博客 页面 45

从张雪峰“攻台捐款”言论到全网“禁关”背后的政治原因与机制分析

0
从张雪峰“攻台捐款”言论到全网“禁关”背后的政治原因与机制分析

作者:张致君
编辑:钟然      责任编辑:胡丽莉      翻译:吕峰

从张雪峰“攻台捐款”言论到全网“禁关”背后的政治原因与机制分析

2025 年 9 月以来,知名教育指导网红张雪峰在“九三阅兵”相关言论中称若发生“解放军攻打台湾”时他将捐款数千万人民币,相关言论在社交平台迅速发酵并引发争议,随后其多个主账号被“禁止关注”或被各平台标注违规并短暂封禁,官方舆论将其长期以来“教育指导极端功利化”与此次言论联系起来予以批评。本张雪峰事件背后的政治逻辑是否是中共官方对“战争话语”的管控边界、中央与地方媒体的信号传递存在何种机制、中共政权对社会动员与节奏的把控如何、以及商业化网红在国家意识形态与市场竞争中的脆弱位置都是张雪峰事件中我们作为中台关系中应该思考的问题。

在纪念“九三阅兵”或相关大型阅兵讨论的语境中,张雪峰发表视频或直播言论,称若发生对台军事行动,他个人“至少捐款5000万,公司可捐1亿”的激烈表述,该言论在微博、抖音、快手等平台迅速传播并引起媒体与公众关注;随后河南省官媒等对其言论发表批评性评论并引发更广泛讨论。几周内,张雪峰旗下多个平台账号出现“禁止关注”或被标注“违反法律法规或社区公约”,并有官方或半官方媒体将其既往在教育领域的“功利化”导向与此次言论联系,认为其具有误导性或有损社会秩序。

要理解为何一个以教育咨询起家的网红会因煽动式战争言论而被“封关”,需从三条互相交织的政治逻辑出发:即国家对战争与对外行动叙事的节奏控制;对公共话语边界与“非官方动员话语”的排查;政治与商业化网红之间的利益与权力不对称。

对于台海战争话语的节奏,国家要控制“何时说、谁来说”。在权力高度集中的政治体系中,关于使用武力、对外军事行动的议题并非普通社会话题,它涉及外交策略、军事部署、国际法后果、以及国际舆论的节奏管理。官方通常需要在信息发布与行动之间保持严格的节奏控制与战略时机,任何在官方未授权的情况下出现“倒计时”式或过于激进的言论,可能造成三类风险从而干涉中共下一步政治行为:对外交与军事部署的“过早暴露”或误导外界判断,影响外交斡旋空间与行动灵活性;造成内部社会情绪的非理性提升或群体极端化;在国际与两岸舆论中形成复杂信号,引发不可控的危机升级或被中共内部的政治对手利用。

基于媒体对事件的报道,官媒对张雪峰言论迅速作出批评并在某些渠道删除相关批评,反映出中共官方在中台关系敏感议题上的高度敏感与快速反应机制。

中共通常允许并鼓励符合官方叙事、稳定社会的正面言论(例如宣传民族自豪感、文化自信等),但从目前中台关系来看,中共对“非官方的动员台海战争话语”持谨慎态度。张雪峰的言论具备“自发动员”和“募款暗示”的双重风险:一方面他以个人与公司名义宣称将为军事行动捐巨款,这实际上暗含着鼓动公众将战争视为某种消费或表演性的捐赠事件;另一方面,流量驱动的网红言论容易将极端情绪放大,形成社会情绪的自发蔓延。中共官方在整治 “极端对立情绪”时,会将此类言论视作需要清理的对象。多家评论指出其言论可能“挑动群体极端对立情绪、宣扬恐慌焦虑”,并将其与长期的“教育功利化”倾向并列批评,借此在道德与专业两层面削弱其公共话语的合法性。

观察本事件相关报道可以看到,张雪峰事件一方面出现了地方官媒(如河南大象新闻)对张雪峰公开点名批评的情况;另一方面有些媒体随后删除批评文章或调整措辞。此类现象反映出中央和地方媒体在敏感议题上的复杂互动:地方媒体有时会试图通过点名“顶流人物”来表现“维护社会秩序”的姿态,但一旦中央层面对该议题有更细腻或不同的节奏考量,地方媒体会被要求收回或软化表态。换言之,媒体既是信号发射器,也是信号接收器,地方官媒的迅速点名与随后处理,说明了在敏感外交军事议题上,媒体与政府之间存在即时的协调与纠偏机制。多家报道记录了官媒点名与删除的过程,更加显示这一点。

张雪峰作为“教育顶流”,依靠流量变现、付费课程与咨询等商业模式快速积累影响力,但这种影响力并不等同于政治保护。事实上,在权力体制面前,网红的流量既是资产也是风险:一旦言论被定性为“扰乱社会秩序”或“有不当导向”,平台、广告主与监管机关可以迅速切断其变现通道并限制传播。报道显示,张雪峰的多个账号被禁止关注,平台以“违反法律法规或社区公约”为由采取行动,更加反映出平台治理与国家治理之间的协同机制。对网红而言,参与政治色彩强烈的话题,尤其是在政府尚未统一节奏或表态前,极易将自己置于被动位置。而政府此前的社会性试探,对中台敏感话题的试探,只能从中共指定口岸输出,张雪峰事件恰是印证了这点。

中共官方控制媒体在批评张雪峰时,不仅针对其“鼓吹战争”的言论,也把其长期的教育主张列为批评对象,称其“教育指导极端功利化,可能动摇国家长远发展的人才根基”。这种将即时政治问题与长期社会影响并置的做法,有两重政治功能:从价值层面削弱其社会信誉:把争议话语同其长期的“错误导向”捆绑,使其既在政治上失据,也在专业信誉上受挫;从制度正当性层面强调“公共教育应服务国家战略”:以“国家发展的人才根基”为理由,强调教育话语应与国家发展目标一致,从而扩大对教育领域话语的政治监管范围。

这种策略既是舆论驳斥的手段,也是扩大监管合法性的政治技术。多篇官方评论与省级媒体的批评,正是以“教育功利化”为切入点进行的道德化指控。

张雪峰事件并非个例,包括近期被封禁的户晨风,在中共治理逻辑下,权力—话语—市场三角关系为维系政权稳定和为政治服务更加明显。

权利方面,中台关系和台海战争部署属于高度敏感话题,国家对敏感议题有高度节奏化掌控权。中共政府对战争、主权等重大问题保持信息发布的节奏与话语主导,任何非官方的言论都可能被迅速遏制。

话语权上,所有的社交媒体平台治理已成为延伸的政治治理工具,社交平台在监管敏感信息、限制账号功能方面具备可操作性,并在国家与平台间形成事实上的协同治理网络(例如通过“社区公约”“违反法律法规”标签实现快速处置)。

而有市场资源的商业化意见领袖在政治领域十分脆弱。流量与影响力虽然能在短期内带来利益,但在政治敏感点上,流量并不保证安全,反而放大了被监管的风险。通过道德化批评也成为扩大治理正当性的常用策略,中共在处理“网红”问题上把个体问题与“国家长期利益”等高价值命题绑定,能够更容易争取公众支持并拓宽治理边界。

张雪峰事件表面看是一起因“激烈言论”而被处置的舆论事件,深层则反映出在中共政治生态中:中共对敏感议题的话语节奏有高度掌控,地方与中央媒体在言论管控上存在即时的校准机制;商业化网红在国家安全与意识形态红线面前极为脆弱;官方通过道德化与专业化的批评话语来扩充治理正当性。

张雪峰事件提示我们,在高度政治化的公共领域,言论的自由与市场的私利容易发生冲突,而对这些冲突的处理方式本身就是一种政治选择。政府、平台与媒体在此事件中的协同治理轨迹,以及对“教育导向”“战争话语”双重维度的政治敏感,是导致张雪峰快速被封禁的政治选择结果。

在中共,能说什么话,是要政府批准的。哪怕有些政治风向是中共提前释放出来试探社会反应的,作为普通民众连跟从的资格都没有。

“妄议”政治在中共政权下,是一道高压线。

From Zhang Xuefeng’s “Donation to Invade Taiwan” Remarks to His Nationwide Ban:

An Analysis of the Political Logic and Control Mechanisms Behind the Censorship

Author: Zhang Zhijun  Editor: Zhong Ran Executive Editor: Hu Lili  Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:Internet celebrity Zhang Xuefeng was banned across multiple platforms after his remarks about donating to support a war over the Taiwan Strait triggered public controversy. The incident reflects the CCP’s tight control over war-related discourse, the signaling adjustments between central and local media, and the fragile position of online influencers caught between politics and the market.

从张雪峰“攻台捐款”言论到全网“禁关”背后的政治原因与机制分析

Since September 2025, well-known education influencer Zhang Xuefeng has sparked widespread controversy after making comments during the “September 3rd Parade” commemorations, stating that if the People’s Liberation Army were to “attack Taiwan,” he would personally donate tens of millions of RMB. His remarks spread rapidly across Chinese social media platforms, provoking heated debate. Shortly afterward, several of his main accounts were marked as “restricted” or “violating regulations” and were temporarily banned. State media outlets linked his long-standing “extremely utilitarian approach to education” with his recent comments, criticizing both.

Behind the Zhang Xuefeng incident lies a deeper set of political logics:the CCP’s control over the tempo and framing of war discourse;the mechanisms of signal transmission between central and local media;the Party’s management of social mobilization and emotional rhythm;and the fragile position of commercial influencers caught between ideology and market forces.

1. Control of War Discourse: “When to Speak, Who May Speak”

In a highly centralized political system, topics involving the use of force, military action, or Taiwan policy are not considered ordinary public subjects. They touch on diplomatic strategy, military deployment, international law, and the management of global opinion.

The CCP’s propaganda system maintains strict temporal control over when and how information is released. Any unofficial or excessively militant speech before the Party sets the official tone carries three key risks that can disrupt future political maneuvers:

Diplomatic and military leakage — premature or exaggerated statements may mislead foreign observers, reducing China’s diplomatic flexibility.

Domestic emotional escalation — unregulated nationalism can spiral into irrational mass behavior.

International signaling distortion — aggressive rhetoric may send confusing or escalatory signals, triggering crises or being exploited by internal Party rivals.

Media coverage shows that state outlets quickly condemned Zhang’s comments, and some later deleted their own criticisms — illustrating the CCP’s sensitivity and rapid feedback loop on cross-Strait issues.

2. The “Unofficial Mobilization” Problem

The CCP encourages expressions of patriotism that reinforce stability — such as promoting “cultural confidence” or “national rejuvenation.”But it remains wary of non-official calls for war.

Zhang’s remarks contained dual risks of “self-mobilization” and “quasi-fundraising for war”:

By promising personal and corporate donations (50 million RMB personally, 100 million corporately), he implicitly framed war as a charitable spectacle — a transaction between citizens and the state’s military actions.

As an influencer driven by online traffic, his emotional rhetoric risked amplifying extremist sentiment and triggering organic mass mobilization beyond official control.

Thus, authorities categorized his statements as “inciting confrontation” and “spreading social anxiety.” State media linked them to his “utilitarian educational philosophy,” discrediting him on both moral and professional grounds. This dual strategy erodes credibility while reaffirming ideological conformity.

3. The Signaling Mechanism Between Central and Local Media

The episode revealed the complex dynamics between central and provincial propaganda organs.For example, Henan’s official media (Da Xiang News) publicly criticized Zhang by name — yet later deleted the article or softened its tone.

This sequence demonstrates a top-down calibration mechanism:

Local media sometimes rush to denounce high-profile figures to demonstrate political loyalty or “maintain order.”

When central authorities later determine that the tone or timing is misaligned with broader strategy, they instruct retraction or moderation.

In essence, media outlets act as both transmitters and receivers of political signals.The rapid criticism and subsequent withdrawal underscore real-time coordination within China’s propaganda hierarchy, especially on military and diplomatic topics.

4. The Fragility of Commercialized Influencers

Zhang Xuefeng built his career around paid education consulting and livestreamed advice, monetizing immense social traffic. Yet in a political system where power overrides capital, traffic is both asset and liability.

Once speech is labeled “disruptive” or “misguided,”platforms, advertisers, and regulators swiftly act — cutting off revenue and visibility.Zhang’s accounts were blocked under vague citations such as “violating laws or community rules,” showing the alignment between platform governance and state censorship.

For online personalities, engaging politically charged issues — particularly before the government defines its line — is perilous.The CCP allows only designated “mouthpieces” to test public reaction on sensitive cross-Strait topics.Zhang’s self-initiated mobilization overstepped that boundary, proving the monopoly of the Party’s right to initiate national narratives.

5. “Moralization” and Expansion of Ideological Governance

In official commentary, the CCP did not merely target Zhang’s pro-war rhetoric. It reframed his long-term “utilitarian education style” as part of the same moral failure — claiming it “endangers the cultivation of talent essential to the nation’s long-term development.”

This fusion of immediate political fault with long-term social morality serves two functions:

Delegitimizing the individual — linking a specific controversy with supposed ongoing ideological deviance.

Expanding state legitimacy — asserting that education and public speech must “serve the nation’s strategic goals,” thus widening the scope of political supervision over social discourse.

This strategy converts censorship into moral pedagogy — turning governance into a narrative of “ethical correction for the national good.”

6. The Broader Triangular Framework: Power, Discourse, and Market

The Zhang Xuefeng incident is not unique. Similar cases — such as the recent ban of influencer Hu Chenfeng — reveal a repeating pattern:a triangular alignment between state power, discursive control, and market regulation, used to preserve regime stability.

Power: Topics like cross-Strait relations and war planning fall under top-level state control, strictly regulated by tempo and permission.

Discourse: Social media governance functions as an extension of political rule, using “community rules” and “law violations” as administrative pretexts for censorship.

Market: Commercial influencers, though economically successful, remain politically disposable. Their reach magnifies their vulnerability, not their safety.

By combining moral critique with regulatory action, the Party justifies suppression as serving “national interest,” thus broadening its ideological jurisdiction with public approval.

7. Conclusion: The Political Choice Behind the Ban

On the surface, the Zhang Xuefeng affair appears to be an “online incident triggered by extreme remarks.”In essence, it exposes the CCP’s political ecosystem:

Absolute control over the timing and tone of sensitive discourse;

A real-time correction mechanism between local and central media;

The precariousness of commercial influencers in an authoritarian information order;

The use of moralized rhetoric to expand the Party’s claim to legitimacy.

The case underscores how, in a highly politicized public sphere, the boundaries between speech, commerce, and ideology are constantly renegotiated — but always on the Party’s terms.

The state’s collaborative censorship among government agencies, media, and platforms — and its dual sensitivity to “education discourse” and “war rhetoric” — explain why Zhang Xuefeng was silenced so swiftly.

Under the CCP, what can be said — and who may say it — must first receive government approval.Even when the regime itself releases political signals to test public reaction,ordinary citizens have no right even to echo them.

不把人当人的国家不可能长久

0
不把人当人的国家不可能长久

作者:周恒
编辑:李之洋      责任编辑:李聪玲      翻译:吕峰

十月初的这几天是中共建政76年的日期。在中共利益集团看来,这是一个值得纪念和夸耀的日子。他们给全中国人民放八天假,用来庆祝所谓国庆日。这当然是一个偷换概念的行为。“中国”这个国家名称已经存在一百多年,并不是中国共产党建造的。中国共产党也不等于中国。他们之所以这样做,是为了有利于统治,把爱国与爱党捆绑在一起:爱国就要爱党,不爱党就是不爱国。

在觉醒的中国人民看来,10月1日是一个悲伤的日子,是国殇日。它标志着76年前的这一天,中国人民进入了中共残暴统治的时代,是灾难的开始。土改、镇反运动(1949—1953年),三反五反运动(1951—1952年),反右运动(1957年起,持续数十年),大跃进与三年大饥荒(1958—1961年),四清运动(1963—1966年),文化大革命(1966—1976年),计划生育运动(1982—2015年),天安门六四事件(1989年)等等。每一场运动的背后,都是成千上万的人被处决、秘密杀害或非正常死亡,至于冤假错案、酷刑致残、劳教判刑者更是不计其数。这个时期,绝对是中共不把人当人的时代。

不把人当人的国家不可能长久

​​20世纪末到2012年,中共的工作重心从阶级斗争转到经济建设,放松了对人民的压制和管控。它主动拥抱文明世界,改革开放,加入世界贸易组织,经济实现了飞速发展,GDP跃居世界第二。这个举世瞩目的成就,被中共拿来作为夸耀的资本。他们企图用“执政能力强”来掩盖他们没有的执政合法性。实际上,中共的GDP是建立在14亿人低人工成本、低人权的“人口红利”之上。事实证明,只要给中国人民一点点自由,他们的勤劳、坚韧与智慧就能创造奇迹。这个成就显然属于人民,而不是属于中国共产党。

然而,这个世界第二的GDP含金量并不高。绝大多数中国人仅仅解决了温饱问题。房地产经济掏空了大多数家庭的“六个钱包”和未来30年的消费能力。大基建、房地产让中共官员及其代言人攫取了天量财富,使中国的贫富差距位居世界第一。经济的快速发展掩盖了诸多政治与社会问题,也挽救了共产党,延续了它的政权。

2012年习近平团队上台时,不少民运人士对其抱有幻想。因为习近平家族曾遭受过共产党的清洗与迫害,有人期盼他能仿效台湾、韩国,带领中国逐步实现民主化。然而现实却残酷打脸。十多年来,人们看到的是:习近平走的是毛泽东的路线。他修改宪法,取消任期限制,大搞集权和个人崇拜,清洗异己,全面左转,倒行逆施;做大做强央国企,抢夺民企,逼走外资,不讲信用,不守契约,不保护私有财产,不尊重人才,不尊重科学。中共秘密制造并隐瞒新冠病毒,致使疫情传播全球,害死数千万人!三年疫情封控,使无数人走投无路,家破人亡,经济下滑,失业率高。中共再次回到了“不把人当人”的境地。

在中共体制下,所有人都变成实现个人利益的工具。普通人一生辛苦搬砖做牛马,交着世界最高的税费却无福利可享。教育、医疗、住房、养老四座大山把人民压得喘不过气;而中共官员却享受世界级的特权。言论自由、宗教信仰自由、结社游行自由全部被剥夺。长期洗脑和谎言宣传,使大多数人丧失逻辑思维和分辨是非的能力,黑白颠倒,价值扭曲。

对外,中共疯狂撒币,换取“友邦”支持,并暗中收受回扣;同时支持一切敌对普世价值的恐怖分子。独裁者们惺惺相惜,抱团取暖,对抗民主文明世界,并对普世价值国家进行渗透,输出共产主义与法西斯主义。中共存在一天,世界就不得安宁。

不把人当人的国家不可能长久。原因有二:

一是人民的愤怒与维稳之间的矛盾不可调和。新冠疫情期间,封控三年,人民被当作猪狗一般。2022年,愤怒的人民走上街头,推倒路障,手举白纸,高喊“共产党下台,习近平下台”,掀起“白纸革命”。中共如临大敌,进行了残酷镇压与秋后算账。这场运动直接导致封控提前结束。

为了镇压异见者、民运人士、宗教信仰者、少数民族,中共打造了世界第一的维稳机构,维稳经费甚至超过军费。经济下行严重,有些地方公务员工资都发不出,但维稳经费仍逐年增长,财政被掏空。财政无法继续供养时,警察等维稳机构不得不“自谋生路”,以维稳之名骚扰民众,收取各种费用。甚至出现“远洋捕捞”的荒唐现象。扰民与恶性事件几何级增长,直至社会失控,爆发革命或政变,这是中共下台的一种可能。

二是独裁者的骄傲与世界和平秩序之间的矛盾不可调和。习近平身边已没有讲真话的人,谄媚者告诉他,他无所不能,可以“解放台湾”。这样,他的统治合法性达到顶峰,国内矛盾转移,本人也能与毛泽东并肩。然而,一旦他愚蠢地发动武统,炮声一响,生灵涂炭,中共把台湾人和中国人都不当人看。爱好和平的文明世界不会容忍,必然会帮助台湾人民和中国人民推翻中共。这是另一种下台的可能。

无论哪一种情况,都意味着中共下台,独裁终结。希望不把人当人的中共早日倒台!中国人民必将迎来自由、民主、宪政的新时代。那时,我们才能真正庆祝新中国的国庆!

​​

A Country That Does Not Treat Its People as Human Cannot Last

Author: Zhou Heng   
Editor: Li Zhiyang Executive Editor: Li Congling  Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:This article examines the CCP’s 76 years of unjust rule, tracing its trajectory from violent political campaigns to economic exploitation and the resurgence of dictatorship. It argues that popular resistance and the global order will inevitably bring about the regime’s end, and that any state that does not treat its people as human beings is doomed to perish.

The first days of October mark the 76th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China.In the eyes of the CCP’s ruling elite, this is a day of glory and celebration. They grant the Chinese people an eight-day holiday to commemorate what they call “National Day.”Yet this is a deliberate distortion of meaning. The name “China” has existed for more than a century and was not created by the Communist Party. The CCP is not equivalent to China.The reason they blur this distinction is to strengthen their control—binding love of country to love of Party: to be patriotic is to love the Party, and not loving the Party is to be “unpatriotic.”

To an awakened Chinese people, however, October 1st is a day of mourning—a National Tragedy Day.It marks the beginning, seventy-six years ago, of the CCP’s brutal rule, the onset of a long national catastrophe.

Land Reform and the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries (1949–1953);the “Three-Anti” and “Five-Anti” Campaigns (1951–1952);the Anti-Rightist Campaign (beginning in 1957, lasting for decades);the Great Leap Forward and the Three Years of Famine (1958–1961);the Four Cleanups Movement (1963–1966);the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976);the One-Child Policy (1982–2015);and the Tiananmen Massacre of June 4, 1989—behind each of these campaigns lie countless executions, secret killings, and unnatural deaths.The number of wrongful convictions, torture victims, and those imprisoned or sent to labor camps is beyond reckoning.

This entire period stands as an era in which the CCP did not treat people as human beings.

不把人当人的国家不可能长久

From the late 20th century to 2012, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) shifted its central focus from class struggle to economic development. It loosened its repression and control over the people, embraced the civilized world, launched the policy of reform and opening up, and joined the World Trade Organization (WTO). The Chinese economy experienced an astonishing boom, and its GDP rose to become the second largest in the world.

This globally recognized achievement has become the CCP’s primary boast and propaganda tool. The regime tries to use its so-called “governing competence” to conceal its lack of governing legitimacy. In reality, China’s GDP miracle was built upon the “demographic dividend” of 1.4 billion people—low labor costs and low human rights protections. History has shown that as soon as Chinese people are given even a small measure of freedom, their diligence, resilience, and intelligence can create miracles. Therefore, these achievements belong to the people, not to the Chinese Communist Party.

However, the world’s second-largest GDP carries little real substance. For the vast majority of Chinese citizens, life has only barely risen above subsistence. The real-estate bubble drained the “six wallets” of most families and consumed their spending power for the next 30 years. Infrastructure booms and property speculation allowed CCP officials and their proxies to amass astronomical wealth, making China’s wealth gap the widest in the world. Rapid economic growth masked political and social crises and, for a time, rescued the Communist Party—extending its life.

When Xi Jinping’s team came to power in 2012, many democracy advocates held hopeful expectations. Because Xi’s own family had once suffered persecution under the Communist regime, some believed he might emulate Taiwan or South Korea and lead China toward gradual democratization. Reality proved otherwise. Over the past decade, Xi Jinping has followed Mao Zedong’s path. He amended the Constitution, abolished term limits, consolidated personal power, purged rivals, reversed reforms, and shifted the nation sharply to the left.

He expanded state-owned enterprises, seized private businesses, drove away foreign investment, broke contracts, violated property rights, disrespected talent, and ignored science. The CCP secretly manufactured and concealed the outbreak of COVID-19, causing the virus to spread globally and killing millions. Three years of draconian lockdowns destroyed countless families, collapsed livelihoods, and crippled the economy. Unemployment soared. Once again, China has returned to a condition where the regime no longer treats people as human beings.

Under the CCP system, everyone becomes a tool for someone else’s gain. Ordinary people toil like beasts of burden, paying some of the world’s highest taxes and fees yet receiving almost no welfare in return. The “four mountains” of education, healthcare, housing, and retirement crush the population, while CCP officials enjoy world-class privileges. Freedom of speech, religion, and assembly have all been stripped away. Decades of propaganda and indoctrination have destroyed critical thinking and moral judgment; truth and falsehood, good and evil, are now indistinguishable.

Abroad, the CCP squanders vast sums to “buy” diplomatic allies and secretly takes kickbacks in return. It supports terrorists and regimes hostile to universal values. Dictators find comfort in one another, forming alliances to resist the democratic world. Meanwhile, Beijing infiltrates free societies, exporting communism and fascism under various guises. As long as the CCP exists, the world will not know peace.

A Country That Does Not Treat Its People as Human Cannot Endure

There are two fundamental reasons.

(1) The irreconcilable conflict between the people’s anger and the regime’s “stability maintenance.”

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the CCP locked down the nation for three years, treating its citizens like livestock. In 2022, furious citizens took to the streets—tearing down barricades, holding up blank sheets of paper, shouting “Down with the Communist Party! Down with Xi Jinping!” in what became known as the White Paper Revolution. Terrified, the regime launched a brutal crackdown and retaliatory arrests. Yet this movement directly forced an early end to the lockdowns.

To suppress dissent, the CCP has built the world’s largest internal security apparatus, with “stability maintenance” expenditures exceeding even its military budget. As the economy declines, some local governments can no longer pay their civil servants, yet the “stability budget” continues to grow, hollowing out the national treasury. When the fiscal system can no longer sustain it, police and local enforcers will resort to “self-financing” — harassing citizens, extorting fines, and inventing charges. Absurd phenomena such as “offshore fishing for revenue” have emerged. As social conflict intensifies exponentially, the regime faces eventual collapse through revolution or coup—one possible endgame for the CCP.

(2) The irreconcilable conflict between a dictator’s arrogance and the world’s peaceful order.

Xi Jinping is now surrounded by sycophants. Flatterers tell him he is omnipotent and can “liberate Taiwan.” Such delusion boosts his supposed “legitimacy” and deflects domestic crises, elevating him alongside Mao Zedong in the Party pantheon. Yet if he foolishly launches a war to annex Taiwan, the moment the cannons roar and blood is spilled, the CCP will once again show its utter disregard for both Taiwanese and Chinese lives.

The peace-loving civilized world will not tolerate such aggression. It will inevitably aid the people of Taiwan and China in overthrowing the CCP. This is the second possible scenario for the regime’s downfall.

In either case, both outcomes point to the same conclusion: the fall of the CCP and the end of dictatorship.

May this inhumane regime collapse soon.The Chinese people will surely welcome a new era of freedom, democracy, and constitutional governance—and only then can we truly celebrate the National Day of a New China.

从“爱自己”到民主宪政,继而走向自由文明

0

作者:倪世成
编辑:冯仍    责任编辑:韩瑞媛    翻译:吕峰

在自然的人性秩序中,人,首先应该学会爱自己。

自爱不是狭义的自私,而是自我价值的肯定,是人格独立的前提。一个懂得自爱的人,才懂得尊重他人,懂得追求真理与自由。

然而,中共的统治逻辑与这一点背道而驰。它所鼓吹的不是“爱自己”,而是“爱党”“爱领袖”“为党奉献”。在它的叙事中,个人的存在只是党机器的零件,个人的价值只是为党牺牲的程度。

一个人能否被歌颂,不取决于他是否真正幸福、自主、有尊严,而取决于他是否“忠于党”,是否“为党而死”。

这种思想灌输,看似高举“理想”“信仰”的大旗,实则剥夺了人最根本的权利:独立思考与自我价值的确立。

事实上,由于中共长期毫无底线的失信,几乎没有人真正相信它的那一套说辞。所谓“人民当家作主”,在每一次大规模维稳和清场中破产;所谓“共同富裕”,在权贵资本的奢靡生活与底层百姓的辛酸对比中破产;所谓“社会主义核心价值观”,在言论审查、思想警察、粉红群体的网络暴力中破产。

这种破产带来了全民的伪装与虚伪。人们在心里并不相信中共,却不得不在表面上假装拥护。这种“口是心非”的普遍存在,逐渐演化为一种全民族的两面三刀现象。甚至习惯于在不同场合戴不同的面具。

并不是中国人天性如此,而是中共长期强制洗脑、制造恐惧的产物。从最初的顶层设计,制度本身就要人不说真话。社会中,如果说真话的代价是牢狱、酷刑、流亡,那么人人自然学会“沉默、敷衍、谎言”。这就是,为什么 当今中国社会充满犬儒主义和互害文化的根源。加上中共对民间信仰的系统打压,国人失去了精神上的依托。佛教、道教、基督教、伊斯兰教、甚至民间的传统礼俗,无孔不入,都被政治化、工具化、压制化。没有信仰,人们的精神世界被彻底抽空,只剩下对金钱、权力的追逐。

于是,中国成为了一个思想的洼地:

在网络空间,删帖与屏蔽每秒钟上演百万次;

在现实生活中,只要有人敢于发出不同声音,就会被周围的粉红“批斗”;

在学校里,孩子们从小就被教导“没有共产党就没有新中国”;

在职场中,员工必须参加毫无意义的“政治学习”;

在社会上,人人都活在“核心价值观”的紧箍咒下。

在这样高度强控的环境里,甚至有人发出疑问?是丑陋的中国人造就了丑陋的中共?还是丑陋的中共造就了丑陋的中国人?

之一: 中共对人性的摧残

一、“爱党高于爱己”的政治逻辑

中共的意识形态核心,就是让人把“党”放在最高的位置——

家庭与党之间,必须选择党;

亲情与党之间,必须选择党;

个人幸福与党之间,必须选择党;

生死存亡与党之间,仍然必须选择党。

这一逻辑的极致表现,就是“对党绝对忠诚”。

中共治下的历史,无数人因为对亲友有所隐瞒,被冠以“叛徒”的名号;无数家庭因为子女揭发父母,父母检举子女,而被撕裂。中共把这种非人性的行为美化为“高尚的革命精神”。

这正是它剥夺人性的手段:让人背叛自我,背叛亲情,以证明对党的忠诚。然而,一个失去了自爱的民族,是不可能拥有真正的独立人格的。中共正是利用这一点,把几代中国人改造成了“为党服务的工具”。

二、谎言文化与全民虚伪

中共的统治,建立在系统性的谎言之上。

历史谎言:

说“共产党是抗战的中流砥柱”,但史实早已证明国民党才是正

面战场的主力;

说“大跃进是人民公社的伟大实验”,结果是数千万同胞饿死;

说“文革是人民群众自发运动”,实际上是最高层权力斗争的产物;

说“六四是反革命暴乱”,但世界都看见了坦克如何碾压无辜学生;

说“清零政策是最优方案”,但人们亲身经历了被铁链封门、饿死在家、医院拒诊的惨剧。

政治谎言:

说“人民当家作主”,但任何真正的选票从未存在;

说“社会主义核心价值观”,但实际上只是统治工具;

说“依法治国”,但法律只为维护一党专政服务。

经济谎言:

说“共同富裕”,但富裕的只是少数权贵;

说“中国经济奇迹”,但这个奇迹建立在土地掠夺、血汗工厂与环境破坏之上。

当社会的统治者用谎言治理国家,结果必然是全民学会撒谎

——学生学会在作文里写假话;

公务员学会在汇报里报喜不报忧;

老百姓学会在饭桌上三缄其口;

商人学会靠欺骗和特权关系生存。

人人都活在面具之下,这就是中共制造的“全民虚伪”。

三、现代化监控与思想警察

进入信息化时代,中共把监控与思想控制提升到了前所未有的高度。

大数据审查:几乎每一个人的发言、浏览、转发,都在实时被记录。

删帖与屏蔽:无论是微博、微信,还是抖音、知乎,每秒都有成千上万的言论消失。

AI审查:人工智能已经取代了人工网管,做到“秒删”,让人根本来不及发声。

社会信用体系:一个人的言行不再是私事,而是直接影响买票、贷款、就业。

线下告密制度:在学校里,学生举报老师;在社区里,居民互相监督;在职场上,同事互相揭发。

这种全方位的监控,使人失去了最基本的安全感。哪怕是一句无心的话,都可能引来“喝茶”或失业;哪怕是一次偶然的转发,都可能导致牢狱之灾。

结果:人不敢说真话,甚至不敢想真话;思想被内化成“自我审查”。

这就是中共戕害人民的最阴毒之处:它不只是外在的强迫,更是让人自我驯化,主动成为奴隶。

综上,中共对人性的摧残是全方位的:

用“爱党高于爱己”的逻辑,剥夺人自爱的权利;用谎言文化,制造全民虚伪;用现代化监控,把恐惧植入人心。这就是为什么中国社会会出现犬儒、冷漠、两面三刀的现象。

不是中国人天生如此,而是制度塑造了这种丑陋。唯有当中国人挣脱这种精神枷锁,才可能重新学会自爱,重建人与人之间的真诚与善意。

之二、 中共的外来性

一,中共并非中国文化的产物

在中国五千年的文明史中,政治制度与文化价值观有过多种形态:

儒家:重“仁义礼智信”,强调人伦秩序、轻利重诺;

佛家:弘扬慈悲,强调因果报应与内心解脱;

道家:追求清静无为,顺应自然;法家,强调法度与秩序。

无论哪一种传统,都有其“人性化”的一面,根植于中华文明的土壤之中。然而,中共的出现,与中国的传统文化格格不入。

共产主义源自马克思主义,根基在欧洲;列宁主义更是苏俄革命的产物。

它们的核心理念是:阶级斗争,暴力革命,党领导一切,无产阶级专政。

以上理念与中国传统文化完全对立:

儒家讲“和为贵”,而共产主义讲“斗争”。

道家讲“无为而治”,而共产主义讲“暴力夺权”。

佛家讲“慈悲”,而共产主义讲“阶级敌人必须消灭”。

因此,中共根本不是中国文化的延续,而是一种外来极权意识形态的移植。

二、苏俄的角色:真金白银的资助

1921年中共成立的最初阶段,就得到了苏俄共产国际的直接扶持。苏俄提供资金,支持中共组织与宣传;苏俄提供军事顾问,帮助中共建立武装;苏俄提供培训,让中共骨干在莫斯科学习革命理论;苏俄甚至直接派员指导中共的政治纲领。

例如:第一次国共合作并非中共自主选择,而是苏俄出于战略考虑的安排。中共不过是苏俄棋局上的一枚棋子。

在抗战时期,中共更是依赖苏俄的物资援助,才得以在延安稳住阵脚。毛泽东本人早年就多次表示“只有苏联红军才是我们最可靠的兄弟”。

换句话说,没有苏俄的资金与武器等全方位支持,中共不可能坐大,更不可能在1949年篡夺政权。

三、苏俄的支持不是无条件的

苏俄支持中共,从来不是“国际主义”或“无私帮助”。它的真正目的,是在中国输出革命,建立一个听命于莫斯科的政权,成为苏俄的战略屏障。

在中共初期,几乎所有的决策都要请示莫斯科。毛泽东最早不过是地方领导,直到与苏俄路线结合,才逐渐掌握大权。即使建国之后,中苏之间仍存在严重的主从关系。

这说明,中共政权的合法性,并不是来自中国人民的自由选择,而是源自苏俄的战略需要。它是苏俄革命的延伸,是红色帝国主义的产物。

四、苏俄解体的不彻底性

1991年苏联解体,许多人以为共产主义的幽灵已然消失。但事实上,它的遗产仍然牢牢地盘踞在中国大陆。

政治体制:一党专政、领袖个人崇拜,仍旧是苏联模式的翻版。

思维模式:敌我划分、群众斗群众、阶级斗争的逻辑依然存在。

国际策略:继续继承苏联的反西方、反自由路线,把自己塑造成“与西方对抗的中心”。

换句话说,苏俄虽然解体,但它的“精神遗产”并没有消失,而是通过中共延续至今。中共就是那个未被埋葬的幽灵。

之三、中国社会的扭曲

一、信仰真空与精神荒漠

中共对民间信仰的打压,导致中国社会陷入严重的精神真空。佛教寺庙被商业化,成为收门票、卖香火的场所;道教庙宇被改造为旅游景点,失去了宗教性;基督教、天主教受到严格管制,讲道必须经过党批准,教义被中共审查并篡改;伊斯兰教清真寺被拆毁或汉化,信徒遭受监控;法轮功学员更是遭到系统性的迫害,甚至活摘器官。

在这样的环境里,宗教与信仰不再是人民心灵的寄托,而只是党的工具。

结果是:

人们失去了对超越价值的敬畏;精神世界陷入空虚;金钱和权力成为社会唯一的衡量标准。

二、社会心理的异化

在精神荒漠中,中国社会出现了严重的心理畸变。

唯金钱价值观:

人们把成功等同于财富,把尊严等同于金钱。

年轻人拼命“内卷”,只是为了在北京、上海买一套房。

道德被金钱腐蚀,诚信被利益吞噬。

犬儒与躺平:

人们普遍相信“说真话没用,努力没用”。年轻人宁愿“躺平”,不愿参与虚伪的竞争。“内心清醒,表面糊弄”成为社会常态。

“润学”的兴起:

越来越多人选择“润”(run),逃离中国,寻找自由世界的空间。“留在中国”的人,则普遍在内心认同这种选择,却无力实现。

这些现象表明,中共不仅统治了中国人的身体,更摧残了中国人的心灵。

甚至有人提出这样的疑问:“是丑陋的中国人造就了丑陋的中共,还是丑陋的中共行造就了丑陋的中国人”

有人说:中国人性格中本就有奴性,才会让中共得逞。也有人说:正是中共的统治,才把中国人改造成“丑陋”的模样。

两者的因果关系:

中共利用人性中的弱点(趋利避害、对强权的恐惧),来维持统治;同时,中共通过教育、宣传、暴力,把这种弱点放大、固化,最终成为社会的普遍现象。

例如:在文革时期,孩子举报父母,妻子揭发丈夫,这是人性泯灭的极端表现;在清零政策下,社区干部拿着铁链封门,把邻居当作“病毒”,而不是当作“同胞”;在网络环境中,粉红群体攻击异见者,以此证明自己的“政治正确”。

这些都不是中国人“天生”如此,而是中共系统性改造人性的结果。

互害社会与奴性文化:

今天的中国社会,呈现出一种病态的“互害文化”:司机遇到事故先担心被讹诈,而不是救人;医患关系恶化,医生担心病人闹事,病人担心医生乱收费;校园里学生互相竞争,却缺乏基本的友谊与信任。

而在奴性文化中:

人们对强权俯首称臣,却对弱者冷漠无情;面对官员唯唯诺诺,面对同胞却斤斤计较。这种畸形文化的根源,正是中共的统治。它制造恐惧,让人们在恐惧中自保;它制造不平等,让人们在攀比中互害;它制造专制,让人们在屈辱中习惯奴性。

社会扭曲的根源:

综上所述,中共的统治导致了中国社会的全方位扭曲:

信仰被摧毁——精神真空;

思想被压制——言行虚伪;

心理被异化——犬儒互害;

文化被篡改——奴性沉淀。

这是一个被强行改造的人群,一个被迫与真实自我切断联系的民族。

然而,正因为这一切是“人为制造”的,就说明当枷锁打破之时,中国人完全有可能重新找回本色。

之四、 与其他儒家文化圈的对比

台湾的经验:没有中共的中国

常有人说:台湾就是没有中共的中国。

台湾与大陆同源同文,民族血脉一致,文化传统相通。但因为制度不同,两地社会发展却走向了截然相反的方向。

政治制度的转型:

台湾早期同样经历过威权统治,存在白色恐怖。但从 1980 年代起,台湾逐步走向民主化:解除戒严、开放党禁、言论自由、直选总统。

今天,台湾是亚洲最自由的民主社会之一。

经济发展的成果:

台湾曾被称为“亚洲四小龙”,凭借制度保障、产权保护和科技创新,成为全球电子产业的重要基地。

台湾的半导体产业,更是全球供应链的核心,直接影响世界经济安全。

社会氛围的差异:

在台湾,普通人可以在街头公开批评总统,而不会遭受迫害。

学生可以组织社团、游行示威,表达意见。网络上虽然也有争论,但没有无所不在的删帖与屏蔽。

这一切说明:制度不同,结果不同。

台湾并不是因为“人种特别优秀”才成功,而是因为它选择了不同的制度。

日本:从战争废墟到民主社会

日本在二战中战败,城市化为废墟,国力一度崩溃。但战后,美国主导的宪政改革,使日本走上了民主与法治的道路。

制度上的重建:

日本放弃军国主义,确立和平宪法。政治体制转向代议民主,政党竞争成为常态。

经济上的奇迹:

从 1950 年代到 1980 年代,日本创造了“经济高速增长奇迹”,一跃成为全球第二大经济体。

其背后的动力,正是制度保障下的创新与国际合作。

社会信任的重建:

日本社会以诚信和秩序闻名。在地震、海啸等灾难中,民众自发排队领取物资,几乎没有哄抢与混乱。相比较,中国虽然经济总量庞大,但社会信任度极低,人与人之间缺乏最基本的安全感。这正是制度差异造成的。

韩国:从军政府到自由民主

韩国在上世纪 1960–1980 年代,曾长期处于军政府独裁统治之下。言论受限,反对派遭压制;

学生运动屡次遭到血腥镇压。

转折:1987 年“六月民主运动”爆发,百万市民走上街头,最终迫使政府让步,实现了民主化。今日之韩国:

总统可以被弹劾下台,法律高于个人;娱乐文化、科技创新蓬勃发展,成为软实力大国;人民享有充分的言论、集会自由。

对比中国可以看出:韩国与中国在 1980 年代面临类似选择,但韩国选择了民主,中国选择了六四镇压。 从此,两国走上了截然不同的道路。

新加坡:威权+法治的独特模式

新加坡并非完全的民主国家,但它却是一个高效、廉洁、法治的社会。政府虽然权力集中,但高度重视反腐与效率。法治严格执行,社会秩序井然。教育、医疗、住房等公共服务保障水平极高。

新加坡的经验表明:即使在威权体制下,只要政府廉洁、法治健全、政策透明,依然能够实现经济与社会的高度发展。

然而中国大陆的威权,却是腐败、黑箱、掠夺式的统治,完全不同。

五、制度与经济的因果关系

有人说,中国人只盯着经济发达的国家,是因为“唯金钱价值观”。

但事实是:经济的成功并非偶然,而是制度成功的结果:

民主制度——鼓励创新,

保护产权——经济活力旺盛。

法治制度——限制权力,减少腐败——财富分配相对公平。

言论自由——社会活力释放——科技与文化繁荣。

相反,专制制度的结果,必然是腐败、内卷、阶层固化、财富集中。

从台湾、日本、韩国、新加坡的经验可以清楚看到:制度不同,命运不同。

之五、未来的可能性

当有一天:

设想当有一天,中国人真正挣脱了中共的精神控制:

人们可以自由表达,不再担心因一句真话而坐牢;

人们可以选择信仰,不再担心被迫跪拜党旗;

人们可以诚实相待,不必戴上虚伪的面具;

人们可以追求梦想,而不是一生困在体制和户籍的枷锁里。

那时,人与人之间的良善与爱将自然生长。

那时,“唯金钱价值观”会被更高的价值观取代。

那时,国人将重新展现民族本色——轻利而重诺。

中国可能的道路:

台湾模式:

渐进式民主化,保留部分制度,再逐步过渡。实现真正意义上的普选、新闻自由、司法独立。

东亚儒家文化模式:

借鉴日本、韩国、新加坡的经验。在儒家文化背景下建立现代民主与法治。

欧洲自由民主模式:

彻底与极权制度决裂,建立西方式自由民主国家。强调人权、法治、平等与自由。

每一种模式都有可能性,但关键在于:中国必须首先告别中共。

如何避免“去中共化”后的堕落?

历史的经验告诉我们:推翻一个专制政权并不难,难的是避免重蹈覆辙。苏联解体后,俄罗斯滑向寡头政治和新威权;东欧某些国家在民主化后,依然陷入腐败。

因此,中国未来必须做到:建立健全的宪政与分权制度,防止权力再次集中。

重建社会信任,让人们敢于说真话、做真事。

推行教育改革,让下一代学会独立思考,而不是盲目服从。

建立过渡期的司法审判,追责迫害者,避免遗毒延续。

只有这样,中国才能真正走向自由。

重建自爱、自信与自尊:

中共最大的罪恶,不只是杀戮与腐败,而是剥夺了中国人的自爱与尊严。

未来的中国,要重建的,不只是制度与经济,更重要的是人的心灵:

让每个人重拾自爱,不必再为党而活;

让每个人重建自信,相信自己的人格与价值;

让每个人重获自尊,不必再向权力低头。

这是民族文明传递下去的真正意义。

制度的成功,造就经济的成功;制度的失败,必然导致社会的全面堕落。中国的问题,不在于人民愚昧,不在于文化落后,而在于中共这个外来极权政党,长期用谎言与暴力扭曲了民族的灵魂。只有当中国人挣脱精神枷锁,重建自由、法治与信仰,中华文明才能真正传承不息。

如果有幸,你、我、全世界将共同见证那一天,一个摆脱中共的中国,才是真正的中国。

From Loving Oneself to Constitutional Democracy, and Toward a Free Civilization

Author: Ni Shicheng   
Editor: Feng Reng   Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract
Starting from the humanistic concept of “loving oneself,” this article critiques the CCP’s systemic repression of individuality, faith, and society, exposing its foreign totalitarian nature. It analyzes the spiritual distortion of Chinese society, and through comparative studies with Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and other Confucian societies, proposes possible paths for China’s transition toward constitutional democracy and civilizational renewal.

Preface

In the natural moral order of humanity, a person must first learn to love oneself.

Self-love is not narrow selfishness but the affirmation of personal worth — the foundation of independent personality. Only those who truly love themselves can respect others and pursue truth and freedom.

Yet the logic of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) runs directly counter to this.It promotes not “love yourself,” but “love the Party,” “love the leader,” and “dedicate yourself to the Party.”In its narrative, the individual exists only as a cog in the Party’s machine. A person’s worth is measured not by their happiness, autonomy, or dignity, but by how much they sacrifice for the Party.

Thus, whether a person is glorified depends not on genuine virtue but on “loyalty to the Party” — even to the point of dying for it.Such indoctrination, cloaked in lofty ideals and “faith,” deprives people of their most fundamental right: independent thought and self-affirmation.

After decades of broken promises, almost no one truly believes the CCP’s rhetoric anymore.Its claims that “the people are the masters of the country” collapse under every bloody crackdown;its slogan of “common prosperity” collapses amid the contrast between princely elites and suffering peasants;its “core socialist values” collapse under censorship, online mobs, and thought policing.

The result is universal hypocrisy — a society of masks. People privately distrust the Party but publicly feign loyalty. This “double life” has become a national condition, producing a culture of cynicism and deceit.This is not the Chinese people’s innate nature — it is the outcome of prolonged fear and coercive indoctrination.When truth-telling leads to prison, torture, or exile, silence becomes survival.Thus emerges a society steeped in hypocrisy, fear, and mutual deception — the fertile ground for cynicism and cruelty.

With faith destroyed, the Chinese spirit is hollow.Buddhism, Daoism, Christianity, Islam, and even folk traditions have all been politicized, manipulated, and suppressed.Without faith, the soul is empty — leaving only the pursuit of money and power.

China has become a spiritual wasteland:posts deleted every second;truth silenced by mobs;children taught to “thank the Party for everything”;workers forced into meaningless “political study sessions”;and society shackled by propaganda masquerading as morality.

Thus, people ask:Did the ugly regime create an ugly people — or did an ugly people create the ugly regime?

Part I. The CCP’s Destruction of Humanity

1. “Loving the Party Above Loving Oneself”

The CCP’s core ideology demands absolute subordination of self to the Party:Between family and Party — choose the Party.Between love and Party — choose the Party.Between life and Party — still, choose the Party.

The highest virtue becomes “absolute loyalty.”Millions have been imprisoned, denounced, or even killed for “insufficient loyalty.”Children betrayed parents; spouses exposed one another — such inhuman acts were glorified as “revolutionary virtue.”The result: a nation that forgot how to love itself, reduced to servants of the state.

2. A Culture of Lies and Hypocrisy

The CCP’s rule rests on systematic falsehoods.

Historical lies:It claims to be “the pillar of resistance” in WWII, though Nationalist forces bore the main burden;it glorifies the Great Leap Forward as a triumph, though tens of millions starved;it calls the Cultural Revolution “a mass movement,” though it was a power struggle;it brands Tiananmen 1989 “a counterrevolutionary riot,” though the world saw tanks crushing students.

Political lies:It proclaims “the people rule,” yet no genuine election exists;it preaches “rule of law,” yet the law serves only one party;it shouts “values,” yet practices only censorship and fear.

Economic lies:It declares “common prosperity,” yet wealth is monopolized by the powerful;it boasts an “economic miracle,” yet built it on sweatshops, expropriation, and environmental ruin.

Under a regime of lies, everyone learns to lie.Students in essays, officials in reports, citizens at the dinner table, businessmen in trade.Thus emerges a culture of deceit — “the nation of masks.”

3. Surveillance and Thought Police

With digital tools, the CCP has turned control into total surveillance:big-data tracking, real-time censorship, algorithmic deletion, social-credit punishment, and mutual spying in schools and workplaces.People no longer dare to speak — or even to think — freely.Fear becomes self-censorship, and coercion becomes habit.The regime’s greatest cruelty is not physical imprisonment, but making people their own jailers.

Part II. The CCP’s Foreign Nature

1. Not a Product of Chinese Civilization

China’s native traditions — Confucian benevolence, Buddhist compassion, Daoist harmony — all humanize power.By contrast, Marxism-Leninism is an alien creed rooted in European class war and Soviet totalitarianism.It preaches struggle, not harmony; violence, not virtue; hatred, not compassion.The CCP is thus an ideological transplant — not a continuation of Chinese civilization, but its negation.

2. Soviet Sponsorship

From its birth, the CCP was nurtured by Moscow — with funding, weapons, training, and guidance.Comintern agents dictated its strategies, and Mao himself declared loyalty to Soviet leadership.Without Soviet gold and guns, the CCP could never have seized power.

3. The Unequal Relationship

The Soviets never acted out of altruism — their goal was to build a satellite regime obedient to Moscow.The CCP was a pawn in the Soviet imperial chessboard, a tool to export revolution and extend Russian influence.Hence, its legitimacy derives not from Chinese will, but from foreign power.

4. The Unburied Ghost

The USSR fell in 1991, but its ghost lives on in Beijing.One-party rule, cult of personality, hostility toward the West — all continue.The CCP is the last living relic of Soviet imperialism — an undead empire in Chinese form.

Part III. The Distortion of Chinese Society

1. The Vacuum of Faith

By crushing religion, the CCP created spiritual desertification.Temples became tourist traps; sermons became propaganda; believers became suspects.Even conscience became a political liability.With no sacred horizon, society worships only wealth and power.

2. Psychological Deformation

The result:Money as morality. Success equals wealth; virtue equals power.Cynicism and apathy. People no longer believe effort matters. “Lying flat” becomes rebellion.Exodus of the soul. The rise of “run philosophy” — escaping the homeland to find freedom abroad.

Such behaviors are not innate but engineered — the outcome of decades of fear, deceit, and indoctrination.The CCP exploits human weakness, amplifies it, and institutionalizes it — producing a nation that lies to survive.

3. A Society of Mutual Harm

Fear breeds selfishness; inequality breeds cruelty.People obey the strong and despise the weak.A driver fears being scammed more than saving a life; patients distrust doctors; neighbors spy on neighbors.This is the moral ruin of a nation ruled by terror.

Part IV. Lessons from the Confucian World

Taiwan: A China Without the CCP

Same people, same culture — yet a free society.Since the 1980s, Taiwan democratized peacefully: martial law lifted, free elections established, speech protected.Its economy thrived under property rights and innovation; its society enjoys openness and dignity.The difference is not racial — it is institutional.

Japan: From Ruins to Rule of Law

After WWII, Japan’s U.S.-backed constitutional reform abolished militarism and built democracy.Rule of law, political competition, and civic trust enabled an economic miracle.Even amid disaster, Japanese citizens show order and empathy — products of institutional trust, not “national character.”

South Korea: From Dictatorship to Democracy

Once ruled by generals, South Korea’s 1987 uprising achieved democratization through mass protest.Today, its presidents can be impeached, and its people enjoy full civil liberties.China faced the same choice in 1989 — Korea chose freedom; China chose tanks.

Singapore: Authoritarian Efficiency

Singapore shows that even a semi-authoritarian regime can succeed — if it upholds law, meritocracy, and integrity.The CCP’s rule, by contrast, combines autocracy with corruption and brutality — the worst of both worlds.

Institutional Causality

Economic prosperity follows institutional virtue:freedom fosters innovation;law limits corruption;accountability sustains fairness.Authoritarianism yields stagnation and decay.The difference between Taiwan, Japan, Korea, and China lies not in people — but in systems.

Part V. The Future Possibility

Imagine a day when:People speak truth without fear;believe freely without coercion;treat one another honestly without masks;and pursue dreams without shackles of hukou or ideology.

Then love, trust, and virtue will return.Then materialism will give way to moral purpose.Then the Chinese spirit — noble and humane — will revive.

Paths Forward

Taiwan Model: Gradual democratization — step-by-step reform toward full suffrage, judicial independence, and press freedom.

East Asian Model: Combine Confucian ethics with modern democracy — as in Japan, Korea, and Singapore.

Western Liberal Model: A complete break with totalitarianism — adopting constitutional democracy and universal human rights.

Whatever the path, the precondition is clear: China must first end CCP rule.

Avoiding Post-Authoritarian Decay

Toppling tyranny is easy; building freedom is hard.Post-Soviet Russia fell into oligarchy; some Eastern European states slid back into corruption.Thus, China’s transition must ensure:

separation of powers;

restoration of social trust;

education for critical thinking;

transitional justice to confront past crimes.

Only then can freedom take root.

Rebuilding Self-Love, Confidence, and Dignity

The CCP’s gravest sin is not its corruption, but its destruction of self-worth.The new China must rebuild from within:

self-love without servitude;

confidence without arrogance;

dignity without fear.

This is the essence of civilizational rebirth.

Institutional virtue leads to prosperity; institutional rot leads to collapse.China’s problem is not its people — it is the alien tyranny that has deformed them.When the Chinese people break their spiritual chains, reclaim faith, law, and freedom, civilization will flourish anew.

And if we are fortunate, you, I, and the world shall witness that day —when a China free from the CCP finally becomes the true China.

没有国庆 只有国殇

0
没有国庆  只有国殇

旧金山华人社团反抗中共暴政76年

作者/编辑:袁崛 中国民主党旧金山党部培训站站长 校对:林小龙 翻译:吕峰

在自由世界,国庆日是举国欢庆之時,而共产政权的「国庆日」则截然相反:每年10月1日,各国中共领馆前却只有抗议和谴责声。

没有国庆  只有国殇

10月1日,中国民主党旧金山党部,中国民主人权联盟,维吾尔人社团,西藏流亡社团,香港人社团齐聚中国驻旧金山领事馆,抗议中共非法政权统治及迫害中国人民76年。

活动组织者之一、中国民主党旧金山组织部长胡丕政说,我们聚集在这里,不是为了庆祝,而是为了哀悼。76年来中共不断发动各种政治斗争,数千万中国人死​​于非命,中共给无数中国家庭带来深重灾难。我今天带来的不仅是一张海报,而是一面血淋淋的镜子。76年来,中共的政权正是踩着一代又一代死难者的头颅走到今天。

旧金山民主人士关永杰说,每年十一都参加活动抗议中共。他认为,这个政权给全世界造成大麻烦:「它在国内欺压人民、『割韭菜』,把人民当『党产』,遇到任何政治危机,就把人民推出当成挡箭牌。『中华人民共和国』的存在是人类的悲剧,对全世界、对所有中国人来说,都是悲剧。关永杰期盼中共早日倒台,消除对亚洲邻国及美欧等自由世界国家的威胁。让全世界回归和平安宁。

在场的还有主张“光复香港,时代革命”的香港人公共事务组织,以及希望脱离中共集权统治,实现民族独立的维吾尔人和西藏人社团,他们齐呼喊“打倒共產黨”、“共產黨下台”、“free hongkong”、“free East Turkeestan” 、”free Tibet”,声音响彻中共领事馆。

No National Day — Only a National Tragedy— 76 Years of Chinese Resistance to CCP Tyranny in San Francisco

Author / Editor: Yuan JueDirector of the Training Division, China Democratic Party San Francisco Branch
Proofread : Lin Xiaolong Translated : Lyu Feng

Abstract:Seventy-six years after the founding of the Chinese Communist regime, the Chinese people continue to suffer under endless disaster and persecution. As China’s economy and national power have grown, so too has the CCP’s threat to the free world. Exiles and ethnic minorities gathered in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco to protest totalitarian rule and call for democracy and independence.

In the free world, a National Day is a time of national celebration.Under communist rule, however, “National Day” means the opposite: every year on October 1st, outside Chinese embassies and consulates around the world, one hears not joy—but voices of protest and condemnation.

没有国庆  只有国殇

On October 1st, members of the China Democratic Party San Francisco Branch, together with the China Democracy and Human Rights Alliance, Uyghur organizations, Tibetan exile groups, and Hong Kong community associations, gathered in front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco to protest the Chinese Communist Party’s illegitimate rule and 76 years of persecution against the Chinese people.

One of the organizers, Hu Pizheng, Minister of Organization for the China Democratic Party San Francisco Branch, said:

“We gather here today not to celebrate, but to mourn.For 76 years, the CCP has continuously launched political campaigns that have taken the lives of tens of millions of Chinese.It has brought immense suffering to countless families.What I hold today is not merely a poster, but a blood-stained mirror.For 76 years, the CCP’s regime has advanced by stepping on the skulls of generation after generation of victims.”

San Francisco-based democracy advocate Guan Yongjie said he participates in this protest every year on October 1st to denounce the CCP. He stated:

“This regime has created enormous trouble for the entire world.At home, it oppresses the people, exploits them like ‘cutting leeks,’ and treats citizens as Party property.Whenever it faces a political crisis, it pushes the people forward as its human shield.The so-called ‘People’s Republic of China’ is a tragedy for humanity — a tragedy for the entire world and for all Chinese people.”

Guan expressed hope that the CCP will collapse soon, ending its threat to neighboring Asian countries and to the free nations of Europe and America —so that the world may once again return to peace and freedom.

Also present were members of Hong Kong civic groups advocating “Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times,” as well as Uyghur and Tibetan organizations calling for freedom from the CCP’s authoritarian rule and for national independence.

Together, they chanted:“Down with the Communist Party!”“Communist Party, step down!”“Free Hong Kong!”“Free East Turkestan!”“Free Tibet!”

Their voices echoed loudly outside the Chinese Consulate,resonating as a unified cry against tyranny.

洛杉矶 10月7日 美东巡游凯旋庆典活动

0
洛杉矶 10月7日 美东巡游凯旋庆典活动

美东巡游凯旋庆典活动

兹定于2025年10月7日(星期二)活动具体安排如下:

• 14:00—15:00 好莱坞星光大道活动欢迎仪式

• 15:00—16:00 中共驻洛杉矶总领事馆总结大会

• 18:00起 凯旋晚宴

以上时间为预估时间,根据时间行程会有所调整,请全体参加人员提前到达各指定地点,及时留意群内通知,注意仪容仪表,遵守活动纪律,确保活动顺利进行。

活动收集:胡丽莉

《全球覺醒》第四十二期

0
《全球覺醒》第四十二期
洛杉磯 10月5日《全球覺醒》第四十二期 聲討中共網絡暴政
《全球覺醒》第四十二期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】揭穿紅色謊言,聲討網絡暴政,還人民真實聲音

七十六年來,中共靠謊言與暴力維持非法統治,把中華民族拖入一次又一次深重災難。從大飢荒、文化大革命,到六四屠殺,再到迫害法輪功、打壓香港、關押新疆民眾,直至新冠封控和今日的數字極權,數千萬條生命因中共的暴政而喪失,億萬家庭被摧殘。

近期,中共再度發動所謂「清朗行動」,企圖整肅網絡上最普通的負面情緒。任何人只要表達迷茫、失落或不滿,就可能被審查、被封號、被噤聲。試圖用強行壓制來掩蓋經濟崩壞、失業飆升、社會焦慮的真相,這正說明它已到了惶惶不可終日的境地。一個政權若連人民的嘆息都要取締,說明它已極度虛弱,不敢面對現實。

我們必須看清:所謂「清朗」,不過是剝奪公民正常表達的權利,把社會輿論變成單調的頌歌,掩蓋年輕一代的困境,掩蓋中國社會的全面危機。沒有言論自由,就沒有真正的社會健康;沒有批評聲音,就沒有任何改革可能。

中共妄圖用鐵幕堵住互聯網,卻無法阻止人們的清醒。它害怕真相、害怕自由、害怕人民發出質問。但歷史不會因封口而改寫,正義的呼聲終將衝破防火長城。

我們呼籲全球熱愛自由的人們團結一致,揭穿紅色謊言,抵制網絡暴政,聲援被噤聲的中國人民。我們要讓世界聽見真實的聲音:中共才是製造恐懼、散播謊言、摧毀文明的根源。天滅中共已成必然,唯有解體中共,中國才能迎來自由新生!

打倒謊言政權!推翻紅色暴政!

還我言論自由!拒絕網絡暴政!

聲援中國人民!團結迎接新生!

活动收集:胡丽莉

洛杉矶 10月4日晚上7:00 “周五江湖”

0
洛杉矶 10月4日晚上7:00  “周五江湖”
洛杉矶 10月4日晚上7:00  “周五江湖”

又到了每个月的第一周,本期“周五江湖”特邀中国民主党全国委员会洛杉矶地委党史法规部部长、重庆师范大学历史学专业研究生袁崛先生主讲两个板块的内容:

从于朦胧热点事件看中共的统治危机及其对我们的影响:

于朦胧死亡事件疑点重重

中共合法性遭受质疑

于朦胧事件引发社会及外媒的关注

于朦胧事件对我们的影响

政党社会及国家就双重党籍问题的观点和看法:

民主国家禁止双重党籍规定的由来及实施情况

中国民主党全国委员会宪章的规定

为什么同时加入冠以“中国民主党”称号的其他组织的行为值得商榷

欢迎广大党员朋友准时到场参会学习并热情交流探讨!

时间:10月4日晚上7:00–9:00

地点:200 E Garvey Ave # 201, Monterey Park, CA 91755

活动收集:胡丽莉

洛杉矶 10月4日 第758次茉莉花行动 声援江西政治犯

0
洛杉矶 10月4日 第758次茉莉花行动 声援江西政治犯
洛杉矶 10月4日 第758次茉莉花行动 声援江西政治犯

第758次茉莉花行动

主题:声援江西政治犯

这些人不是坏人,他们只是说了真话,要求公义,却被关进了监狱。他们都因为坚持正义而遭到打压。

他们在里面受苦,我们在外面不能沉默。

他们的今天,有可能是每个人的明天!

李宜雪:江西南昌人,因举报辅警猥亵被强行送进精神病院。获释后,她持续揭露江西精神病院非法关押政治犯和上访人士的内幕,随后再次被当局关押在精神病院。

肖青山:江西吉安人,劳工维权人士,长期为工人提供法律援助。2021年“十一”前夕失联,后被以“寻衅滋事罪”判刑4年6个月,刑期至2026年3月。

王一飞(CPPC编号:00721):江西政治犯,“兴华会”发起人。因在江西喷写“官员财产公开”“平反六四”等标语,2018年被捕,2019年被判刑。2022年再次被捕,2024年确认因“颠覆罪”获刑7年半。

张晓东:江西南昌人,多年奔走于维权一线。2022年11月被捕,2024年5月10日被判刑4年,现羁押于南昌市第一看守所。

朱玉芳(CPPC编号:00303):因自家店铺被强拆而维权,曾遭酷刑并服刑3年。2021年12月再次被捕,2022年8月被判刑4年,刑期至2025年12月10日,目前羁押于萍乡市看守所。

他们的遭遇正是江西当局对敢于发声的公民系统性打压的缩影。

所以我们要告诉全世界:江西还有很多无辜的人在牢里,他们需要外界的关注,需要大家的支持。

自由和公义不会永远被关押,黑暗也遮不住光明。

让我们一起为江西的政治犯发声,不让他们孤单!

时间:2025年10月4日(周六)下午4点

地点:洛杉矶中国领事馆门外

主办:中国民主党洛杉矶委员会

承办:中国民主党洛杉矶委员会江西工委

活动发起人:曾禹寒/曾群兰

活动策划:曾群兰

活动负责人:倪世成 杨皓

联系电话:6263109606

活动主持人:曾禹寒/曾群兰

视觉设计:张致君

宣传:黄吉洲 /张东灏

摄影/摄像义工:卓皓然

活动收集:胡丽莉

重塑自我 重建人性社会

0

作者:张兴贵

编辑:李之洋 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吴可正

天朝许多问题的症结,在于“不把人当人”。这句话刺耳,却直指社会的根源。在文化、制度与实践中,“人”常被简化为工具、数据或符号,而非有血有肉、有思想与尊严的个体。

一、不把人当人的社会症结

社会中,人被赋予各种标签,却被剥夺了作为“人”的本质。在一些官员眼中,人只是完成指标的工具、统计表上的数字或宣传的棋子:他们可能是“劳动力”,为经济增长添砖加瓦;可能是“生育机器”,为人口政策服务;或是“消费者”,为利润贡献财富。但这些身份背后,几乎无人追问:他们是谁?他们的梦想、痛苦与追求是什么?

这种“工具化”思维渗透各处:教育中,学生被化为分数,教师沦为指标执行者;职场中,员工成了“螺丝钉”;医疗中,病人被视为“病例”;甚至在家庭里,孩子也常被当作父母梦想的延伸,而非独立个体。其根源在于长期忽视个体的尊严与价值,用集体目标与宏观数据取代了人本关怀。

二、中国人的悲剧:迷失的自我

中国人的悲剧在于:不知道自己是什么,不知道应该成为什么,不知道能够过怎样的生活。

首先,不知道自己是什么。社会标签掩盖了真实个性,我们被推着前行,却少有机会探索自我。在中国一个成绩一般的孩子,可能喜欢画画或写故事,但老师和家长只关注分数,他会被贴上“差生”的标签。他会被推到补习班、题海里,没有人鼓励他去发展天赋。久而久之,他也怀疑自己“就是个差生”,而忘了自己真正热爱的是什么。

其次,不知道自己应该是什么。长期以来,社会强加“成功”的标准——高学历、高收入、买房买车、成家立业。但这些标准并不适合所有人。人们被教育要服从,却鲜少被鼓励去选择独特的道路。一个本来热爱音乐的男生,梦想成为独立音乐人。但走出校园后社会与家庭不断提醒他:要有“稳定工作”、要买房、要结婚。他只能像所有人一样朝九晚五,被迫活在别人期待的剧本里。

最后,不知道自己能过什么样的生活。效率与结果主导的社会让人们接受“只能如此”的观念,被告知生活就是竞争与牺牲,而不是尊严、自我与幸福。快递员就是活生生的例子,他们每天奔波十几个小时,只为多送几单、多挣几十块钱。他习惯了这种高强度竞争,被告知“拼命干才有出路”。久而久之,他不再思考自己是否喜欢这份工作,是否能有闲暇时间去陪伴家人、旅行或学习新技能、是否还能追求更好的生活,而只是把人生等同于送件、赚钱和透支身体。

结语

每个人都不是工具,而是独一无二的存在,拥有情感、梦想和尊严。改变不会立刻发生,但可以从自身开始:尊重身边的人,倾听他们的故事;反思自我,拒绝被外界期待绑架;行动起来,为弱者发声,为人性呼吁。唯有如此,我们才能重塑自我,重建更人性化的社会。

Reshape the Self, Rebuild a Humane Society

Author: Zhang Xinggui

Editor: Li Zhiyang Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Translator: Wu Kezheng

Abstract: Chinese society has long reduced people to mere tools, neglecting individual dignity and value, resulting in widespread loss of self. The author calls for beginning with respecting others, reflecting on oneself, and taking active steps to rebuild independent character and foster a more humane society.

Under the CCP regime, the root of many problems lies in “not treating people as people.” Harsh as it sounds, it points directly to the root of society. In culture, institutions, and practices, “human beings” are often reduced to tools, data, or symbols, rather than flesh-and-blood individuals with thoughts and dignity.

I. The Root of Social Ills: Not Treating People as People

In society, people are assigned various labels but deprived of their essence as “human beings.” In the eyes of some officials, people are merely tools to fulfill targets, numbers on a statistical sheet, or pawns in propaganda: they may be “labor force” to fuel economic growth; “reproductive machines” to serve population policy; or “consumers” to generate profits. Yet behind these identities, few ever ask: who are they? What are their dreams, pains, and aspirations?

This “instrumentalization” mentality penetrates every corner: in education, students are reduced to scores, and teachers to enforcers of targets; in the workplace, employees become just a cog in the machine; in healthcare, patients are treated as “cases”; even in families, children are often regarded as extensions of their parents’ dreams rather than independent individuals. The root lies in the long-standing neglect of individual dignity and value, where collective goals and macro-level data replace human-centered concern.

II. The Tragedy of the Chinese People: A Lost Self

The tragedy of the Chinese people is this: they do not know what they are, they do not know what they should become, and they do not know what kind of life they can live.

First, they do not know what they are. Social labels obscure real individuality. We are pushed forward but rarely given the chance to explore ourselves. In China, an average student may like drawing or writing stories, but teachers and parents only focus on grades, labeling him as a “poor student.” He is pushed into cram schools and endless problem sets, with no one encouraging him to develop his talents. Over time, he begins to believe he truly is just a “poor student,” forgetting what he genuinely loves.

Second, they do not know what they should be. For a long time, society has imposed rigid standards of “success”—a high degree, high income, buying a house and a car, to start a family and establish a career. But these standards do not suit everyone. People are taught to obey but seldom encouraged to pursue unique paths. A boy who truly loves music may dream of becoming an independent musician. Yet once he leaves school, society and family constantly remind him: you need a “stable job,” you must buy a house, you must get married. He can only live like everyone else, working nine to five, forced into a script written by others’ expectations.

Lastly, they do not know what kind of life they can live. A society dominated by efficiency and results leads people to accept the notion of “this is the only way,” being told that life is nothing but competition and sacrifice—not dignity, selfhood, or happiness. Delivery workers are a vivid example: they rush around for over ten hours a day, just to deliver a few more parcels, to earn a few more yuan. They grow accustomed to this intense competition, told that “working to exhaustion is the only way out.” Over time, they no longer ask themselves whether they like this job, whether they can have leisure to accompany family, travel, or learn new skills, or whether they can pursue a better life. Instead, they equate life with deliveries, making money, and exhausting their bodies.

Conclusion

No one is a tool; each person is a unique being with emotions, dreams, and dignity. Change will not happen overnight, but it can begin with ourselves: respecting those around us and listening to their stories; reflecting on ourselves and refusing to be enslaved by others’ expectations; taking action to speak for the weak and advocate for humanity. Only in this way can we reshape the self and rebuild a more humane society.