted that she did not stand out because she wasn’t afraid. But what is more frightening is that one day in the future, when we look back, knowing something was wrong but choosing to avoid it or pretend not to see it—that is the destruction of a person’s conscience. However, she refuses to be labeled as “radical,” because “what is truly radical is a system that cannot even protect children. If it were safe to tell the truth in China, who would still be standing here? And who would be willing to cross thousands of miles and choose to leave their homeland?”

“I used to be that person who ‘knew nothing,'” began the speech of Liu Fang, a member of the China Democracy Party. She said that while she still lived in China, she, like the vast majority of ordinary people, knew almost nothing about the issue of organ harvesting. The news would only emphasize “successful transplants” and “medical progress,” but never explained: Whose organs were they? Where did they come from? Why did they come so quickly?

The real shock happened after she arrived in the United States. By coming into contact with Falun Gong organizations and reviewing large amounts of public materials, investigation reports, testimonies, and medical data, she bit by bit approached the reality she was never allowed to know. “This process was very terrifying for me because I discovered that these things were not happening in some strange place, but in the cities and hospitals I was familiar with, and within the system I once lived in.” She once thought victims were just a labeled “minority.” But she later realized a hair-raising fact—Mainland China is a real-life version of 1984. Under such a totalitarian system, every ordinary person could become a potential victim, a lamb to be slaughtered.

She posed a series of unavoidable questions to us: In China, an ordinary intersection can be covered with over a dozen surveillance cameras, so—why can the truth disappear when a child dies on campus? Why can remains be transferred without the family’s consent? Where did the surveillance go? Where did the records go? Where did the accountability go?

Liu Fang also pointed out from the perspective of medical common sense: The survival time of an organ after leaving the body is measured in hours, and blood matching, cross-matching, transportation, and surgical preparation do not involve so-called “scientific miracles.” Yet how is all of this arranged so “orderly”? Who arranged such a chain to be so “seamless”? Therefore, “this is not a technical problem, but an institutional problem.”

Facing the skepticism that “overseas pro-democracy movements lack first-hand evidence yet continue to speak out,” Huang Juan’s answer hit the nail on the head: In an environment where evidence is systematically controlled, demanding “ironclad evidence before speaking” is itself an impossible task.

The significance of the overseas pro-democracy movement does not lie in replacing judicial sentencing, but in continuously recording the doubts that are suppressed, speaking out together to demand independent investigations, and preventing silence from becoming the norm, thereby doing the utmost to restore the truth. “If we do not question today, the truth will be permanently buried, responsibility will disappear, and risks will be continuously replicated.”

This protest in front of the consulate is not intended to create confrontation, nor does it signify opposition; rather, it is a form of persistence—to speak for those children who can no longer speak, and for those families who are forced into silence, outside of a social environment where even questioning is a crime, posing two questions to the world that we must face directly:

How exactly did they die?

When will the CCP make the relevant truth public?

国际人权日—自由雕塑公园民主先驱墙落成典礼

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国际人权日—自由雕塑公园民主先驱墙落成典礼
国际人权日—自由雕塑公园民主先驱墙落成典礼

2025年国际人权日,洛杉矶自由雕塑公园“民主运动先驱墙”落成,各界民运人士怀着敬仰的心情前往缅怀逝者,仰慕先贤。

自由雕塑公园陈维明慷慨陈词,几度哽咽。特别强调海外民运的根在国内,这是国内民主人士无畏不屈的精神,使中共成为过街老鼠,为千夫所指,随时面临着崩溃。

失踪八年的高志晟律师太太耿和在揭幕仪式上深情发言感人至深,令人唏嘘不已。先驱墙的建成使众多被中共刻意湮没的名字为世人所知,先驱墙是中共人权罪行的铁证。

年轻的中国民主党党员为先驱墙献上自己的歌舞。莫使青史尽成灰,这是世界上第一块中国民运之碑,不久的将来,这块丰碑会矗立在九州大地之上。

在中共六四大屠杀的魔爪下死里逃生的方政长途驱车出席了先驱墙落成典礼。希望民主的火炬由年轻人继续传承下去,在百年不遇之大变局中建功立业。

去年虎口脱险的朱虞夫面对先驱墙上的众多战友感慨良多。高度赞扬陈维明建立的这堵先驱墙是海内外民运的桥梁和纽带。在揭幕仪式上,当亮闪闪的不锈钢铭牌展现在大家面前时,参会者掌声雷动、热泪盈眶,这里有民运先辈最详实的个人资料。

《在野党》杂志社翻译部部长刘芳博士,抓住这个难得的机会,与典礼嘉宾王丹合影,这是一堂最生动的民运知识课,年轻人在这里补上了中国现代史缺失的重要内容。

International Human Rights Day: Dedication Ceremony of the Democracy Pioneers Wall at Liberty Sculpture Park

国际人权日—自由雕塑公园民主先驱墙落成典礼

On International Human Rights Day 2025, the “Wall of Pioneers of the Democratic Movement” was inaugurated at Liberty Sculpture Park in Los Angeles. Democracy activists from diverse backgrounds gathered with deep reverence to commemorate those who had passed and to honor the pioneers who came before them.

At Liberty Sculpture Park, Chen Weiming delivered an impassioned address, breaking down in tears several times. He stressed in particular that the roots of the overseas pro-democracy movement lie within China itself, and that it is the fearless and unyielding spirit of domestic democracy advocates that has rendered the Chinese Communist Party widely reviled, the target of universal condemnation, and constantly confronted with the risk of collapse.

Geng He, the wife of human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng, who has been missing for eight years, delivered a deeply moving speech at the unveiling ceremony, leaving many profoundly touched and filled with sorrow. The completion of the Pioneers Wall has brought to light numerous names deliberately erased by the Chinese Communist Party, and the wall stands as irrefutable evidence of the CCP’s human rights crimes.

Young members of the China Democracy Party presented their songs and dances in tribute to the Pioneers Wall. “Let not the pages of history be reduced to ashes”—this is the world’s first monument dedicated to China’s pro-democracy movement, and in the not-too-distant future, this monumental testament will stand upon the land of China itself.

Fang Zheng, who narrowly escaped death under the brutal crackdown of the Chinese Communist Party during the June Fourth massacre, drove a long distance to attend the inauguration ceremony of the Pioneers Wall. He expressed the hope that the torch of democracy would be carried forward by the younger generation, enabling them to rise to the occasion and make historic contributions amid the once-in-a-century transformation of the world.

Zhu Yufu, who narrowly escaped death last year, stood before the Pioneers Wall bearing the names of so many comrades-in-arms and was filled with deep emotion. He spoke highly of the wall established by Chen Weiming, praising it as a vital bridge and bond linking the pro-democracy movements inside and outside China. At the unveiling ceremony, as the gleaming stainless-steel plaques were revealed, thunderous applause erupted and many in attendance were moved to tears, for the wall preserves the most comprehensive personal records of the pioneers of the democratic movement.

Dr. Liu Fang, Director of the Translation Department of In Opposition magazine, seized this rare opportunity to take a photograph with ceremony guest Wang Dan. It was a vivid and instructive lesson in the pro-democracy movement, through which young people were able to make up for crucial gaps in their understanding of modern Chinese history.

从铁饭碗到自由之路

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从铁饭碗到自由之路

一位觉醒的共产党员的心灵重生

作者:Yongjie Guan     编辑:韩立华

在中国大陆,有“编制”的工作被称为“铁饭碗”。据网上流传的数据,自 2009 年以来,每年报考国家公务员的人数始终在百万以上,2024 年更突破 340 万。就在这样一个人人争抢稳定福利与体制庇护的年代,却有人自愿放弃这个铁饭碗,即使远赴他乡只能端盘子、洗碗,也要离开那个让她窒息的国度。

这个人,就是今天的受访者——高应芬(以下称“小高”)。

一、信仰与恐惧的童年:被惊醒的平静

小高 1997 年出生于湖北武汉近郊一座小城市,父母皆是普通工人,但虔诚信仰基督。她的童年有一段不堪回首的往事。

在2022年她实在无法再忍受中共政府的过度疫情防控措施,又一次向母亲倾诉有逃离中国的念头时,母亲在惶恐不安中告诉她一个情景:在她5岁那年,一家三口在一次家庭教会聚会时,数名警察突然破门而入,她在慌乱中被推倒在装满松香(用来给动物脱毛的东西)的锅里被烫伤,母亲跪地哀求才换取带孩子离去的机会,而父亲则被带走。约一周后,父亲被释放,但已满身伤痕。本就体弱的父亲自此一蹶不振,两年后因病离世。

那一次交谈后小高才醒悟,她身上的伤疤原来是来自那一次的伤害。其实母亲不支持她离开中国并非是不知道中共的坏,恰恰相反,她是深知中共的毫无底线,所以即使在丈夫离世家庭遭遇巨大变故后,仍以沉默、坚忍的方式维持生活,就是怕中共再次伤害家人。

二、进入大学:跟着潮流入党,却悄悄接触真实世界

2016年,小高进入武汉一所大学就读。和许多同龄人一样,她相信“入党有利于找工作”,于是大一便递交了入党申请。

互联网的普及让她第一次接触到墙外资讯,班上不少同学会“翻墙”,分享与官方叙事完全不同的信息。面对这些资讯,小高多选择沉默——她不敢多问,也无法分辨真假。那时的她仍相信:只要努力学习,热爱生活,一切都会好起来。

直到 2019 年底,噩梦不期而至。

三、世界崩塌:她在武汉见证了疫情真相被掩埋

2019 年底的新冠疫情,最早在武汉无声蔓延。本应第一时间让民众知情的真相被政府刻意压下,吹哨的医生被训诫,疫情初期官方为了维稳仍在筹办春节盛会,人群聚集加速了病毒的扩散。

而小高,就是在这场世纪风暴的风眼中。她记得那座城市突然变成了牢笼:小区大门被焊死;食物供应极度短缺,劣质菜高价出售;感染者无数,但求医无门;火葬场日夜冒着白烟;网上哀号与求救贴文不断被删除……而大肆宣扬的却是各种又假又空令人恶心的正能量。

她说:“那时我第一次真正明白,原来生命在体制面前可以这么微不足道。”她开始对自己加入的共产党感到深深懊悔,也第一次彻底怀疑自己曾相信的一切。

四、成为老师:希望靠教育改变下一代,却再次碰壁

2021 年,小高大学毕业。疫情稍缓,中国暂时恢复生机,人们开始“好了伤疤忘了痛”。

为照顾因肾衰竭而住院的外婆,她回到家乡生活,并以优异成绩考取公办小学教师编制——那是许多人梦寐以求的“铁饭碗”。

但她成为老师,并非为稳定,而是因为心中那个渺小却坚定的愿望:“如果不能改变国家,那至少能让几个孩子学会思考。”

她在课堂里悄悄穿插一些启发思辨的内容,希望学生能保持天性,而非只接纳标准答案、从小学习仇恨。然而,一次授课被巡堂的校长听见,随即被叫到办公室严厉训斥。

慢慢地她还发现,学校的教育是泯灭学生童真的,是鼓励告密的。即使是教书育人的地方,也与官场一样,遇事不解决问题只解决提出问题的人。

一次又一次的打击,她终于认清了现实:“我不是在教书,而是被要求参与再生产一代顺从听话的机器。”

学校的极端防疫、僵化管理、奴化教育、仇恨灌输,都让她感到无比的恐惧。那一刻,铁饭碗在她眼里已不再是安定的标志,而是一件牢笼里的餐具。

五、选择离开:扔掉铁饭碗,换取呼吸自由的权利

尽管不舍母亲,小高仍毅然决定离开。

2024年,她抵达美国。刚落地时,她心中只有一个念头:“即使是端盘子洗碗,也比在中国当个被体制控制的老师自由。”

初到异乡的她努力适应新生活。她说,虽然辛苦,但却第一次感到自己是“完整的人”。“或许,这里才是我应该生长的土壤。”在美国,她能自由阅读、思考、发声,再也不用担心谁在背后监听。

走向公共行动:为还在墙内的人发声

为解救大洋彼岸那些被中共奴役着的中国人民,2025年4月,小高加入了中国民主党,积极投入旧金山华人的民主运动。

她参与集会、声援被迫害者、揭露中共谎言、向国内传播真相。“我已经离开了,但中国还有太多人还被牢笼困住。”她说:“哪怕只能唤醒一个人,也算有意义。”

七、对未来的展望:年轻一代的担

小高感言:中国政府的种种暴行让无数原本幸福的家庭支离破碎。作为一名中国人,我渴望生活在一个自由、民主、平等、法治的国家,拥有属于自己的信仰与思想。作为一个有责任感的年轻人,我深知一党专政体制弊端重重,我们这一代必须站出来——去发声、去抗议、去推动改变。在中国,我们面对腐败的专制与错误的政策往往无法发声,更遑论采取行动;但在美国,我们能够做到这些。未来我们仍将继续努力,积极行动,希望这些努力能够促成一些改变、唤醒更多的中国人。愿有一天,自由之光能照遍中国的每一寸土地。

From the “Iron Rice Bowl” to the Path of Freedom

The Spiritual Rebirth of an Awakened Communist Party Member

Abstract:This interview tells the story of a primary school teacher and Communist Party member in China who gradually awakened to the authoritarian nature of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Upon this realization, she chose to abandon her “iron rice bowl” in China and journey to the United States in pursuit of freedom.

Author: Yongjie Guan   Editor: Han Lihua   Translator: Lyu Feng

In mainland China, jobs with official establishment status are commonly referred to as the “iron rice bowl.” According to widely circulated online data, since 2009 the number of applicants for the national civil service examination has consistently exceeded one million each year, surpassing 3.4 million in 2024. In an era when countless people compete fiercely for stability, benefits, and the protection of the system, some nevertheless choose to give up this iron rice bowl voluntarily. Even if life abroad means working as a waitress or dishwasher, they are determined to leave a country that makes them feel suffocated.

That person is today’s interviewee—Gao Yingfen (hereafter referred to as “Xiao Gao”).

I. A Childhood of Faith and Fear: Shattered Tranquility

Xiao Gao was born in 1997 in a small city on the outskirts of Wuhan, Hubei Province. Her parents were ordinary factory workers, but devout Christians. Her childhood carries a traumatic memory that remained buried for many years.

In 2022, when she could no longer endure the Chinese government’s excessive COVID-19 control measures and once again confided in her mother about her desire to escape China, her mother—overcome with fear—finally revealed a long-hidden episode. When Xiao Gao was five years old, the family of three was attending a house-church gathering when several police officers suddenly broke in. Amid the chaos, she was pushed into a large pot filled with molten rosin (used to remove animal hair) and was severely burned. Her mother knelt on the ground and begged desperately, eventually securing permission to leave with the child, while her father was taken away by the police. About a week later, her father was released, covered in bruises and injuries. Already in frail health, he never recovered from the ordeal and passed away from illness two years later.

Only after this conversation did Xiao Gao realize that the scar on her body originated from that incident. She also came to understand that her mother’s opposition to her leaving China was not due to ignorance of the CCP’s cruelty; on the contrary, it was precisely because she knew there were no limits to the Party’s actions. Even after her husband’s death and the family’s devastating trauma, her mother chose silence and endurance to survive, out of fear that the CCP might once again harm her loved ones.

II. Entering University: Joining the Party with the Tide, Quietly Encountering the Real World

In 2016, Xiao Gao entered a university in Wuhan. Like many of her peers, she believed that “joining the Party helps with employment,” and therefore submitted her application for Communist Party membership during her freshman year.

With the spread of the internet, she was exposed for the first time to information beyond the Great Firewall. Many classmates used circumvention tools and shared narratives completely different from official propaganda. Faced with such information, Xiao Gao mostly remained silent—she dared not ask too many questions and could not distinguish truth from falsehood. At that time, she still believed that as long as she studied hard and loved life, everything would eventually get better.

Then, at the end of 2019, the nightmare arrived without warning.

III. A World in Collapse: Witnessing the Burial of Truth During the Pandemic in Wuhan

At the end of 2019, COVID-19 began spreading silently in Wuhan. The truth, which should have been disclosed to the public immediately, was deliberately suppressed by the authorities. Doctors who tried to warn others were reprimanded, and in the early stage of the outbreak, officials continued preparing Lunar New Year celebrations in the name of “stability maintenance,” with mass gatherings accelerating the spread of the virus.

Xiao Gao found herself at the very eye of this historic storm. She remembers the city suddenly turning into a prison: residential compound gates welded shut; extreme shortages of food, with poor-quality vegetables sold at exorbitant prices; countless infected people unable to access medical care; crematoria emitting white smoke day and night; online cries for help and mourning posts constantly deleted. What flooded the media instead was a barrage of hollow, false, and nauseating “positive energy” propaganda.

She recalled, “That was the first time I truly understood how insignificant human life could be in the face of the system.” She began to feel deep remorse for having joined the Communist Party and, for the first time, fundamentally questioned everything she had once believed.

IV. Becoming a Teacher: Hoping to Change the Next Generation Through Education, Only to Hit Another Wall

In 2021, Xiao Gao graduated from university. As the pandemic temporarily eased, life in China appeared to recover, and many people seemed to “forget the pain once the wound healed.”

To care for her grandmother, who was hospitalized with kidney failure, she returned to her hometown. With outstanding exam results, she secured a public primary-school teaching post—an official position widely regarded as a coveted “iron rice bowl.”

She did not become a teacher for the sake of stability, but because of a small yet firm conviction in her heart: “If I can’t change the country, at least I can help a few children learn how to think.”

In her classroom, she subtly introduced elements that encouraged critical thinking, hoping her students could preserve their natural curiosity rather than accept only standard answers or learn hatred from an early age. However, during one lesson, the principal happened to observe her class and promptly summoned her to the office for a severe reprimand.

Gradually, she also realized that the education system stifled children’s innocence and encouraged informants. Even in a place meant for teaching and nurturing, problems were never addressed—only those who raised them were silenced, just as in officialdom.

After repeated blows, she finally came to terms with reality: “I wasn’t teaching—I was being required to participate in the reproduction of a new generation of obedient, compliant machines.”

Extreme pandemic controls at school, rigid management, indoctrination that fostered submission, and systematic hatred all filled her with profound fear. At that moment, the “iron rice bowl” no longer symbolized security in her eyes, but rather a piece of tableware inside a cage.

V. Choosing to Leave: Casting Away the Iron Rice Bowl in Exchange for the Right to Breathe Freely

Despite her deep attachment to her mother, Xiao Gao made the resolute decision to leave.

In 2024, she arrived in the United States. Upon landing, she had only one thought: “Even washing dishes and serving tables is freer than being a teacher controlled by the system in China.”

In a foreign land, she worked hard to adapt to a new life. She said that although life was difficult, it was the first time she felt like a “whole person.” “Perhaps this is the soil where I am meant to grow.” In the United States, she can read, think, and speak freely, without worrying about who might be listening behind her back.

In order to help liberate the Chinese people across the ocean who remain enslaved by the Chinese Communist Party, Xiao Gao joined the China Democracy Party in April 2025 and became actively involved in the pro-democracy movement among the Chinese community in San Francisco.

She has participated in rallies, voiced support for victims of persecution, exposed the CCP’s falsehoods, and helped disseminate the truth back to China. “I have already left,” she said, “but there are still so many people in China trapped inside a cage. Even if I can awaken just one person, it is meaningful.”

VII. Looking to the Future: The Responsibility of the Younger Generation

Xiao Gao reflected:“The many atrocities committed by the Chinese government have torn apart countless families that were once happy. As a Chinese person, I long to live in a country that is free, democratic, equal, and governed by the rule of law—one where I can hold my own beliefs and thoughts. As a young person with a sense of responsibility, I am keenly aware of the deep flaws of a one-party authoritarian system. Our generation must step forward—to speak out, to protest, and to push for change.

In China, we are often unable to voice our opposition to corrupt authoritarianism and misguided policies, let alone take action. But in the United States, we can do these things. Going forward, we will continue to strive and to act, in the hope that these efforts may bring about change and awaken more Chinese people. May the light of freedom one day shine upon every inch of China’s land.”

宁波市公安起诉意见书

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宁波市公安起诉意见书

甬公刑诉字(2006)83号

犯罪嫌疑人张建红,别名:力虹,男,1958年3月6日生,身份证号码3302041958030601014,汉族,大学文化,无业,家住本市江东区宁舟一村5幢7号604室。

该张建红曾因反革命煽动罪错于1989年被宁波市劳动教养管理委员会劳动教养3年。2006年9月7日,因涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权罪被本局刑事拘留,同年10月12日被依法逮捕。

经本局依法侦查,现已查明:2006年5月到9月,犯罪嫌疑人张建红以“力虹”笔名撰写文章117篇,通过其电子邮箱[email protected]将这些文章发送给“大纪元”、“博讯”、“民主中国”、“民主论坛”、“观察”、“独立中文笔会”、“自由圣火”等网站,在这些网站发表。其中62篇文章具有煽动颠覆我国国家政权内容,该张利用其参与创办的“爱琴海”网站被关闭,“苏家屯事件”、“北京高智晟事件”、“山东陈光诚事件”等大做文章,声称我国现行国家政权“反自由,反天赋人权的顽固本质,是整个人类不共戴天的死敌,极权中共残害大陆人民长达57年,如果再让一个业以犯下,并正在犯下比纳粹帝国更加骇人听闻的反人类、反文明罪行的政权,成为奥林匹克运动会的东道主,那必定是人类文明的耻辱与灾难!”叫嚣“共产瘟疫开始在神州大地以几何级的速度迅速繁殖、传播与肆虐。但是那个被命名为“共产主义”的病毒太过强大、太有欺骗性和诱惑性了。从历史考察,造成东方近百年赤祸泛滥横行、苦难罄竹难书的邪恶学说之源头,就是来自欧罗巴大陆。中共当局为苟延残喘延续专制统治已经到了不择手段、丧心病狂的地步”。煽动“中国人彻底告别这个黑暗日子的那一天不会太远了。我相信,结束专制独裁走向自由民主之途,除了依靠全民族的觉醒和全中国人民的坚持不懈的斗争,绝对离不开以美国为主导的西方民主世界的支持与帮助。为了揭露中共当局反人道、反人性、反文明的惊世暴行与罪恶,更是为了早日结束地球上最大的极权暴政,挽救更多的受杀戮、受迫害、受奴役的苦难民众,认清了中共的邪恶与本质,看清了要挽救我们的国家、让每一个中国人活得像一个人,必须尽早、尽快结束目前的罪恶统治。直到中国人民彻底结束共产极权黑暗统治,迎来民主新中国在千年神州大地呱呱坠地的那一天!

我还要感谢上苍所赐的互联网,在今年3月9日《爱琴海》被关、“苏家屯事件”被揭露之后的日日夜夜里,让我坐在电脑前挥笔著文,能够奇迹般地与外部文明社会时时沟通,休戚与共,与全世界热爱自由、向往民主的正义人士站在一起,为早日结束地球上最后、最野蛮残暴的政权统治而共同努力”。

为扩大影响,便于他人查阅其撰写的文章,犯罪嫌疑人张建红还在“大纪元”、“民主论坛”、“自由圣火”等网站分别建立了“力虹专栏”、“力虹书房”和“力虹文集”。今年3月份以来,还多次接受境外媒体的采访,接受境外网站提供的稿费。

认定上述犯罪事实的证据如下:报案记录、书证、物证、搜查笔录、电子证据检查笔录等证据证实,犯罪嫌疑人张建红亦供认不讳。

上述犯罪事实清楚,证据确实、充分,足以认定。

综上所述,犯罪嫌疑人张建红的行为已触犯《中华人民共和国刑法》第一百零五条第二款之规定,涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权罪。根据《中华人民共和国刑事诉讼法》第一百二十九条之规定,现将此案移送审查起诉。

此 致

宁波市人民检察院

局长:〔印章〕

二〇〇六年十二月六日

附:1、本案卷宗共6卷982页。

2、犯罪嫌疑人张建红现羁押于宁波市看守所。

3、

宁波市公安起诉意见书

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编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:钟然 校对:程筱筱 翻译:戈冰

Ningbo Municipal Public Security Bureau Prosecution Opinion

No. 83 (2006) of Ningbo Public Security Bureau Criminal Prosecution

Suspect Zhang Jianhong, alias: Li Hong, male, born March 6, 1958, ID No. 3302041958030601014, Han ethnicity, college education, unemployed, residing at Room 604, Building 7, Block 5, Ningzhou First Village, Jiangdong District, Ningbo City.

Zhang Jianhong was previously subjected to three years of re-education through labor by the Ningbo Municipal Labor Education Management Committee in 1989 for the crime of counter-revolutionary incitement. On September 7, 2006, he was criminally detained by this Bureau on suspicion of inciting subversion of state power and was lawfully arrested on October 12 of the same year.

Through lawful investigation by this Bureau, the following facts have been ascertained: From May to September 2006, suspect Zhang Jianhong authored 117 articles under the pen name “Li Hong.” These articles were sent via his email address [email protected] to websites including The Epoch Times, Boxun, Democracy China, Democracy Forum, Observation, Independent Chinese PEN Center, and Torch of Freedom, where they were published. Among these, 62 articles contained content inciting subversion against China’s state power. Zhang exploited the closure of the “Aegean Sea” website he co-founded to sensationalize events like the “Sujiatun Incident,” the “Beijing Gao Zhisheng Incident,” and the “Shandong Chen Guangcheng Incident.” He claimed China’s current state power is “anti-freedom, and anti-human rights, an implacable enemy of all humanity. The totalitarian Chinese Communist Party has persecuted the people of mainland China for 57 years. If a regime that has committed, and continues to commit, crimes against humanity and civilization more horrific than those of the Nazi empire is allowed to host the Olympic Games, it would be a disgrace and a catastrophe for human civilization! The communist plague has begun to proliferate, spread, and ravage the land of China at an exponential rate. Yet the virus known as “communism” is too powerful, too deceptive, and too seductive. Historical examination reveals that the source of this evil doctrine—which has unleashed a century of communist calamity across the East, causing suffering beyond description—originated on the European continent. The CCP regime has reached a point of desperation and madness in its desperate attempts to prolong its dictatorial rule. The day when the Chinese people will finally bid farewell to these dark times is not far off. I firmly believe that the path to ending dictatorship and embracing freedom and democracy cannot be achieved solely through the awakening of the entire nation and the relentless struggle of all Chinese people. It absolutely requires the support and assistance of the Western democratic world, led by the United States. To expose the CCP regime’s shocking atrocities and crimes against humanity, civilization, and basic decency—and to hasten the end of the world’s largest totalitarian tyranny, saving more people from slaughter, persecution, and enslavement—we must recognize the CCP’s evil nature and essence. We must see clearly that to save our nation and allow every Chinese person to live like a human being, we must end this criminal regime as soon as possible. Until the day the Chinese people completely end the dark rule of communist totalitarianism and welcome the birth of a new democratic China on the millennia-old land of China!

I must also thank Heaven for the gift of the internet. In the days and nights following the shutdown of Aegean Sea on March 9th and the exposure of the Sujiatun Incident, it allowed me to sit before my computer and write, miraculously connecting me with the outside civilized world at all times, sharing weal and woe, standing shoulder to shoulder with all righteous individuals worldwide who cherish freedom and yearn for democracy, striving together to hasten the end of the last, most barbaric and brutal regime on Earth.

To broaden his influence and facilitate access to his writings, suspect Zhang Jianhong established the “Li Hong Column” on The Epoch Times, the “Li Hong Study” on Democracy Forum, and the “Li Hong Collection” on Free Flame. Since March this year, he has also repeatedly accepted interviews from overseas media and received payment for articles from foreign websites.

Evidence confirming the aforementioned criminal acts includes: case reports, documentary evidence, physical evidence, search records, electronic evidence inspection records, and other materials. Suspect Zhang Jianhong has also confessed to these acts.

The aforementioned criminal facts are clear, and the evidence is conclusive and sufficient to establish guilt.

In summary, the actions of suspect Zhang Jianhong violate Article 105(2) of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China, constituting the crime of inciting subversion of state power. Pursuant to Article 129 of the Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, this case is hereby transferred for review and prosecution.

To:

Ningbo Municipal People’s Procuratorate

Director: [Seal]

December 6, 2006

Attachment: 1. Case files comprise 6 volumes totaling 982 pages.

2.Suspect Zhang Jianhong is currently detained at Ningbo Detention Center.

3.

宁波市公安起诉意见书

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Editor: Hu Lili

Responsible Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

新年思考:一些关于历史与现实的想法

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新年思考:一些关于历史与现实的想法

作者:张孔松
编辑:李聪玲 校对:程筱筱 翻译:戈冰

今天,是一个值得世界铭记的日子。284年前的今天,《巴黎和约》正式签署,美国独立战争取得最终胜利。这不仅标志着十三个殖民地摆脱帝国统治,更是人类历史上第一次清晰地向世界宣告:人民有权反抗暴政,人民有权决定自己的命运。美国的独立,并非来自皇帝的仁慈,而是来自人民的勇气、牺牲与坚持。《巴黎和约》证明了一件事——当人民站起来,历史就会为他们让路。两百多年过去了,中国却仍然深陷皇权式专制体制之中,令人无限唏嘘。正因如此,我们中国民主党人必须凝聚力量,以推翻中共暴政为使命,让中国早日成为一个民主、宪政、自由的国家。

新年思考:一些关于历史与现实的想法

2025年,是我人生中最痛苦、也是最清醒的一年。12月15日,我的母亲去世了。在她生命最后的两个月里,我们彼此承受了巨大的痛苦,每一天都在煎熬中渡过,而我却被迫滞留海外,不敢回国陪伴,无法送终,只能靠视频电话问候。这是我一生中最大的遗憾。这是我个人的悲剧,但我很清楚,它并非个案,而是中国现实政治长期制造的人道灾难之一。

母亲临终前两天,当她听到电话那头是我的声音时,已经说不出话,却仍然拼命做手势想要抢电话。那一刻我明白,她想问的不是:我快不行了,你为什么还不回来见我最后一面?而是为什么一出国,就再也不敢回来了?”我无法回答,因为我比任何时候都清楚——我不是不想回国,而是不敢回国。

个人的不幸,往往并非偶然,而是制度性灾难的直接后果。这种灾难的破坏力远比天灾人祸更可怕,天灾只发生在局部,而暴政无处不在,无时无刻不在盯着每一个普通人。我成长于计划生育的极权年代,本身就是受害者之一,所幸侥幸逃脱。我的姐姐十二岁时被拐卖,明明知道犯罪嫌疑人是谁,却无法将其绳之以法,因为对方背后有共产党的官员保护,这正是法治缺失的真实写照。我的堂哥离奇失踪十几年,至今生死不明,而这也绝非孤例。每年中国失踪人口高达几十万,中共拥有全球最庞大的监控系统,却连一个失踪人口都找不到,因为这套系统从来不是用来服务人民的,而是用来监控、压制和控制人民的。

在生活中,我无意间接触到外网信息,再结合自身经历,整个人突然清醒过来。我开始发表反对中共的政治言论,随之而来的,是警察的威胁与殴打、社交账号被封禁,以及现实生活中的全面排斥。许多朋友将我拉黑,留下来的也不敢与我有任何公开互动,甚至不敢在朋友圈点一个赞。我感到前所未有的孤独。但让我感到欣慰的是,在我微信被封、无法发声的那段时间,仍有人私信关心,仍有人认同我的观点。哪怕只能启发一个人清醒,我也觉得自己的付出没有白费。

这些经历并非“个案”,而是高度集权体制对普通人进行系统性碾压的结果。2025年,中国发生了大量触目惊心的事件:香港鸿福苑大火后,当局拒绝追责、压制舆论,对死者家属的维权进行控制与威胁;四川江油“千人反霸”事件中,基层权力与黑恶势力长期勾连,普通民众被逼到极限,最终爆发大规模抗争;陕西蒲城学生坠亡事件疑点重重,当局试图强行定性为“自杀”,却引发上万民众上街抗议,并遭到强力镇压;河南许昌第六中学,上千名学生与家长集体抗议压迫性教育制度,现场冲突激烈;云贵高原农民反对强制火葬运动,地方政府以“文明殡葬”为名,强行剥夺少数民族与农村地区的基本人伦权利;云南昆明街头摊贩与城管的持续冲突,底层生计被系统性摧毁,执法暴力常态化;甘肃天水幼儿园投毒案中,家长依法维权,却被视为“维稳对象”,信息遭到封锁。

这些事件有一个共同点:人民不是违法者,而是被逼到绝境的受害者。而中共政权的回应,永远只有两种方式——封锁和镇压。所有的结论最终都指向同一个事实:问题不在具体事件,而在政权本身。

正是这些血淋淋的现实,让我彻底放弃幻想。我不再相信所谓的“体制内改良”,不再相信“渐进改革”,也不再相信“忍一忍就会好”。我得出的结论只有一个:只要中共政权不结束,中国人民的苦难就不会结束。委内瑞拉、伊朗等国家的反抗实践已经清楚证明,当人民不再恐惧,专制政权并没有它宣称的那么强大。所谓“高科技维稳”“天网系统”“绝对控制”,在真实的社会崩塌面前,都是纸糊的神话。

正是基于这种判断,我加入了中国民主党,旗帜鲜明地反对中国共产党。推翻中国共产党,是我一生的使命,生命不熄,抗议不止。因此,我无法回国,这不是假设,而是必然。在当前的中国政治环境下,参与海外民主组织活动的人,一旦回国,等待的只会是坐牢、被失踪,甚至肉体上的毁灭。

我选择战斗,而不是沉默。母亲的去世让我付出了巨大的情感代价,但正因为如此,我更加清楚自己为何而战。为了不再有中国人像我一样流浪海外、无法回家,为了让每一个人都能拥有一个安定的家,想去哪里就去哪里,为了让人民真正实现民主与自由,我们必须更加努力,凝聚力量,早日推翻中共暴政。

人生最大的幸福是什么?最大的幸福,就是生长在一个正常的国家。

New Year Reflections: Thoughts on History and Reality

Abstract: Drawing on personal experiences and multiple mass incidents in Chinese society, the author identifies their common root cause as the systematic oppression of the people under the CCP’s highly centralized rule. Consequently, the author completely abandons illusions of reform from within the system, resolutely opposes CCP tyranny, and calls for an end to suffering through democracy and freedom.

Author: Zhang Kongsong
Editor: Li Congling Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

Today is a day the world should remember. 284 years ago today, the Treaty of Paris was formally signed, marking the final victory of the American Revolutionary War. This event not only signaled the thirteen colonies’ liberation from imperial rule but also constituted the first clear declaration in human history: the people have the right to resist tyranny and determine their own destiny. American independence did not stem from an emperor’s benevolence, but from the courage, sacrifice, and perseverance of its people. The Treaty of Paris proved one thing: when the people rise up, history makes way for them. Yet over two centuries later, China remains mired in an imperial-style autocratic system, a state of affairs that inspires profound regret. Precisely for this reason, we members of the China Democracy Party must unite our strength, taking as our mission the overthrow of the CCP’s tyranny, so that China may soon become a democratic, constitutional, and free nation.

新年思考:一些关于历史与现实的想法

The year 2025 was the most painful yet most sobering year of my life. On December 15th, my mother passed away. During her final two months, we endured immense suffering together, each day a torment. Yet I was forced to remain overseas, too afraid to return home to be by her side, unable to be present at her passing. All I could do was offer comfort through video calls. This remains my deepest regret. While a personal tragedy, I know it is not an isolated case but one of the humanitarian disasters perpetuated by China’s political reality.

Two days before her passing, when she recognized my voice on the phone, she could no longer speak. Yet she desperately gestured, trying to grab the receiver. In that moment, I understood: her question wasn’t, “I’m dying—why haven’t you come back to see me one last time?” But why, once I left the country, did I never dare return?” I couldn’t answer, for I knew better than ever—it wasn’t that I didn’t want to return, but that I dared not.

Personal misfortune is rarely accidental; it is often the direct consequence of systemic catastrophe. The destructive power of such disasters far surpasses that of natural or man-made calamities. Natural disasters strike only locally, while tyranny is omnipresent, constantly watching every ordinary person. I grew up during the totalitarian era of the One-Child Policy, a victim myself who somehow managed to escape. My sister was abducted at twelve. Though we knew who the perpetrator was, we couldn’t bring him to justice because he was shielded by Communist Party officials—a stark illustration of the absence of rule of law. My cousin vanished under mysterious circumstances over a decade ago, his fate still unknown—and this is far from an isolated case. Hundreds of thousands go missing in China annually. Despite operating the world’s largest surveillance network, the CCP cannot locate a single missing person because this system was never designed to serve the people. Its purpose is to monitor, suppress, and control them.

In daily life, I accidentally accessed information from the outside world. Combining this with my personal experiences, I suddenly woke up. I began voicing political opinions opposing the CCP. What followed were threats and beatings from the police, the suspension of my social media accounts, and complete rejection in real life. Many friends blocked me. Those who stayed dared not interact with me publicly, not even daring to like a post in my Moments. I felt an unprecedented loneliness. Yet what brought me solace was that even during the period when my WeChat was blocked and I could not speak out, people still messaged me privately to show concern, and others still agreed with my views. Even if I could only awaken one person to the truth, I would feel my efforts were not in vain.

These experiences are not isolated incidents but the result of a highly centralized system systematically crushing ordinary people. In 2025, China witnessed a series of shocking events: Following the Hong Fuk Court fire in Hong Kong, authorities refused accountability, suppressed public discourse, and controlled and threatened the bereaved families seeking justice; In the “Thousand-Person Anti-Bullying” incident in Jiangyou, Sichuan, long-standing collusion between local authorities and criminal gangs pushed ordinary citizens to their limits, culminating in large-scale protests; The death of a student in Pucheng, Shaanxi, was shrouded in suspicion. Authorities attempted to forcefully label it a “suicide,” sparking protests by tens of thousands of citizens who were met with violent suppression; At Xuchang No. 6 Middle School in Henan, thousands of students and parents staged collective protests against oppressive educational policies, leading to intense on-site clashes; Farmers on the Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau resisted forced cremation campaigns, as local governments, under the guise of “civilized funerals,” forcibly stripped ethnic minorities and rural communities of fundamental human rights; Ongoing conflicts between street vendors and urban management officers in Kunming, Yunnan, reflect the systematic destruction of livelihoods for the underprivileged and the normalization of enforcement violence; In the Tianshui kindergarten poisoning case, parents seeking legal redress were labeled “stability maintenance targets,” with information about the incident blocked.

These incidents share a common thread: the people are not lawbreakers, but victims driven to desperation. The CCP regime’s response invariably takes one of two forms—blockade or suppression. All conclusions ultimately point to the same truth: the problem lies not in specific incidents, but in the regime itself.

It is precisely these bloody realities that have made me abandon all illusions. I no longer believe in so-called “reform from within the system,” nor in “gradual reform,” nor in the notion that “things will get better if we just endure.” My conclusion is singular: as long as the CCP regime persists, the suffering of the Chinese people will endure. Resistance movements in nations like Venezuela and Iran have unequivocally demonstrated that when people overcome fear, authoritarian regimes prove far less formidable than they claim. So-called “high-tech social stability maintenance,” “SkyNet surveillance systems,” and “absolute control” crumble like paper castles before genuine societal collapse.

It is precisely based on this assessment that I joined the China Democracy Party, taking a clear stand against the Chinese Communist Party. Overthrowing the Chinese Communist Party is my lifelong mission; as long as I live, my protest will continue. Therefore, I cannot return to China—this is not a hypothetical possibility, but an inevitability. In China’s current political climate, anyone involved in overseas democratic organizations who returns home can only expect imprisonment, enforced disappearance, or even physical destruction.

I choose to fight, not to remain silent. My mother’s passing exacted a tremendous emotional toll, yet it has sharpened my purpose. I fight so that no Chinese person need wander abroad like me, unable to return home. I fight so every person may have a secure home and travel freely. I fight so the people may truly attain democracy and freedom. We must redouble our efforts, unite our strength, and overthrow the CCP’s tyranny without delay.

What is life’s greatest happiness? The greatest happiness is to grow up in a normal country.