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洛杉矶2025年9月1日 紧急声援胡洋

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洛杉矶2025年9月1日 紧急声援胡洋
洛杉矶2025年9月1日 紧急声援胡洋

声援胡洋,一个欧洲留学生,因为民主言论,在回国的上海机场下飞机后立刻被拘捕,现在快两个月了,家人与律师都不能被接触,言论自由在中共国是刑责,未来是死是活,很难预料。

他母亲非常担忧胡洋的安全,最牵挂的也是这一点。🙏

我们在荷兰有一些朋友,也许可以协助了解他申请学校的情况。也请尽力扩散消息,呼吁外界关注。

胡洋被抓是习近平高压维稳的又一案例。

中共不但要管住国内人的嘴,还想管住国外中国人的嘴,中共的目标是管住所有人的嘴,言论自由是天赋人权,呼吁中共立即释放胡洋,还胡洋人权自由和说话的权利!

时间:周一,2025年9月1日下午5点
地点:64纪念馆门口
3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, CA 91732
活动主题:言论自由不是罪,中共立即释放胡洋
方式:x直播,视频图文传播
欢迎民主人士前来支持。
发起人:权录军,刘敏,凤照
海报设计:张致君

Support Hu Yang

Hu Yang, a Chinese student studying in Europe, was arrested immediately upon arriving at Shanghai Airport after returning home, simply because of his pro-democracy statements. He has now been detained for nearly two months. Neither his family nor his lawyer has been allowed to see him. In the CCP’s country, freedom of speech is treated as a crime. His future — whether life or death — is uncertain.

His mother is extremely worried about his safety, and her greatest concern is for his survival. Some of our friends in the Netherlands may be able to help gather information regarding his school application. We also call upon everyone to spread this news and draw international attention.

Hu Yang’s arrest is yet another case of Xi Jinping’s high-pressure “stability maintenance.” The CCP not only wants to silence people inside China but also aims to silence Chinese citizens abroad. Ultimately, the CCP’s goal is to silence everyone.

Freedom of speech is a God-given human right. We demand the CCP immediately

release Hu Yang, restore his human rights, and give him back the right to speak!

Time: Monday, September 1, 2025, at 5:00 PM
Location: In front of the June 4th Memorial Hall
3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, CA 91732
Theme: Freedom of Speech Is Not a Crime — Release Hu Yang Immediately
Method: X live broadcast, video, and image sharing
Initiators: Quan Lujun, Liu Min, Feng Zhao
Poster Design: Zhang Zhijun

投影在重庆的黑夜:戚洪的勇气与呐喊

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投影在重庆的黑夜:戚洪的勇气与呐喊

 作者:毛一炜 YIWEI MAO
编辑:胡丽莉  
责任编辑:罗志飞
翻译:何兴强

8月29日晚,重庆大学城熙街的夜空被一束束光撕裂,投影仪将“没有共产党才有新中国”“自由不是恩赐,要去夺回”等标语映在高楼之间,持续50多分钟。戚洪,一个普通人,用行动向世界宣告:中共的邪恶统治必须被推翻,人民的自由必须自己夺回。

 标语直指邪恶:“起来吧,不愿做奴隶的人们”“打倒红色法西斯”。这是对中共残暴统治的控诉,是亿万被压迫者心声的汇聚。在中国,只要公开批评共产党,轻则被封号、监控,重则会被失踪、拘押甚至判刑。戚洪清楚自己面临的风险,但他毫不退缩,用投影仪撕裂沉默,让真相显现,让每一个看到的人明白:中共是践踏自由、扼杀人性的暴政,是一切正义的敌人。

投影在重庆的黑夜:戚洪的勇气与呐喊

 

戚洪还留下了一封写给警方的信。在信中,他明确表明自己的立场:行动不是破坏,而是唤醒社会、揭露暴政;他承担自己的行为责任,同时呼吁正义和自由。信件展现出一个事实——反抗邪恶不仅可以理性,更必须承担责任。戚洪没有退缩,没有妥协,他用行动和文字证明:反抗中共暴政,是每一个有良知的人不可回避的责任。

 这次行动的意义不仅在于个人勇气,更在于它向社会传递明确信号:沉默只会助长中共的残暴,每一次发声、每一次承担责任,都是对邪恶统治的挑战,是推动自由和正义的武器。中共的统治是邪恶的,是必须被彻底谴责和粉碎的。没有妥协,没有顺从,只有行动和抗争,才能让黑暗被冲击,让人民觉醒。

 重庆大学城的夜晚虽然短暂,但戚洪留下的影响长久。投影让人看到被压制的声音,信件体现理性与责任感。两者结合,使行动更具象征意义,也更有力量。自由不会自动到来,邪恶必须被揭露、被反抗。中共的统治永远不能被默认,只要有人敢发声、敢行动,暴政就会被击碎。

 戚洪的行动告诉我们:社会进步不是靠沉默,也不是靠顺从,而是靠勇敢的反抗。每一次发声、每一次行动,都是对中共暴政的直接控诉。重庆大学城的投影,也许会被时间冲淡,但戚洪留下的勇气和信件中传达的坚守,将长久留在人们的记忆中,成为反抗暴政的象征。

 这是普通人的反共行动,却在沉默的环境中点燃希望。它提醒我们:中共的邪恶统治必须被反抗,正义和自由必须被捍卫。戚洪用行动证明:反抗暴政不仅是勇气,更是一种责任,是对自由的坚持,是对未来的呼喊。每一次光亮的投影,都是对黑暗的控诉;每一封信,都在提醒人们:自由不会自动到来,邪恶的统治必须被彻底粉碎,人民必须站起来夺回自己的权利。

Projection in Chongqing’s Night: The Courage and Outcry of Qi Hong

Author: Yiwei Mao
Editor: Hu Lili
Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translation: He Xingqiang

Abstract: On the evening of August 29, the night sky over Xijie in Chongqing University Town was torn apart by beams of light. A projector cast slogans such as “Only without the Communist Party can there be a new China” and “Freedom is not a gift, it must be taken back” across the high-rise buildings for more than 50 minutes. Qi Hong, an ordinary man, used his actions to declare to the world: the evil rule of the CCP must be overthrown, and the people’s freedom must be reclaimed by their own hands.

On the night of August 29, the sky over Xijie in Chongqing University Town was pierced by beams of light. A projector displayed the slogans “Only without the Communist Party can there be a new China” and “Freedom is not a gift, it must be taken back” between the tall buildings, lasting for over 50 minutes. Qi Hong, an ordinary individual, through this act proclaimed to the world: the CCP’s evil tyranny must be toppled, and freedom must be seized by the people themselves.

The slogans struck directly at the evil: “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves” and “Down with the Red Fascists.” This was an indictment of the CCP’s brutal rule and the collective cry of hundreds of millions of oppressed people. In China, openly criticizing the Party can result in having accounts banned, being surveilled, or, more gravely, being disappeared, detained, or sentenced. Qi Hong fully understood the risks he faced, yet he did not flinch. With a projector, he tore through the silence, made the truth visible, and let everyone who saw it understand: the CCP is a tyranny that tramples on freedom, strangles humanity, and stands as the enemy of all justice.

Qi Hong also left behind a letter addressed to the police. In it, he made his position clear: his action was not destruction, but an effort to awaken society and expose tyranny. He assumed responsibility for his actions, while appealing to justice and freedom. The letter demonstrated an essential truth—that resisting evil can be rational but must also be borne with responsibility. Qi Hong neither retreated nor compromised. Through both his act and his words, he proved: resisting the CCP’s tyranny is an inescapable duty of every person with conscience.

The significance of this action lies not only in personal courage but also in the clear signal it sent to society: silence only fuels the CCP’s cruelty, while every voice and every assumption of responsibility is a challenge to evil rule, a weapon in advancing freedom and justice. The CCP’s rule is evil—it must be denounced and destroyed without compromise, without submission. Only through action and struggle can the darkness be shattered and the people awakened.

Though the night in Chongqing University Town was brief, Qi Hong’s impact is enduring. The projection gave visibility to suppressed voices, and the letter embodied rationality and responsibility. Together, they made the act more symbolic and powerful. Freedom will not arrive on its own; evil must be exposed and resisted. The CCP’s rule can never be accepted as the norm. As long as people dare to speak out and to act, tyranny will eventually be broken.

Qi Hong’s actions remind us that social progress does not come through silence or submission, but through courageous resistance. Every voice, every action, is a direct indictment of CCP tyranny. The projection in Chongqing University Town may fade with time, but the courage Qi Hong displayed, and the steadfastness expressed in his letter, will endure in memory as a symbol of resistance against tyranny.

This was an act of resistance by an ordinary person, yet it ignited hope in an environment of silence. It reminds us: the CCP’s evil rule must be opposed, and justice and freedom must be defended. Qi Hong’s actions proved that resisting tyranny is not only an act of courage, but also a responsibility—an insistence on freedom and a cry for the future. Every ray of projected light was an indictment of the darkness; every letter a reminder: freedom will not come automatically, the evil rule must be utterly destroyed, and the people must rise to reclaim their rights.

农民养老金微薄,中共社保成敛财工具

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作者:毛一炜

编辑:何清风 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

农民几十年辛苦缴纳社保,到老却得不到应有的保障,缴纳的钱大部分流向城市特权阶层,这就是制度的真实写照。城市职工养老金大多上千甚至上万,而农民几十年的辛勤劳作,到手的养老金往往只有几百元。王志安在《王局拍案》中直言不讳地指出,农民缴纳的社保实际上成为支撑城市福利的“隐形补贴”。这种差距绝非偶然,而是制度设计与权力逻辑共同作用的结果。

大陆社保长期实行城乡二元制度。城镇社保由财政兜底,保障稳固;农村社保几乎完全依赖个人缴费,回报微薄。农民即便进城打工多年,也无法享受与城市职工同等待遇。更令人质疑的是,这些缴纳款项并非完全用于农民本身,而在制度上被挪用或用于支撑城市特权阶层的福利。换言之,中共通过社保体系形成了对农民的长期敛财机制:表面是保障,实际上是把农民辛苦劳作变为城市财政和特权阶层的资金来源。

台湾的经验提供了鲜明对比。早在1995年,台湾就建立了“老农津贴”,只要年满65岁并在农会登记,农民就能领取养老金。金额不高,却体现了制度对农民劳动价值的尊重。台湾实行全民健保,城乡差异被大幅缩小,农民与城市居民享有同等医疗待遇。这种公平不是口号,而是民主监督下制度设计的必然结果。

造成大陆农民社保长期不公的根源,不在资金短缺,而在权力逻辑安排。城市优先、权力优先,农民被系统性边缘化,缴纳的资金被挪用或消耗于非农民群体。台湾能够实现相对公平,是因为农民拥有选票,政治人物必须回应,否则会面临下台风险。没有民主监督,就没有制度公平;没有民意压力,农民永远是制度牺牲者。

社保欺农背后的敛财逻辑,也揭示了中共制度本质:社会资源被用于维持权力结构,而非真正保障民生。农民缴纳的钱,经过层层行政运作和地方财政调剂,往往难以真正回到缴纳者手中。这种制度设计,使得农民不仅承担劳动负担,也成为城市福利和特权阶层的长期资金来源。所谓“共同富裕”,在这种体系下,只是空洞口号。

农民缺乏有效监督权力的能力,无法阻止这一体系运作。缴费年限越长,贫困风险越高,养老金却越来越低。这种结构性不公,让农民长期处于制度的被动和边缘地位。台湾的经验告诉我们,即便资源有限,民主机制也能保证弱势群体享有基本权利;而在中共体制下,农民只能被动接受不平等安排。

可以看到,大陆社保欺农的问题核心在制度和权力逻辑,而非技术问题或资金不足。学台湾,不只是学政策表象,更要学民主监督和权力制衡。一个国家,如果农民辛劳一生,到老仍被制度抛弃,缴纳款项反而被权力结构吸收,用于特权阶层福利,这个国家就失去了最基本的正义。真正的改革,不仅要调整社保数字,更要让农民拥有发声权和参与权,让制度不再成为权力敛财的工具,而是真正保护他们的尊严。

Farmers’ pensions are meager, and the Communist Party of China’s social security has become a money-gathering tool.

Abstract: Wang Zhi’an bluntly pointed out in “Wang Bureau Shooting Case” that the social security paid by farmers has actually become an “invisible subsidy” to support urban welfare. As early as 1995, Taiwan established the “Old Farmers’ Allowance”. As long as they are 65 years old and registered with the Farmers’ Association, they can receive pensions.

Author: Mao Yiwei

Editor: He Qingfeng Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator:Ming Cheng

Farmers have worked hard to pay social security for decades, but they are not guaranteed when they are old. Most of the money they pay flows to the urban privileged class. This is the true picture of the system. Most urban workers’ pensions are thousands or even tens of thousands, while farmers often get only a few hundred yuan after decades of hard work. Wang Zhi’an bluntly pointed out in “Wang Bureau Shooting” that the social security paid by farmers has actually become an “invisible subsidy” to support urban welfare. This gap is by no means accidental, but the result of the joint effect of institutional design and power logic.

Mainland social security has implemented a dual system between urban and rural areas for a long time. Urban social security is guaranteed by the bottom of the government; rural social security is almost entirely dependent on individual contributions, and the return is meager. Even if farmers work in the city for many years, they cannot enjoy the same treatment as urban workers. What is more questionable is that these contributions are not entirely used for the farmers themselves but are institutionally misappropriated or used to support the welfare of the urban privileged class. In other words, the Communist Party of China has formed a long-term money-raising mechanism for farmers through the social security system: on the surface, it is a guarantee, but in fact, it turns farmers’ hard work into a source of funds for urban finance and privileged classes.

Taiwan’s experience provides a sharp contrast. As early as 1995, Taiwan established the “Old Farmers’ Allowance”. As long as they are 65 years old and registered with the Farmers’ Association, they can receive pensions. The amount is not high, but it reflects the system’s respect for the labor value of farmers. Taiwan implements universal health insurance, the gap between urban and rural areas has been greatly reduced, and farmers and urban residents enjoy the same medical treatment. This kind of fairness is not a slogan, but the inevitable result of the institutional design under democratic supervision.

The root cause of the long-term injustice of social security for mainland farmers is not the shortage of funds, but the logical arrangement of power. Cities are given priority, power is given priority, farmers are systematically marginalized, and the funds paid are misappropriated or consumed by non-farmer groups. Taiwan can achieve relative fairness because farmers have votes, and politicians must respond, otherwise they will face the risk of being out of power. Without democratic supervision, there is no institutional fairness; without public pressure, farmers will always be institutional victims.

The logic of making money behind the social security bullying farmers also reveals the essence of the Communist Party of China’s system: social resources are used to maintain the power structure, not to truly protect people’s livelihood. The money paid by farmers is often difficult to return to the taxpayers after layers of administrative operation and local financial adjustment. This institutional design makes farmers not only bear the labor burden but also become a long-term source of funds for urban welfare and privileged classes. The so-called “common prosperity” is just an empty slogan under this system.

Farmers lack the ability to effectively supervise power, which cannot prevent the system from operating. The longer the contribution period, the higher the risk of poverty, but the lower the pension. This structural injustice has put farmers in a passive and marginal position in the system for a long time. Taiwan’s experience tells us that even with limited resources, democratic mechanisms can ensure that vulnerable groups enjoy basic rights; under the Communist Party of China, farmers can only passively accept unequal arrangements.

It can be seen that the core of the problem of social security bullying farmers in mainland China is the logic of system and power, not technical problems or lack of funds. To learn from Taiwan, we should not only learn from the appearance of policies, but also from democratic supervision and power checks and balances. In a country, if farmers work hard all their lives and are still abandoned by the system in old age, and the contributions are absorbed by the power structure and used for the welfare of the privileged class, the country will lose the most basic justice. The real reform should not only adjust the social security figures but also let farmers have the right to speak out and participate, so that the system no longer becomes a tool for power to make money but truly protect their dignity.

洛杉矶 8月30日 全球审判共产党

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洛杉矶 8月30日 全球审判共产党
洛杉矶 8月30日 全球审判共产党

活动公告:2025年8月30日本周六 16:00 “全球审判中共九宗罪”

中共执政以来,罪恶滔天。 凡坚持守护公义的律师、记者、作家、企业家、宗教信仰者等都纷纷入狱,乃至被害。 今年以来,北京大洪水,中原大旱成灾,中共已经到了穷途末路,我们向全球华人发起号召,全球审判中共所犯下的罪恶,让中共在正义号角下颤栗。

2025年8月30日下午4点 洛杉矶中领馆门前审判中共九宗罪!

热爱正义的人,不见不散!

发起人:张致君/梁少华/郑敏

组织者:赵叶/杨辰/景辉辰/陈婷/蔡淼/郑伟/黄春远/牟宗强

道具:梁爽

视觉设计:张致君

主持人:郑敏/周君红

义工:韦洁筱/李素芳/梦飞舟/王希/韦明乾/黄娟/皮乔海

主办方:全能基督灭共阵线

中国民主党

中国企业家联盟

其罪一:反人类。共产党是邪灵,是撒旦。共产党建政伴随着暴力和恐怖,统治同样是暴力和谎言,以党性取代和消灭人性,是反自然和反人性的邪灵,撒旦。 其罪二:卖国罪。共产党源于俄国,披上马列主义的邪皮,装神弄鬼,是流氓痞子组成的队伍,巧取豪夺是它的本色。 其罪三:暴政罪。共产党暴政前所未有,中共“杀人”与“诛心”并用,镇压共产党之外的一切信仰;粉墨登场,为共产党在中国的“造神”运动拉开了大幕。根据共产党的阶级斗争理论和暴力革命学说,不断地消灭不同范围和群体中的异己分子。同时,用斗争加欺骗的手段强迫全国人民成为它暴虐统治下的顺民。 其罪四:恶斗罪。共产党宣扬“人定胜天”,“斗争哲学”,藐视天地自然。毛泽东说:“与天斗其乐无穷,与地斗其乐无穷,与人斗其乐无穷。”。共产党或许从中获取了真实的欢乐,而人民却为此付出惨痛代价。 其罪五:迫害宗教罪。共产党是宗教自由的死敌,不仅迫害法轮功学员,还迫害基督徒、佛教徒、伊斯兰教徒,有千千万万的宗教信徒被中共关押在监狱里,关在精神病院里,甚至有法轮功的学员被强摘器官,酷刑虐待更是平常。 其罪六:文化灭绝罪。从中共1949年窃据政权开始,就倾国家之力开始了对我们民族文化的破坏,这绝不是它出于工业化的狂热、或希望靠拢西方文明而干了一些蠢事,而是它在意识形态上与民族的传统文化势如水火,因此它的文化破坏就是有组织、有计划、有系统的,并且是以国家暴力作为后盾的。从建党到现在,中共对中国文化的“革命”从来都没有停过,也确实企图彻底“革”中国文化的“命”。 其罪七:杀人罪。中共的历史就是杀人的历史,中共通过杀人来满足其大权在握、生杀予夺的变态快感;通过杀人来缓解内心的恐惧;通过不断杀人来压制以前杀人所造成的社会冤仇和不满。时至今日,中共由于血债累累,已无善解的出路,而又依靠高压与专制维持到它生存的最后一刻。即使有时采用“杀人,平反”的模式来迷惑一下,但其嗜血的本质从来没有变过,将来就更不可能改变。 其罪八:邪教罪。共产党的所作所为证明它是一个邪教。以阶级斗争、暴力革命、和无产阶级专政为中心的共产党教义,导致了充满血腥暴力与屠杀的所谓共产革命。共产党政权的红色恐怖持续约一个世纪,祸及半个世界,导致数千万至上亿人丧生。这样一个创造人间地狱的共产党信仰,正是人世间的头号邪教。 其罪九: 流氓罪。中国共产党通过流氓起义和痞子革命夺取政权在人间立足后,它干的就是通过血腥暴政来建立和维护一个“党附体”形式的专制社会。以反自然、反天理、反人性、反宇宙的所谓“斗争”精神,来摧毁人类的良知善念,来摧毁人类的传统文明和道德观念,用血腥屠杀和强制洗脑来制造一个全民疯狂的共产邪教的一统天下。在共产党的历史上,有过红色恐怖到达顶峰的猖狂时期,也有过几近灭亡、落荒而逃的狼狈时刻,共产党每每都是靠了耍尽流氓来度过危机走向下一个猖狂,继续愚弄人民百姓。

Event Announcement: August 30, 2025 (Saturday) at 4:00 PM — “Global Trial of the CCP’s Nine Crimes”

Location: In front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles Time: August 30, 2025 (Saturday) at 4:00 PMTheme: Global Trial of the Nine Crimes of the CCP

Initiators: Zhang Zhijun / Liang Shaohua / Zheng MinOrganizers: Zhao Ye / Yang Chen / Jing Huichen / Chen Ting / Cai Miao / Zheng Wei / Huang Chunyuan / Mou ZongqiangProps: Liang ShuangVisual Design: Zhang ZhijunHosts: Zheng Min / Zhou JunhongVolunteers: Wei Jiexiao / Li Sufang / Meng Feizhou / Wang Xi / Wei Mingqian / Huang Juan / Pi Qiaoha iSponsors: Almighty Christ Anti-CCP FrontDemocratic Party of ChinaChinese Entrepreneurs Alliance

墨写的谎言 掩盖不了鲜血记录下的历史

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墨写的谎言 掩盖不了鲜血记录下的历史

作者:袁崛

编辑:赵杰  责任编辑:罗志飞

翻译:何兴强

墨写的谎言 掩盖不了鲜血记录下的历史

中国民主党党史法规部长,本文作者 袁崛  在现场

中国抗日战争胜利八十周年之际,中共在北京举行盛大阅兵,甚至邀请台湾退役国军将领参加。亲共侨团在洛杉矶也以纪念抗战胜利八十周年为名,举办“黄河大合唱”演唱会,邀请海外华人及国军后代参加,其中包括“投降将军”张治中女儿张素久。通过一系列的操作,中共俨然已经成为抗日战争的中流砥柱。然而墨写的谎言,掩盖不了血写的历史,中共不仅不是中华民国八年全面抗战的中流砥柱,反而是国民政府领导下全民族浴血奋战的阻碍者、破坏者!这样一个靠出卖民族利益非法窃取政权的组织,没有资格来纪念这场全民族浴血奋战赢来的伟大的卫国战争!

中国民主党人郑伟高举中华民国国旗

中共是抗战的中流砥柱吗?中共以暴力和谎言起家,又靠这二者维系专制统治,深知虚假宣传的重要性。八年全面抗战中,中华民国国军组织淞沪会战、武汉会战、三次长沙会战等大的战役22次,200多名将军战死,伤亡将士360多万①,如此惨痛的牺牲却被中共用虚假的宣传所掩盖。八年全面抗战中,中共不仅不与日军正面作战,反而积蓄力量,与国军抢夺地盘。毛甚至派潘汉年、袁殊与日本领事岩井等人暗中联络,制定“联日反蒋”的策略②。在安徽、浙江等地驻守的新四军暗中袭击国军,拒绝蒋中正委员长的调令才是造成“皖南事变”的真正原因。八年抗战中共越打越强,军队规模由抗战初期的约5万人,发展到1945年超过100万人,拥有两百多万民兵,并通过“解放区”控制了将近一亿人口,呈现出人口规模和军事力量的显著增长。这得益于毛泽东“一分抗日、二分应付、七分发展”③的指导思想,中共在敌后根据地进行武装力量的迅速扩张。实际上八年抗战中,中共能够宣传的就是平型关战役和百团大战,真相是平型关只是一场伏击战,属于山西战区阎锡山领导下太原会战的一部分;百团大战也是以破坏敌人交通线为目标,总指挥彭德怀还因过早地暴露了中共军队的实力而遭到毛泽东批评。

中国民主党人王乃一、杨皓、赵杰、朱晓娜等在现场抗议

1949年后中共通过扭曲历史,丑化国军英勇的抗战经历,来掩盖和否认中华民国国军通过惨烈的牺牲加上美欧盟友的帮助才赢来卫国战争的历史真相。历史教科书、电视剧中都是国军见到日军就逃跑的场面,蒋介石对张学良下达的“不抵抗命令”也一直在流传!近些年随着互联网的普及,面对越来越多的民众知道抗战的真相,大陆出现了“民国热”“国军热”,中共仍然以抵制“历史虚无主义”为由批判公众“美化及夸大国军抗战的历史作用”!④

中国民主党英文部长郭斌发表英文演讲揭露中共 假抗战真统战

中共为什么要纪念抗战?中共作为抗日战争的最大受益者, 得益于八年中“上山观虎斗,下山摘桃子”。受毛泽东“一分抗日、二分应付、七分发展”思想指导下的中共军队养精蓄锐,在国共内战中如下山猛虎,三年时间就将在国力虚弱影响下又“疲战、厌战”的国军打得无还手之力,不得不撤退台湾。 毛在1950年代接见日本访华代表团成员佐佐木更三等人时发自肺腑地说“没有你们皇军侵略大半个中国,中国人民就不能团结起来对付你们,中国共产党就夺取不了政权”⑤,感激之情溢于言表。1949年中共建立政权之后的几十年内,抗日战争并不是中共爱国宣传的重点。一是因为抗战结束并没有多久,社会大众仍然有深刻的历史记忆;二是那时中共对抗的主要对象是美国及败退台湾的国民政府,于是国共内战及朝鲜战争成了宣传的主角,黄继光、邱少云等人家喻户晓。1976年“文革”结束,中共转为以“经济建设”为纲,原有的“共产主义”意识形态破产,“民族主义”成了维护专制统治的一块护身符。通过强硬地对外表达立场,中共将自己塑造成为民族利益的“合法代言人”。近些年来,战狼外交强势兴起,历史上曾对中国人民造成巨大创伤的日本侵华战争成了中共用来激发民族情绪,煽动民众恨日、仇日的不二法门!中共通过纪念抗战、长年累月的抗日神剧、新闻及抖音等自媒体上的宣传,巧妙地让广大民众将抗战纪念与中共作为民族利益代言人联系起来,从而无条件地拥挤中共极权专制统治,这才是中共要高调纪念抗战的真正目的!

中国民主党及洛杉矶民运界人士合影留念

8月23日,中国民主党人携手洛杉矶民运界人士一齐出现在迪士尼音乐厅门口,抗议中共“假抗战 真统战”,揭露中共虚假的抗战宣传及丑陋的统战行径!近百名追求民主自由、反对中共专制统治的抗议者聚集音乐厅,高举中华民国国旗和美国星条旗,并展示各种抗议标语:“假抗战 真卖国” “一寸山河一寸血 十万青年十万军”“内外勾结 屠戮同胞”“中共不灭 中国不安”“要做中华儿女 不做马列子孙”“中华民族永不倒 马列邪教必灭亡”等标语,喊出了抗议中共异国统战的最强音。抗议者发表演说,唱“英雄勋章”“中华民国颂”等歌曲,并向参加统战演唱会的华人同胞喊话,向他们宣传抗战的真相,呼吁他们一同抵制中共的“假抗战 真统战”。在场华人纷纷树起大拇指,并对抗议者不吝赞扬之词。中国民主党人及洛杉矶民运界人士发出时代最强吼声,绝不让中共的统战在美国这样的民主灯塔国肆无忌惮地横行!

注释:

①:《中华民国重要史料初稿—对日抗战.绪编(三)》 

②:筑波大学名誉教授远藤誉博士2016年《毛泽东勾结日军的真相》 

③:1941年国民参政会提出的《中国共产党问题档案》 

④:中国历史研究院2025年8月23日在官方微信公众号发布 郭洋 《不能夸大国民党的抗战作用》 

⑤:《毛泽东思想万岁》1969年(716页版本)p.532 -545 

Ink-Written Lies Cannot Cover Up the Blood-Recorded History

Author: Yuan Jue

Editor: Zhao Jie

Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator:He XingQiang

Summary:

Ink-written lies cannot cover up the history recorded in blood. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was not the pillar of the nation in China’s eight-year War of Resistance against Japan, but rather an obstacle and saboteur to the National Government’s nationwide resistance.

Minister of Party History and Regulations, China Democracy Party,Article by Yuan Jue, on site

On the 80th anniversary of China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan, the CCP held a grand military parade in Beijing, even inviting retired Kuomintang (KMT) generals from Taiwan to attend. Pro-CCP overseas associations in Los Angeles also organized a concert of the Yellow River Cantata in the name of commemorating the 80th anniversary of the victory, inviting overseas Chinese and descendants of Nationalist soldiers, including Zhang Sujiu, the daughter of “surrender general” Zhang Zhizhong. Through such maneuvers, the CCP has portrayed itself as the backbone of China’s resistance against Japan. Yet ink-written lies cannot conceal the history written in blood: the CCP was not the pillar of China’s eight-year War of Resistance, but rather the obstacle and saboteur of the National Government’s nationwide life-and-death struggle! A political organization that seized power illegally by betraying national interests has no right to commemorate this great war of national defense won through the blood and sacrifice of the whole nation!

China Democracy Party member Zheng Wei raised the flag of the Republic of China

Was the CCP the pillar of China’s resistance? The CCP, founded on violence and lies, and sustained by them to this day, understands well the importance of false propaganda. In the eight-year war, the National Revolutionary Army of the Republic of China launched 22 major battles, including the Battle of Shanghai, the Battle of Wuhan, and the three Battles of Changsha. Over 200 generals gave their lives, and more than 3.6 million soldiers were killed or wounded①. Such heavy sacrifices were obscured by the CCP’s propaganda.

During those eight years, the CCP not only avoided direct confrontation with the Japanese army, but instead hoarded strength and fought the Nationalists for territory. Mao even dispatched Pan Hannian and Yuan Shu to secretly liaise with Japanese Consul General Iwai, formulating the strategy of “allying with Japan to oppose Chiang Kai-shek”②. In places like Anhui and Zhejiang, the New Fourth Army secretly attacked Nationalist forces. Their refusal to obey Chiang Kai-shek’s orders directly caused the Anhui Incident (“New Fourth Army Incident”).

As the war dragged on, the CCP only grew stronger. Its military grew from some 50,000 at the start of the war to over one million by 1945, supported by more than two million militiamen, and controlled nearly 100 million people in its so-called “liberated zones.” This rapid growth was thanks to Mao’s guiding principle: “one part resistance, two parts compromise, seven parts development”③.

The CCP boasted of the Battle of Pingxingguan and the Hundred Regiments Offensive, but the truth is that Pingxingguan was merely an ambush, part of Yan Xishan’s Taiyuan Campaign, while the Hundred Regiments Offensive, aimed at sabotaging enemy transportation lines, was criticized by Mao himself for prematurely exposing the CCP’s strength.

China Democracy Party members Wang Naiyi, Yang Hao, Zhao Jie, Zhu Xiaona, and others protested on site

After 1949, the CCP twisted history and smeared the Nationalist army’s heroic resistance, in order to erase and deny the truth that it was the Nationalist government, with brutal sacrifice and the aid of Western allies, that won China’s war of survival. In history textbooks and TV dramas, the Nationalist army is portrayed as fleeing at the sight of the Japanese, while Chiang Kai-shek’s so-called “non-resistance order” to Zhang Xueliang is constantly repeated.

In recent years, with the internet spreading the truth, the Chinese public has shown rising interest in the Republic of China and the Nationalist army (“Republic of China fever,” “Nationalist army fever”). Yet the CCP still attacks this trend as “historical nihilism,” condemning the public for “beautifying and exaggerating the Nationalist army’s role in the war”④.

China Democracy Party’s English Minister Guo Bin delivered a speech exposing the CCP’s false “resistance war” and true “united front.”

Why does the CCP commemorate the war? Because it was the greatest beneficiary of the conflict—sitting on the mountain to watch the tigers fight, then descending to snatch the prize. Under Mao’s principle of “one part resistance, two parts compromise, seven parts development,” the CCP bided its time. After the war, during the civil conflict, it struck like a tiger from the mountain. In just three years, it defeated the war-weary and exhausted Nationalist army, forcing its retreat to Taiwan.

Mao himself admitted this. In the 1950s, meeting with visiting Japanese delegations including Sasaki Kōzō, he candidly said: *“Without your Imperial Army’s invasion of half of China, the Chinese people could not have united against you. Without that, the CCP could not have seized power”*⑤ — his gratitude was obvious.

After 1949, for decades the CCP did not emphasize the War of Resistance in its propaganda. First, because the memories were still fresh; second, because its main enemies were the United States and the Nationalist government in Taiwan, so propaganda focused on the civil war and the Korean War instead. Heroes like Huang Jiguang and Qiu Shaoyun became household names.

After the Cultural Revolution ended in 1976, the CCP shifted to “economic development,” abandoning communist ideology and adopting nationalism as a shield for dictatorship. In recent years, with the rise of “wolf warrior diplomacy,” Japan’s wartime invasion—a genuine national trauma—has been weaponized to stoke nationalism and anti-Japanese sentiment.

Through commemorations, endless “anti-Japanese dramas,” and state propaganda, the CCP has linked remembrance of the war with its claim to be the sole representative of national interests. Thus, the people are manipulated into equating patriotism with loyalty to dictatorship. This is the CCP’s true reason for commemorating the war.

China Democracy Party members and Los Angeles pro-democracy activists at the protest

On August 23, China Democracy Party members joined with the Los Angeles pro-democracy community outside the Walt Disney Concert Hall to protest the CCP’s “fake resistance, real united front,” exposing its false war narrative and shameful propaganda. Nearly 100 protesters who cherish democracy and oppose CCP dictatorship gathered, waving the Republic of China flag and the U.S. Stars and Stripes, and displaying banners:

“Fake resistance, real betrayal”

“An inch of land, an inch of blood; 100,000 youth, 100,000 troops”

“Colluding with foreign powers, slaughtering compatriots”

“No peace in China until the CCP is gone”

“Be children of China, not descendants of Marx and Lenin”

“The Chinese nation will never fall; the Marxist-Leninist cult must perish”

Protesters gave speeches, sang songs such as Hero’s Medal and Ode to the Republic of China, and addressed fellow Chinese attending the CCP’s united front concert, urging them to resist the false narrative. Many onlookers gave thumbs-up and words of praise. The China Democracy Party and the Los Angeles democracy movement community raised their strongest voice of the times: they will never allow the CCP’s united front to run rampant in the beacon of democracy that is the United States!

Notes:

① Draft of Important Historical Materials of the Republic of China – War of Resistance Against Japan, Preface (III)

② Dr. Endo Homare, Honorary Professor at Tsukuba University, 2016, The Truth of Mao Zedong’s Collusion with the Japanese Army

③ Archives on the CCP Issue submitted to the National Political Council, 1941

④ Chinese Academy of History, official WeChat account, August 23, 2025: Guo Yang, We Cannot Exaggerate the Role of the Nationalists in the War of Resistance

⑤ Long Live Mao Zedong Thought (1969, 716-page edition), pp. 532–545

纽约 8月31日 法拉盛联合反共活动通知

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纽约 8月31日 法拉盛联合反共活动通知
纽约 8月31日 法拉盛联合反共活动通知

【民主中国阵线(纽约)&中国民主人权联盟(纽约)第246次联合反共活动通知】

【时间】

8月31日(周日)上午11点

【地点】

法拉盛缅街图书馆门口

(41-17 Main St, Flushing, NY 11355)

【活动入群链接】

https://t.me/+GFSUJYv7mohmYmQ1

【活动话题】

谴责中共政协副主席、前香港特首威胁法轮功学员;祝贺4.5亿同胞退出中共党、团、队。

⿢ 抗议中共9月3日阅兵计划,即中国抗日战争暨第二次世界大战胜利80周年之际,在北京天安门广场举行“党卫军阅兵”,标榜自己虚伪的“中流砥柱”作用,同时邀请众多国际政要,形成反美轴心。

八年抗战,中华民族付出了巨大的牺牲,国民党军队作为正面战场的中坚力量,与无数同胞一道,在美国的巨大支持下(包括核武器威慑日本使其投降的重要因素),用鲜血和生命换来了最后的胜利。然而,中共却通过篡改史实,刻意抹去国民党、中国人民与美国人民的贡献,把属于全民族的胜利据为己有,用虚假的叙事来包装其政治合法性,其心可诛!

⿣ 请参加活动成员每人带1美元现金,我们继续为牛腾宇家属带头募捐,中共断其生源,我们不能冷漠。

目前前两次已公开募捐共计61美元=427人民币

(929) 389-8606/ (347) 880-6906

New York August 31sh Flushing Joint Anti-Communist Activities Notice

[Notice of the 246th Joint Anti-Communist Activities of the Federation for a democratic China (New York) & Chinese Democracy and Human Rights Alliance (New York)]

[Time]

August 31 (Sunday) 11 a.m.

[Location]

At the entrance of the library on Main Street in Flushing

(41-17 Main St, Flushing, NY 11355)

[Link to join the activity group]

Https://t.me/+GFSUJYv7mohmYmQ1

[Activity Topic]

⿡ Condemn the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference of the Communist Party of China and the former Hong Kong Special Leader for threatening Falun Gong practitioners; Congratulations to 450 million compatriots on withdrawing from the Communist Party of China, League and Team.

⿢ Protesting against the Communist Party of China’s military parade plan on September 3, that is, the 80th anniversary of China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and World War II, the “SS Military Parade” was held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, touting its hypocritical “mainstay” role. At the same time, many international dignitaries were invited to form an anti-American axis.

After eight years of resistance, the Chinese nation made great sacrifices. The Kuomintang army, as the backbone of the front battlefield, together with countless compatriots, with the great support of the United States (including the important factors that nuclear weapons deterred Japan’s surrender), won the final victory with blood and life. However, the Communist Party of China deliberately erased the contributions of the Kuomintang, the Chinese people and the American people by tampering with historical facts, took the victory of the whole nation for itself, and packaged its political legitimacy with false narratives, which is heart-wreaking!

⿣ Please bring 1 dollar in cash each to the participating members of the activity. We will continue to take the lead in raising donations for Niu Tengyu’s family. We can’t be indifferent to the Communist Party of China.

At present, the first two public fundraisings have totaled 61 USD = 427 RMB.

(929) 389-8606/ (347) 880-6906

信仰与沉默之间:活摘器官的罪恶与良知的觉醒

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信仰与沉默之间:活摘器官的罪恶与良知的觉醒

—-参加第752次茉莉花行动 抵制中共非法器官移植好莱坞大游行有感

作者:陈婷

编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:胡丽莉

在洛杉矶好莱坞的阳光下,一群来自不同背景的信仰者静静站立在星光大道的街角。他们手中的展板上,是一幅幅难以直视的画面:儿童被关押在铁笼里、青年赤裸的身体上令人触目惊心的伤疤、母亲的哀嚎穿越海洋。这些图像并非艺术创作,而是源自真实的罪恶——对信仰群体活摘器官的系统性迫害。

我也站在人群中,手举着一块写有“STATE ORGANS”字样的展板。这是一部记录活摘器官的纪录片,更是控诉极权对肉体与灵魂双重戕害的证据。在人流如织的好莱坞大道上,我们不为吸引目光而站立,只是为了让沉默被打破,让被迫害者的声音穿透商业与娱乐的喧嚣。

信仰与沉默之间:活摘器官的罪恶与良知的觉醒

在佛教教义中,“波旬”是迷惑众生、阻碍成佛之路的魔王,其特征并非外形狰狞,而在于善于伪装、扭曲真相。它往往披着正义、发展、安定的外衣,行压制、屠戮之实。在今天,某些政权的行为恰似波旬:以强大国家叙事掩盖恶行,以爱国之名打压宗教自由,以秩序的名义摧毁个体尊严。真理、慈悲、觉醒都成为待审之物,正如堪布索达吉所言:“世间最难对治的敌人,是披着利众外衣的嗔与痴。”

活摘器官,已非单纯政治问题,而是超越人类道德底线的罪恶行径。它以医院的名义进行,却抛弃了医学的伦理;它以司法的程序伪装,却无视了生命的尊严。若一个政权能系统性地对异见者、修行者进行活体摘除器官牟利,那么,这不仅是恶政的体现,更是堕入地狱行径。佛法教导众生尊重因果、慈悲众生,而这样的行为却是在颠覆因果、贩卖恐惧。

我们不能回避这个问题,也不该沉溺在“政治复杂”的借口中逃避讨论。那些活生生的个体,不是统计数字,而是与我们一样会哭、会痛、会求生的同类。他们的器官被冷冰冰地列入配型数据库,他们的信仰成了定罪的理由,他们的身体成为国家机器下的可供交易的资源。

而我们,作为信仰者、作为知情者、作为仍能自由表达的人,是否还能保持沉默?是否能对眼前的真相视而不见、听而不闻?正如索达吉堪布在《入菩萨行论》开示中所言:“真正的勇士,是不随八风所转的人。”面对波旬,不是以愤怒回应,不是以仇恨抗衡,而是以正知正见之力,安住于慈悲之中,持续发声,不为己利,只为破除迷雾。

这场请愿活动并不喧哗,也不激烈。人们只是静静站着,一小时、两小时,向路人递上传单,向记者讲述真相。我们明白,这种做法也许不会立刻改变世界,但它或许能为经过的人种下一个觉知的种子。就像佛法中所言:“一灯能破千年暗,一智可灭万劫痴。”哪怕只有一人因此去查阅、思考、共鸣,这便不是徒劳。

当日,一位美国游客在展板前停下许久。他轻声说:“我从未听说过这些。”他的眼神中有震惊,有不安。我递上传单:“真相可能令人不适,但它能让你自由。”这是一次心灵的碰撞,也是一次微光的传递。我们不求辩赢,不求掌声,只愿守护那一点点尚未熄灭的人性火种。

佛教讲缘起,信仰讲觉醒。我们愿意站在星光大道上,不是为了抗议一个国家,而是为了回应一个灵魂的呼唤。不是为了谴责一种体制,而是为了捍卫生命的不可侵犯。这不仅仅是政治立场的分野,而是人类基本价值的底线。

索达吉堪布在其多次讲法中提到:“恶行最终不能战胜真理,暴力也不能灭掉慈悲。”当我们以非暴力的方式发声时,我们并非软弱,而是选择了一种更深刻的坚强。即使面对冷漠与误解,我们依然要守住信仰的核心。

在这个世代,宗教自由已不再只是抽象的权利,而是抵御巨大黑暗时每一个人内心中所持有的明灯。愿我们都能做这盏灯的守护者。

愿被伤害的众生得安慰,愿施害者早日醒悟,愿更多的人看见真相,愿信仰成为穿越黑暗的力量,而不是沉默的陪葬品。

Between Faith and Silence: The Awakening of the Sin and Good Faith of Organ Harvesting

—-Participating in the 752nd Jasmine Action to resist the Communist Party of China’s illegal organ transplantation Hollywood parade

Abstract: In the Hollywood parade, the author witnessed believers expose the evil of the Communist Party of China’s live organ harvesting with silent actions. The article compares the reality with Buddhist righteousness, pointing out that silence is indulgence. Only compassion and courage can protect the bottom line of human nature and faith.

Author: Chen Ting

Editor: Feng Still Responsible Editor: Hu Lili

In the sunshine of Hollywood in Los Angeles, a group of believers from different backgrounds stood quietly on the corner of the Avenue of Stars. On the exhibition board in their hands, there are pictures that are difficult to see directly: children being locked up in iron cages, shocking scars on young people’s naked bodies, and mothers’ howling across the ocean. These images are not artistic creations, but come from real sins – the systematic persecution of live organ harvesting of religious groups.

I also stood in the crowd, holding a display board with the word “STATE ORGANS” in my hand. This is a documentary that records live organ harvesting, and it is also evidence of the double killing of the body and soul by the totalitarians. On the crowded Hollywood Boulevard, we do not stand to attract attention, but just to break the silence and let the voices of the persecuted penetrate the hustle and bustle of commerce and entertainment.

信仰与沉默之间:活摘器官的罪恶与良知的觉醒

In Buddhist doctrine, “Bo Xun” is the demon king who confuses sentient beings and hinders the way to becoming a Buddha. Its characteristic is not that he is ferocious in appearance, but that he is good at disguise and distorting the truth. It often wears the cloak of justice, development and stability, and practices the reality of suppression and slaughter. Today, the behavior of some regimes is just like Bo Xun: covering up evil deeds with powerful state narratives, suppressing religious freedom in the name of patriotism, and destroying individual dignity in the name of order. Truth, compassion and awakening have all become things to be judged. As Kambusodagi said, “The most difficult enemy in the world to deal with is the fool who wears the cloak of benefit.”

Organ harvesting is no longer a mere political problem, but a sinful act that transcends the bottom line of human morality. It is carried out in the name of the hospital but abandons the ethics of medicine; it is disguised by judicial procedures but ignores the dignity of life. If a regime can systematically remove organs from dissents and practitioners for profit, then this is not only the embodiment of evil government, but also the act of falling into hell. Buddhism teaches sentient beings to respect cause and effect and be compassionate to sentient beings, but such behavior is subverting cause and effect and selling fear.

We can’t avoid this problem, nor should we indulge in the excuse of “political complexity” to avoid discussion. Those living individuals are not statistics, but the same kind as us who can cry, hurt and survive. Their organs are coldly included in the matching database, their beliefs become the grounds for conviction, and their bodies become tradable resources under the state apparatus.

And can we, as believers, knowers, and people who can still express themselves freely, remain silent? Can you turn a blind eye to the truth in front of you? As Sodaji Kambu said in the “On the Bodhisattva’s Theory”: “The real warrior is the one who does not turn with the eight winds.” In the face of Bo Xun, do not respond with anger, do not compete with hatred, but live in compassion with the power of right knowledge and right view, continue to speak out, not for self-interest, just to break the fog.

The petition was neither noisy nor intense. People just stood quietly for an hour or two, handing out leaflets to passers-by and telling reporters the truth. We know that this practice may not change the world immediately, but it may sow a seed of awareness for those who pass by. As it is said in Buddhism: “A lamp can break the darkness of a thousand years, and a wisdom can destroy ten thousand fools.” Even if only one person consults, thinks and empathizes with it, it is not in vain.

On that day, an American tourist stopped for a long time in front of the exhibition board. He whispered, “I’ve never heard of this.” There were shock and uneasiness in his eyes. I handed over the leaflet: “The truth may be uncomfortable, but it can set you free.” This is a collision of the soul and a transmission of light. We don’t ask for victory or applause. We just want to protect the little fire of humanity that has not been extinguished.

Buddhism talks about fate, and faith talks about awakening. We are willing to stand on the Avenue of Stars not to protest against a country, but to respond to the call of a soul. It is not to condemn a system, but to defend the inviolability of life. This is not only the field of political position, but also the bottom line of the basic values of human beings.

Sodajikmbu mentioned in his many lectures: “Evil deeds cannot defeat the truth in the end, and violence cannot extinguish compassion.” When we speak out in a non-violent way, we are not weak but choose a deeper strength. Even in the face of indifference and misunderstanding, we still have to stick to the core of our faith.

In this generation, religious freedom is no longer just an abstract right, but a bright light in everyone’s heart when resisting the great darkness. May we all be the guardians of this lamp.

May the injured sentient beings be comforted, may the perpetrators wake up as soon as possible, may more people see the truth, and may faith become the power to cross the darkness, not the silent burial goods.etween Faith and Silence: The Awakening of the Sin and Good Faith of Organ Harvesting

酷吏 罗干

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酷吏 罗干

罗干(1935-2019),四川自贡人,中共前政治局常委、中央政法委书记,是江泽民、胡锦涛时期政法系统的最高负责人。他长期掌控公安、国安、检察院、法院、司法和武警等机构。

罗干早年在石油系统任职,1990年代进入政法系统。1998年,他进入中共中央政治局常委会,并出任中央政法委书记,全面掌管政法工作直至2007年退休。在这近十年的时间里,中国的“维稳”体制全面成型,维稳经费逐年攀升,“稳定压倒一切”成为政法系统的核心口号。

在罗干任内,最突出的举措是对宗教与信仰群体的打压。1999年,中共对法轮功运动展开全面镇压,罗干被普遍认为是这一政策的主要推手和执行者。他推动设立专门的“610办公室”,以跨部门、超法律的方式指挥抓捕、关押与思想改造,形成大规模的全国性运动。这一时期,酷刑、劳教和监控等手段被系统化运用,标志着政法机器向极端化发展。

与此同时,罗干对上访与维权群体的态度同样强硬。在他的主导下,大规模“截访”成为常态,地方政府建立起各类关押点,阻止民众赴京反映问题。维权律师、异议人士以及参与社会运动的公民频繁遭到调查、拘押和打压。政法系统内部流传“罗干一句话,能毁人一生”,显示其个人在体制内的绝对权威。

他强调“以铁腕维护稳定”,却视法律独立与公民权利。在他治下,政法机关不仅是维护治安的机构,更成为维护政治安全、压制社会异议的核心工具。

罗干的政策在国际社会也引发广泛关注。人权组织、联合国机构多次点名,认为他主导的维稳与镇压构成严重侵犯人权。他由此被视为中国当代“维稳体制”的代表性人物之一。

2007年,罗干退休;2019年因病去世。中共官方在讣告中称其为“党的优秀党员”,但外界更关注的是他在任期间留下的政法路线。他所推动的高压与维稳模式,深刻影响了此后中国的政法系统,成为持续延续至今的治理逻辑。

罗干不仅是中共权力体系中的重要人物,更是当代酷吏政治的典型代表。他在政法系统推行的高压政策,使得国家机器对社会的控制达到前所未有的程度,也为此后中国的“维稳化”路径奠定了基础。

编辑:胡丽莉

责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:冯仍

RUTHLESS ENFORCER

Luo Gan (1935–2019), a native of Zigong, Sichuan Province, was a former member of the Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo Standing Committee and Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. During the Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao eras, he was the top official overseeing China’s political-legal system, holding long-term control over the police, state security, procuratorates, courts, justice system, and the People’s Armed Police.

Luo began his career in the petroleum sector and entered the political-legal system in the 1990s. In 1998, he was elevated to the Politburo Standing Committee and appointed Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, taking full charge of political-legal affairs until his retirement in 2007. Over this near-decade, China’s “stability maintenance” (weiwen) apparatus took full shape, with expenditures rising annually. “Stability above all else” became the central slogan of the political-legal system.

The most prominent measure under Luo’s tenure was the suppression of religious and spiritual groups. In 1999, the CCP launched a nationwide campaign against the Falun Gong movement. Luo was widely regarded as the chief architect and enforcer of this policy. He promoted the establishment of the extralegal “610 Office,” which coordinated cross-departmental operations to arrest, detain, and subject practitioners to ideological “transformation,” resulting in a massive nationwide campaign. During this period, torture, re-education through labor, and surveillance were systematically employed, marking a shift of the political-legal apparatus toward extremity.

At the same time, Luo maintained a hardline stance toward petitioners and rights-defense groups. Under his direction, large-scale “interceptions” of petitioners became routine, with local governments setting up detention sites to prevent citizens from traveling to Beijing to lodge complaints. Rights lawyers, dissidents, and citizens involved in social movements were frequently investigated, detained, and suppressed. Within the system, the saying “One word from Luo Gan can ruin a person’s life” circulated, reflecting his absolute authority in the political-legal establishment.

He stressed “maintaining stability with an iron hand,” yet disregarded judicial independence and citizens’ rights. Under his leadership, political-legal organs became not only institutions for preserving public order but also the core instruments for maintaining political security and suppressing social dissent.

Luo’s policies drew wide international attention. Human rights organizations and United Nations bodies repeatedly named him, holding that the stability maintenance and crackdowns he directed constituted grave violations of human rights. He has thus been regarded as one of the defining figures of China’s contemporary stability-maintenance regime.

Luo retired in 2007 and died of illness in 2019. In its obituary, the CCP praised him as “an outstanding Party member,” but outside observers focused more on the political-legal line he left behind. The high-pressure and stability-first approach he advanced profoundly shaped China’s political-legal system and continues to define its governance logic today.

Luo Gan was not only a key figure in the CCP power structure but also a quintessential representative of contemporary authoritarian strong-arm politics. The coercive policies he implemented within the political-legal system brought state control over society to an unprecedented level and laid the foundation for China’s subsequent “stability-maintenance” trajectory.

Editor: Hu Lili Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

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外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

作者:赵雪峰

编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吕峰

2025年8月30日烈日炎炎,中国民主教育基金会在尔湾大公园(Great Park)内的 FARM+FOOD LAB 组织开展了一次志愿者活动。志愿者们带着家人在FARM园区工作人员的指导下,分组完成采摘、浇水、除草、整理步道等工作,以实际行动践行“用爱回馈美国社会”的承诺,展现外来移民融入美国社区的积极姿态。

此次活动以“博爱、包容、自由、人权”为核心价值主线,通过参与城市农业与社区花园的日常维护,鼓励志愿者深入了解本地公共服务生态,建立与社区的稳定连接。

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

民主人士孙圣尧表示:双手触地的过程既是体力劳动,也是公民教育。在共作、共学、共助中,人与人之间的隔阂被打破,不同文化背景在同一片土地上找到共情与协作的方式。当我们以志愿服务的方式参与社区建设,帮助维护一方公共空间,爱就会在劳作与微笑中自然流动与延展。我们愿意以稳定、持续的付出,向社会传递善意,向孩子示范责任感与公共精神。

中国民主教育基金会洛杉矶地区项目主管赵雪峰表示:爱是可以传播的。当我们用劳动回应社区的需要,爱就会在彼此的微笑与问候中延展。我们愿意以持续、稳定的志愿服务,把外来移民对美国价值的认同落在行动里,从“新来者”成长为“好邻居”、“共建者”,把博爱、包容、自由与人权的理念化为人人可感的公共善意。

中国民主教育基金会将继续以开放的姿态,链接学校、非营利组织与市民志愿者,共同推动公民教育与社区参与,助力构建更具包容与韧性的在地社会。

Immigrants Embrace American Values Through Action— Volunteer Service by the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation in Irvine

Author: Zhao Xuefeng Editor: Luo Zhifei Executive Editor: Hu Lili Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:On August 30, 2025, under the blazing sun, the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation organized a volunteer activity at the FARM+FOOD LAB in Irvine’s Great Park. Volunteers, accompanied by their families, worked in groups under the guidance of FARM staff, carrying out tasks such as harvesting, watering, weeding, and tidying pathways. Through these concrete actions, they fulfilled their commitment to “give back to American society with love,” demonstrating the proactive role immigrants play in integrating into U.S. communities.

The event was guided by the core values of “compassion, inclusiveness, freedom, and human rights.” By participating in the upkeep of urban agriculture and community gardens, volunteers were encouraged to deepen their understanding of local public service ecosystems and to build stable connections with the broader community.

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

Democracy advocate Sun Shengyao remarked:“The act of bending down to touch the earth is not only physical labor but also a form of civic education. In working together, learning together, and helping one another, barriers between people are dissolved, and individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds discover ways to empathize and cooperate on the same piece of land. When we participate in community building through volunteer service and help maintain a shared public space, love naturally flows and extends through both labor and smiles. We are willing to contribute steadily and consistently, to convey goodwill to society, and to set an example of responsibility and civic spirit for our children.”

Zhao Xuefeng, Project Director of the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation in the Los Angeles area, stated:“Love can be shared. When we respond to the needs of the community through our labor, love extends through every smile and greeting. Through steady and sustained volunteer service, we seek to embody immigrants’ recognition of American values in concrete action—growing from ‘newcomers’ into ‘good neighbors’ and ‘co-builders.’ In doing so, we transform the ideals of compassion, inclusiveness, freedom, and human rights into a form of public goodwill that everyone can tangibly experience.”

The Chinese Democracy Education Foundation will continue to adopt an open posture, connecting schools, nonprofit organizations, and civic volunteers to jointly advance civic education and community engagement, thereby contributing to the building of a more inclusive and resilient local society.