Sep 19, 2025

 

王代時在2025年聯合國第十七屆日內瓦人權與民主峰會開幕式上演講。

我至今仍記得姑姑傳來的那個消息，清晰得好像就發生在昨天：「你父親死了。」我們已被這一不詳的預感煎熬了很長一段時間了。

我的父親王炳章，是中國在押最久的政治犯。在我們收到那條死訊的時候，他已經被單獨關押了 17 年。他在獄身患多種疾病，多次中風。所以，他的死訊並不那麼令人感到意外。

不過，這個死訊被我證偽了。我從維吉尼亞州出發，一路輾轉了30多個小時才抵達廣東，決意要眼見為真，冒再大的風險也要弄清楚真相。行前，我發電郵給加拿大和美國的大使館，告知了我的行程，並留下了一個明確的訊息：「我要去中國調查我父親之死。請確保中共會允許我回家。」我的親人都為此提心吊膽，我太太提心吊膽，我自己也提心吊膽。但當我終於踏進監獄的大門時，我發現我的父親——是的，他蒼老了很多，但他還活著。

在獨裁政權下，事情總是這樣真假難辨。

跟許多那一代的中國人一樣，我父親及其家族也在毛澤東的統治下飽經了難以言說的苦難。1950 年代，政權奪走了我祖父家僅有的奶牛場，使他們一貧如洗。幾位親人在政權政策導致的饑荒中活活餓死。在毛澤東發動文化大革命中，我父親被一個嫉賢妒能的同學誣告成反革命，被打得幾乎喪命。

如今，半個多世紀過去，毛澤東的肖像仍懸掛在天安門廣場。而像我家這種在中國司空見慣的遭遇，卻至今只能在私下議論。

但就像所有暴君一樣，毛澤東也只是個凡人，他最終還是死了。毛死後，中國重新向世界打開了大門，我父親獲得了一筆獎學金，前往蒙特利爾的麥吉爾大學（McGill University）留學深造。

在那裡，他親眼見證了一場全民公投。這場公投徵詢的是：「魁北克公民是希望主權獨立，還是願意繼續作為加拿大的一部分？」

他深受震撼。主權在政治上是個至高無上的議題，但加拿大卻放心交由普通公民來決定。

身為一名愛國者，我父親相信中國人具備同樣的智慧與能力，並不比任何人遜色。為什麼中國人民不能同樣有權決定自己國家的命運呢？

於是，父親在麥基爾大學學成醫學博士之後，卻放棄了前途無量的醫學職業生涯，將畢生精力投入於為同胞爭取民主權利。

他說過：「醫生能治好一個人的病，但治不了一個國家的病。」

此後的20年裡，他竭盡全力推動中國的民主。

 

他創辦了影響深遠的《中國之春》雜誌及多個民運組織。他在世界各地奔走，為運動尋求支持，尤其致力於凝聚中國的年輕人。

為了協助組建反對黨，他甚至不惜用假護照潛回國內。

為了報復他，中共撤銷了他的國籍。但他拒絕加入任何其他國籍，堅持自己是、並會永遠是中國的愛國者。

2002 年，他赴越南去見他以為的一些中國勞工運動人士。但那是一個圈套。他遭到綁架，被跨境押送到中國，被草草地審判定罪。

在那場審判中，當局捏造了證據。但判處的刑期卻是實實在在的：終身監禁。

當時我17 歲，與父親關係疏離，因為在我很小的時候父母就分居了。

但我深知，他和我們全家遭遇到了一場巨大的不公——尤其當我看見疼愛我的奶奶終日以淚洗面，直到哭乾了眼淚，直到她生命的最後一刻。

於是我暗下決心，至少要深入去了解父亲，以及那個迫害他的政權。這一切是從探監開始的，那也是我第一次踏上中國的土地。

 

圖為加拿大國家廣播公司（CBC）2017年製作的紀錄片《高墙之内，Inside These Walls》 的海報，向公眾介紹王炳章以及他和家人的處境。圖中的空椅子代表著家庭中缺席的父親——王炳章。坐在左側的是王代時的母親寧勤勤，右側是妹妹王天安，站立著分別是王代時（左）和他的哥哥。

 

當我看見他雙腳鎖著鐐銬，被押進會見室時，我的心沉了下去。

隔著厚厚的玻璃與鐵欄，我們父子二人坐了下來。

他拿起話筒，開口說的第一句話是：「代時，千萬不要相信政權指控我的那些話。」

我告訴他，我不會信的。

自那以後，我去探監已經有十多次了。我逐漸領悟到，父親那天對我說的那句話——不要相信政權的謊言——實在是意味深長。

顯然，父親對此是有著這切膚之痛的，他深知中共是靠謊言起家、也必須靠謊言維繫的極權政權。

並且他深知，中共維繫權力的唯一手段就是殘暴。

但人的良知永遠會對殘暴表示震驚。

所以，暴政唯一的選擇就是撒謊。

他們謊稱六四屠殺不存在。

他們謊稱新疆沒有集中營。

若你問他們為什麼要把我父親單獨關押，就像我曾問過的，他們會回答說：「哦，我們沒有單獨關押。我們只是按照犯罪情況分組收監，而你父親的案子又剛好比較特殊。」

多麼方便的藉口。

 

廣東監獄流出的王炳章獄中照片。

 

我還逐漸領悟到，我父親這樣的人與中共政權的一個本質區別，恰恰就在於是否願意說謊。

對於我父親來說，說真話是一種自尊，我相信對於許多在座的與會者來說也是如此。

我曾在一次探監時問他：「爸，你覺得對你的綁架，是否是中國政府幕後操縱的？」

你猜他怎麼回答？「有這個可能，但我們沒有足夠證據坐實這一論斷。」

想想看，想想看——迫害者靠謊言讓你身陷囹圄，而你反過來仍在堅持不能空口無憑。

終於，我領悟到，父親這一生真正的意味就在於：追求真相與正義，這本身就是對人生至深的回報。

因此，在他的感召下，在我的職業生涯中，我選擇為政治迫害的受害者代言，為被欺凌、被壓榨的弱勢群體發聲——而這往往也就意味著與中共對立。

如今父親已年近八旬，我不知道他餘生還有多少時間。但我知道他善用了自己的一生。他對原則、真相與正義的堅守，助我在可能動搖時保持了堅強。我希望這份堅守也同樣能幫到你。

 

謝謝大家。

 

王代時（Times Wang）

2025 年 2 月 17 日 於聯合國第十七屆日內瓦人權與民主峰會開幕式上

 

王代時在聯合國第十七屆日內瓦人權與民主峰會上。

编辑：钟然

翻译：吕峰

【转载自议报 链接：https://yibaochina.com/?p=256570】

[Imaginative Ideas] Wang Daishi | My Father’s Story

Sep 19, 2025

Wang Daishi delivered a speech at the opening ceremony of the 17th Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy in 2025.

I still remember the message my aunt sent me, as vividly as if it had happened yesterday: “Your father is dead.” We had been tormented by this ominous premonition for a long time.

My father, Wang Bingzhang, is the longest-imprisoned political prisoner in China. By the time we received that news of his death, he had already been held in solitary confinement for 17 years. In prison he suffered from multiple illnesses and had several strokes. So, the news of his death was not entirely unexpected.

However, I proved that news to be false. From Virginia, I traveled for more than 30 hours, through many stops, before finally reaching Guangdong. I was determined to see with my own eyes; no matter the risk, I had to know the truth. Before leaving, I emailed the Canadian and U.S. embassies, informing them of my trip and leaving a clear message: “I am going to China to investigate my father’s death. Please make sure the CCP allows me to return home.” My family was deeply worried, my wife was deeply worried, and I myself was deeply worried. But when I finally stepped into the prison gates, I found my father—yes, he had aged greatly, but he was still alive.

Under a dictatorship, truth and falsehood are always hard to tell apart.

Like many of his generation, my father and his family endured unspeakable suffering under Mao Zedong’s rule. In the 1950s, the regime seized my grandfather’s only dairy farm, leaving the family destitute. Several relatives starved to death during the famine caused by the regime’s policies. During Mao’s Cultural Revolution, a jealous classmate falsely accused my father of being a counterrevolutionary, and he was beaten nearly to death.

Now, more than half a century later, Mao’s portrait still hangs over Tiananmen Square. Yet experiences like those of my family, so commonplace across China, can still only be discussed in private.

But like all tyrants, Mao was only a mortal, and in the end, he died. After Mao’s death, China reopened its doors to the world, and my father received a scholarship to pursue further studies at McGill University in Montreal.

There, he personally witnessed a national referendum. The question was: “Do the citizens of Quebec wish for sovereign independence, or do they wish to remain part of Canada?”

He was deeply moved. Sovereignty is the highest of political questions, yet Canada entrusted ordinary citizens to decide it. As a patriot, my father believed the Chinese people possessed the same wisdom and capability, no less than anyone else. Why then should the people of China not have the right to determine their own country’s destiny?

Thus, after earning his medical doctorate at McGill, my father gave up what could have been a brilliant medical career and devoted his life to fighting for the democratic rights of his compatriots.

He used to say: “A doctor can cure the illness of one person, but not the illness of a nation.”

For the next 20 years, he poured his heart and soul into advancing democracy in China.

He founded the influential China Spring magazine and several pro-democracy organizations. He traveled around the world seeking support for the movement, with a special focus on uniting young people in China.

In order to help establish an opposition party, he even risked returning to China on a false passport.

In retaliation, the Chinese Communist Party revoked his citizenship. But he refused to adopt any other nationality, insisting that he was—and would always remain—a patriot of China.

In 2002, he went to Vietnam to meet what he thought were Chinese labor activists. But it was a trap. He was kidnapped, forcibly taken across the border into China, and hastily tried and convicted.

During that trial, the authorities fabricated evidence. But the sentence was all too real: life imprisonment.

At that time, I was 17 years old and somewhat estranged from my father, as my parents had separated when I was very young.

Yet I knew deeply that he, and all of us as his family, had suffered a grave injustice—especially when I saw my loving grandmother weeping day after day, until her tears ran dry, until the final moment of her life.

So I made a vow to myself: at the very least, I must seek to understand my father, and the regime that persecuted him. That journey began with visiting him in prison—and it was also the first time I set foot on Chinese soil.

The picture shows the poster of the 2017 documentary Inside These Walls, produced by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), which introduced Wang Bingzhang and the situation faced by him and his family to the public. The empty chair in the image symbolizes the absent father—Wang Bingzhang. Seated on the left is Wang Daishi’s mother, Ning Qinqin, and on the right is his younger sister, Wang Tian’an. Standing are Wang Daishi (left) and his elder brother.

When I saw him being led into the visiting room with shackles on his feet, my heart sank.

Separated by thick glass and iron bars, my father and I sat down.

He picked up the receiver, and the first thing he said was: “Daishi, never believe the accusations the regime has made against me.”I told him that I never would.

Since then, I have visited him more than a dozen times. Gradually, I came to realize the profound meaning behind what he told me that day—never believe the regime’s lies.

Clearly, my father spoke from deep, personal pain. He knew well that the Chinese Communist Party is a totalitarian regime built on lies, and one that must rely on lies to survive.

And he also knew that the only means by which the CCP maintains its power is through brutality.

But human conscience will always be outraged by brutality.

Therefore, tyranny has only one choice: to lie.

They lie by claiming the Tiananmen Square massacre never happened.They lie by claiming there are no concentration camps in Xinjiang.

And if you ask them why my father has been held in solitary confinement—as I once did—they will answer: “Oh, we do not practice solitary confinement. We simply assign prisoners into groups according to their cases, and your father’s case just happens to be somewhat special.”

What a convenient excuse.

A prison photo of Wang Bingzhang leaked from Guangdong prison.

I also gradually came to realize that the essential difference between my father and the Chinese Communist regime lies precisely in whether one is willing to lie.

For my father, telling the truth is a matter of dignity. I believe it is the same for many of you here today.

Once, during a prison visit, I asked him: “Dad, do you think your kidnapping was orchestrated by the Chinese government behind the scenes?”

Do you know how he answered? “It’s possible, but we do not have sufficient evidence to establish that claim.”

Think about it—just think about it: your persecutors imprison you through lies, and yet you, in turn, still insist that you cannot speak without evidence.

At last, I understood that the true meaning of my father’s life lies in this: the pursuit of truth and justice is itself the deepest reward in life.

Therefore, under his inspiration, I chose in my own career to speak on behalf of victims of political persecution, to give voice to the oppressed and exploited—to stand up for those who are silenced. And that has often meant standing in opposition to the Chinese Communist Party.

Now my father is nearly eighty years old. I do not know how much time he has left. But I do know that he has used his life well. His steadfast commitment to principle, truth, and justice has helped me remain strong in moments when I might have wavered. I hope this same commitment can also help you.

Thank you all.

Times Wang (Wang Daishi)At the Opening Ceremony of the 17th Geneva Summit for Human Rights and DemocracyFebruary 17, 2025

Times Wang at the 17th Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy.

Edited by: Zhong RanTranslated by: Lyu Feng

[Reprinted from Yibao Link: https://yibaochina.com/?p=256570]

十一国殇日将至，

中国民主党旧金山党部

将举行一年一度的国殇日抗议活动，

敬请各位民主义士

及台、港、藏民主同仁

共同参加，并肩战斗！

时间：10/1/2025

地址：旧金山中共总领馆

作者：王连江
编辑：钟然 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰

郭斌，1994年生，吉林人，翻译学硕士。曾荣获全国大学生翻译比赛研究生组国家级一等奖，并担任过新航道考研英语讲师。因不满社会不公，揭露当地派出所的黑幕而遭受打压与威胁，最终毅然来到美国。

他如今奋战在民运前线，目光坚定，语调铿锵，举止间透出推翻中共法西斯政权的勇气与决心。活动现场，他翻译迅捷流畅、沟通自如，展现出深厚的英语功底与自由斗士的风采。

郭斌2025年9月6日在自由雕塑公园欢送反中共病毒车队大游行出发仪式上发言。

The Spirit of the Pro-Democracy Movement — Guo Bin, A Translator Who Carries the Voice Against the CCP

Author: Wang Lianjiang
Editor: Zhong Ran Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng

Guo Bin, born in 1994 in Jilin Province, holds a master’s degree in Translation Studies. He once won the national first prize in the postgraduate division of the National College Student Translation Competition and served as a postgraduate English instructor at New Channel International Education. Dissatisfied with social injustice and after exposing corruption at the local police station, he faced suppression and threats, ultimately making the resolute decision to come to the United States.

Today, he stands on the front lines of the pro-democracy movement, his gaze firm, his voice forceful, his demeanor radiating the courage and determination to overthrow the CCP’s fascist rule. At public events, his translations are swift and fluent, his communication effortless, showcasing not only his strong command of English but also the spirit of a freedom fighter.

Guo Bin delivered a speech on September 6, 2025, at the Freedom Sculpture Park during the send-off ceremony for the Anti-CCP Pandemic Accountability Convoy Rally.

作者：王连江
编辑：李聪玲 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰

在我多日的耳闻目睹中，袁泽刚给我整体的感受是：话不多，净干实事！在2025年9月初—10初的中共病毒车队大游行活动中，他担心牵引大房车动力不足，自己花费54000美元换了一部新车，并路上一人开车，非常辛苦！2025年9月4号在由25人组成的送别Atticus Freeman 重返乌克兰前线的聚会上，自己又慷慨解囊1000多美元。在中国实现自由民主宪政的漫长征程中，有许多民运人士出人出钱又出力，他们不计回报，默默付出！我们应当心存感激并铭记他们。

袁则刚在自由雕塑公园做义工

Remembering Pro-Democracy Activist — Yuan Zegang

Author: Wang Lianjiang
Editor: Li Congling Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng

From what I have seen and heard over many days, my overall impression of Yuan Zegang is this: he is a man of few words who devotes himself fully to real action. During the Anti-CCP Pandemic Accountability Convoy Rally held from early September to early October 2025, he was worried that the RV towing vehicle might lack sufficient power. Out of his own pocket, he spent $54,000 to replace it with a new car, and then drove it alone on the road — a truly exhausting effort!

On September 4, 2025, at a gathering of 25 people to bid farewell to Atticus Freeman before his return to the Ukrainian front lines, Yuan again gave generously, donating more than $1,000.

On the long journey toward achieving freedom, democracy, and constitutional government in China, there are many pro-democracy activists like Yuan who contribute their money, their labor, and their energy. They ask for nothing in return and give quietly, selflessly. We should remain grateful to them — and remember them.

Yuan Zegang Volunteering at the Freedom Sculpture Park

记者：张致君

编辑：李之洋 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：吕峰

【在野党采访部 张致君讯】2025年9月13日，海外多位民运人士在中国驻洛杉矶总领事馆门前举行抗议集会，揭露中共最高领导人习近平在与俄罗斯总统普京的对话中所流露的“人类本世纪或许可以活到150岁”的言论。与会者批评这一表态是“独裁者的荒唐幻想”，并呼吁全球关注中国人民在专制体制下的处境。

在现场主持人林养正发言中，习近平的所谓“长生梦”被视为极权者妄图永远掌控政权的象征。主持人指出：“绝对的权力让人失去了作为一个人最基本的理智。习近平不仅妄想挑战死亡的自然规律，更妄图永远坐在独裁者的宝座上。”

活动中参与者将习近平的执念与中国历史上的独裁统治者进行了对比。秦始皇为追求长生不死大肆搜寻仙药，结果不仅未能逃脱死亡，秦朝更在其死后三年便迅速覆灭。与会者批评说：“两千多年过去，习近平竟然在科学昌明的今天走上这条荒唐之路。唯一不同的是，秦始皇迷信仙药，而习近平和普京则妄图借助科技与鲜血，利用他们统治下的‘人矿’与韭菜来延续权力。”

与会者余一飞在现场发言中说到：“共产党就是西方神话故事里的吸血鬼，被他们奴役的中国人民不光要为他们服徭役，还要用鲜血为他们永葆青春延年益寿。近年来越来越多中国人民开始觉醒了，已经觉醒的中国人已经明显超过了为虎作伥的那一群人。限于共产党掌握的强大暴力机器，中国人民的抗争不大可能像孟加拉国和尼泊尔人民的抗争那样一蹴而就。我们现在所做的反共活动，与其说在声援中国人民，不如说是在促使中共党内戈尔巴乔夫的诞生。”

与会者胡德旺特别强调，中共统治下的人权状况已极度恶化。中共试图用非法的器官移植来换取自己的生命，却从不关心那些因良心、因自由而被关押、被迫害的政治犯！

主持人指控中共高层长期利用民众作为“器官库”，高官在需要时可透过权力渠道获取普通民众的器官。“在这个专制的国度，我们不是公民，不是国家的主人，而是独裁者的私有财产。”

历史规律的警示成为集会的另一大主题。主持人表示，历代独裁者在晚年执着于追求“长生”之时，往往意味着政权的崩溃已近在眼前。“我们相信，习近平和中国共产党，也会遵循历史的规律，在不久的将来轰然倒塌，可能比想象中更快。”

集会现场气氛庄严而高昂。参与者高举标语，高呼口号：“结束中共独裁暴政！”“结束一党专制！”“我们是人，不是器官库！”“释放所有政治犯！”“自由万岁！”

据主办方中国民主党介绍，本次集会吸引了来自不同地区的民主运动支持者参加，部分人是从中国流亡出来的异议人士，他们以亲身经历作证，揭露了中共暴政的残酷。组织者表示，未来还将继续在洛杉矶开展类似行动，推动国际社会关注中国人权议题，并支持中国人民争取自由的斗争。

本次活动由中国民主党主办，茉莉花第755次行动：

发起人：胡德旺/杨皓

策划：李聪玲

活动主持：林养正

活动负责人：黄吉洲

活动总协调：孙小龙

视觉设计：傅怡红

Overseas Pro-Democracy Activists Rally: Exposing Xi Jinping’s “Immortality Fantasy” and Calling for an End to CCP Dictatorship

Reporter: Zhang ZhijunEditor: Li ZhiyangResponsible Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslator: Lyu Feng

Abstract:This report presents the profound critique of the Chinese Communist regime by overseas pro-democracy activists. Drawing lessons from history, they expose the dictator’s “immortality fantasy” and call on the international community to pay attention to human rights and freedom in China, voicing support for the Chinese people’s struggle.

[Opposition News Department, Reported by Zhang Zhijun]On September 13, 2025, several overseas pro-democracy activists held a protest rally in front of the Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles, exposing remarks made by Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leader Xi Jinping during a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin, in which he suggested that “human beings might be able to live to 150 years old this century.” Participants criticized the statement as “the ridiculous fantasy of a dictator” and called on the world to pay attention to the plight of the Chinese people under authoritarian rule.

In remarks delivered by rally host Lin Yangzheng, Xi’s so-called “dream of immortality” was framed as a symbol of a tyrant’s ambition to cling to power indefinitely. “Absolute power robs a person of the most basic rationality,” the host declared. “Xi Jinping not only fantasizes about defying the natural law of death, but also about sitting forever on the dictator’s throne.”

Participants drew parallels between Xi’s obsession and the behavior of despots in Chinese history. Qin Shihuang, the First Emperor of Qin, frantically searched for elixirs of immortality but failed to escape death, and his dynasty collapsed only three years after his passing. “More than two thousand years later, Xi Jinping has embarked on the same absurd path in today’s age of advanced science,” attendees said. “The only difference is that Qin Shihuang trusted in magic potions, while Xi and Putin attempt to exploit technology and blood, treating the people under their rule as ‘human mines’ and chattel to extend their own reign.”

At the rally, activist Yu Yifei remarked: “The Communist Party is like the vampires of Western mythology. The enslaved Chinese people are not only forced into servitude, but their very blood is extracted to sustain the rulers’ youth and longevity. In recent years, more and more Chinese have awakened, and those who have woken up already outnumber those who still serve as accomplices to tyranny. Given the CCP’s powerful machinery of violence, the Chinese people’s struggle is unlikely to achieve sudden breakthroughs like in Bangladesh or Nepal. What we are doing now through anti-CCP activities is less about assisting the Chinese people directly, and more about hastening the emergence of a Gorbachev within the Party itself.”

Activist Hu Dewang stressed that the human rights situation under CCP rule has deteriorated to an extreme. “The CCP seeks to extend its leaders’ lives through illegal organ transplants, while ignoring the countless political prisoners who are jailed and persecuted for conscience and freedom.”

The host accused the CCP leadership of long exploiting the populace as a vast “organ bank,” where high-ranking officials can obtain ordinary citizens’ organs through the power of their positions. “In this authoritarian state, we are not citizens, not the masters of our nation—we are the private property of a dictator.”

The warnings of history were another theme of the rally. The host noted that throughout history, dictators obsessed with “immortality” in their twilight years often signaled that their regimes were on the verge of collapse. “We believe that Xi Jinping and the Chinese Communist Party will follow the same law of history. Their downfall may come sooner than expected.”

The atmosphere at the rally was both solemn and impassioned. Participants raised banners and shouted slogans: “End CCP dictatorship!” “End one-party rule!” “We are human beings, not an organ bank!” “Free all political prisoners!” “Long live freedom!”

According to the organizers, the China Democracy Party, the rally drew supporters of the pro-democracy movement from different regions. Some were dissidents who had fled China and testified from personal experience about the cruelty of CCP tyranny. The organizers stated that similar actions will continue to be held in Los Angeles to push the international community to pay attention to China’s human rights issues and to support the Chinese people’s struggle for freedom.

This event was organized by the China Democracy Party, as part of the 755th Jasmine Action:

Initiators: Hu Dewang / Yang Hao

Planning: Li Congling

Host: Lin Yangzheng

Event Director: Huang Jizhou

General Coordinator: Sun Xiaolong

Visual Design: Fu Yihong

 

作者/编辑：Gloria wang

责任编辑：胡丽莉

翻译：何兴强

 

历史背景：

1927年「大革命」失败后：国共分裂，中共转入农村，以农民为基础展开武装暴力行动。

1927–1930年间：中共在井冈山、赣南、闽西等地建立所谓的「苏维埃根据地」，其中核心政策就是「打土豪，分田地」。

1930年前后：随着中共控制区扩大，针对地主的运动变得更激烈，目的是削弱传统的土地阶级结构，企图以此获取农民的支持。

中共为达目的，争取民众盲从，在部分地区的行动导致激烈暴力，地主阶层被严厉清算，秩序瓦解，社会矛盾加剧，甚至中农也受到波及，引发混乱。

社会因斗争被撕裂，群众斗争极端化，地主不仅失去土地与财产，很多人遭到公开羞辱、殴打甚至处决。人际矛盾变得尖锐，村落内部的亲戚、邻里之间因为「划阶级」而互相揭发、报仇。还引起社会心理创伤，许多地主家庭成员，包括妇女、儿童均被牵连，造成社会阴影。

此举使得阶级仇恨制度化，土地革命把「敌我矛盾」引入农村生活，形成了长期的「阶级划分」思维。后来延伸到「整风运动」「土改运动」「文革」，阶级斗争思维成为中国政治文化的长期基调。造成伦理秩序破坏，传统社会中的长辈尊重、宗族维系，被「革命正义」取代。年轻贫农在「斗争大会」上可以公开辱骂、惩罚年长地主，颠覆了传统伦理。这种做法虽削弱旧秩序，但也带来道德真空。

中共为达到自己的短期利益，不惜用不正当手段使得贫苦阶层被分得土地，从而出于个体利益支持中共。但这一行为付出的长远代价是农村内部矛盾激化、经济破坏、社会伦理被动摇，并种下了长期「阶级斗争」的仇恨种子。

1930年前后苏区斗争会规模庞大，一个县动辄召集数千农民参加。地主在公开批斗后常被「没收财产＋驱逐」，部分被处决。学者估算仔1927–1931年间，在红色根据地被处决的地主、富农约 20万–30万人。数字因地区不同差异极大，有的县几乎全部地主被清算。

土地分配后，农业总产量并未明显上升，部分地区1930–1931 年粮食产量甚至下降 10–15%。主因是缺乏耕牛、农具，战争环境不稳定。地主被消灭后，农村信贷体系崩溃，过去地主经常向农民放贷，农忙时提供种子、钱粮。打击地主后，农民短期虽分田，但缺乏资金与流动性。

这场「打击地主」运动的核心并非真正的社会公平，而是中共巩固政权的工具。透过分田分地，中共赢得农民支持，借由没收地主资产，补充其军事与政治资源。这是一场以政治利益为目的的斗争运动，而非为百姓谋福祉。农民在短暂分得土地后，很快又陷入新的政治压迫之下。据中共自己统计，1931–1933年间，江西苏区共重新分配土地约 1700万亩，其中大部分被军队和革命干部优先分得。普通农民虽一度得到土地，但不久又在征粮、征兵与「再分配」中失去，短暂的得益转瞬即逝。

中共打击地主的行为，既非真正的土地改革，也非社会公正的体现，而是以革命之名行劫掠之实。它用暴力破坏了农村社会的秩序，用仇恨摧毁了人伦与信任。这样的历史悲剧提醒我们：任何以「公平」为名、却建立在仇恨与暴力之上的运动，最终只会留下满目疮痍。

由此可见，中共的此举造成社会秩序的崩毁及恶劣深远的影响，此为第一罪。

The Crimes of the Chinese Communist Party — The Collapse of Order

Author/Editor: Gloria Wang

Chief Editor: Hu Lili

Translator:He XingQiang

Historical Background

After the failure of the “Great Revolution” in 1927, the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party split. The CCP retreated to rural areas and launched armed violent movements based on mobilizing peasants.

Between 1927 and 1930, the CCP established so-called “Soviet base areas” in places such as Jinggangshan, southern Jiangxi, and western Fujian. The core policy there was “Strike down the landlords, divide up the land.”

By around 1930, as CCP-controlled areas expanded, the movement against landlords intensified. Its goal was to weaken the traditional landowning class structure in order to win peasant support.

Violence and Breakdown of Order

To achieve its aims and secure blind obedience from the masses, the CCP’s actions in certain areas led to intense violence. The landlord class was subjected to harsh purges, social order collapsed, and conflicts escalated—even middle peasants were implicated, creating widespread turmoil.

Society was torn apart by “class struggle.” Landlords not only lost land and property but were publicly humiliated, beaten, and even executed. Interpersonal relationships grew tense; within villages, relatives and neighbors turned against one another, exposing and seeking revenge under the guise of “class labeling.” This also inflicted psychological trauma on society, as entire landlord families—including women and children—were implicated, leaving deep scars.

This institutionalized class hatred, embedding the concept of “enemy versus us” into rural life. It set the stage for later campaigns such as the “Rectification Movement,” the “Land Reform,” and the “Cultural Revolution.” Class struggle became a long-term cornerstone of Chinese political culture. Traditional ethics—respect for elders and the cohesion of clans—were replaced by “revolutionary justice.” Young poor peasants were encouraged to openly insult and punish elderly landlords at “struggle sessions,” overturning social ethics. Although this weakened the old order, it also created a moral vacuum.

Political Goals Under the Guise of Fairness

For its short-term interests, the CCP resorted to improper means, granting land to poor peasants so they would support the Party out of self-interest. But the long-term cost was grave: intensified rural conflicts, economic disruption, undermined social ethics, and the sowing of lasting seeds of class hatred.

By around 1930, struggle meetings in Soviet areas grew massive. In some counties, thousands of peasants would gather. After public denunciations, landlords were often subjected to “confiscation and expulsion,” and some were executed. Scholars estimate that between 1927 and 1931, some 200,000–300,000 landlords and rich peasants were executed in CCP-controlled base areas. The figures varied greatly by region—some counties saw nearly the entire landlord class eliminated.

Despite land redistribution, total agricultural output did not rise significantly. In some areas, grain production between 1930 and 1931 even fell by 10–15%. The main reasons were lack of oxen, farm tools, and the instability of war. After landlords were eliminated, the rural credit system collapsed. In the past, landlords often provided loans to peasants, offering seeds or money during the busy farming seasons. Once landlords were destroyed, peasants briefly gained land but soon lacked liquidity and capital.

The essence of the “anti-landlord” movement was not genuine social fairness, but a political tool for the CCP to consolidate power. Through land redistribution, the CCP won peasant support. By confiscating landlord assets, it funded its military and political operations. This was a struggle for political gain, not for the welfare of the people. Peasants who briefly received land soon fell back into new forms of political oppression. According to CCP’s own statistics, between 1931 and 1933, some 17 million mu of land were redistributed in the Jiangxi Soviet, but much of it was allocated first to the army and revolutionary cadres. Ordinary peasants, though they temporarily obtained land, quickly lost it again through requisitions, conscription, and repeated redistribution. The short-lived benefit vanished.

Consequences

The CCP’s assault on landlords was neither true land reform nor genuine social justice, but robbery under the banner of revolution. With violence, it shattered the order of rural society; with hatred, it destroyed ethics and trust.

This tragic history reminds us: any movement carried out in the name of “fairness,” but built upon hatred and violence, will ultimately leave nothing but devastation.

Thus, it is clear that the CCP’s actions caused the collapse of social order and produced profound, malignant consequences. This constitutes its first crime.

作者：陆乾坤

编辑：周志刚 责任编辑：胡丽莉 翻译：程铭

一、阅兵场上的幻象

2025年9月3日，北京天安门广场。坦克轰鸣、战机呼啸，中共以“反法西斯胜利80周年”为名举办大规模阅兵。然而，站在天安门城楼上的，却是当今世界最臭名昭著的两个独裁者：因入侵乌克兰遭国际刑事法院通缉的普京，以及延续三代世袭、让朝鲜沦为炼狱的金正恩。

这一幕，荒诞至极。所谓“反法西斯胜利纪念”，竟被中共演绎为“当代法西斯的集会”。真正的国际民主力量与抗战盟友永远不可能理睬这个专制小圈子。这不仅暴露了中共在国际外交上的孤立，更彰显了其对历史的盗窃与对现实的无力。

事实上，这并非中共第一次利用阅兵进行政治表演。2015年九三阅兵，便是一次典型的“秀肌肉”场景。正如当年苏联在解体前仍频繁举办红场阅兵，中共同样试图通过耀武扬威掩盖内部危机。

二、苏联的镜像与中共的焦虑

回望历史，苏联在1980年代末已陷入深重困境：经济停滞、物资匮乏、社会矛盾激化。然而在红场上，坦克和导弹依旧列队前行，仿佛强大如昔。结果呢？几年的时间，苏联轰然解体。阅兵所展示的“强大”，只是崩塌前的幻影。

中共的九三阅兵，无论2015还是2025，都是同样逻辑：

掩盖困境：面对房地产崩盘、债务危机、青年失业潮，政权需要一个盛大的舞台来制造繁荣幻觉。

言论封锁：当经济失去支撑，社会不满滋生，只能靠压制声音维持表面稳定。

外部威慑：通过军力展示，恐吓国际社会，让其在援助中国人民时投鼠忌器。

这种政治逻辑，与当年的苏联如出一辙。历史的相似性令人不寒而栗：一个外表强硬的政权，内里早已千疮百孔。

三、盗用历史与法理荒谬

中共宣称自己是“反法西斯胜利的领导者”，但事实是：1945年抗战胜利的功劳属于当时的中华民国政府与全体中国人民。中共在抗战时期不过是游击队一隅，真正的主力战场是国民政府军的正面抗战。

今天，中共却将中华民国的功勋据为己有，甚至把“反法西斯胜利”包装成自己的胜利日。这是对历史的篡改，是对中华民族记忆的盗窃。更荒诞的是，它邀请普京、金正恩这类当代战争罪犯登上城楼，以“纪念反法西斯”之名，行“法西斯同盟”之实。

这不仅是法理不通，更是对先烈的背叛。

四、“强大中共”的真实意图

“别忘了你的身后还有一个强大的中共”，这句话，是政权给百姓的恐吓，也是对国际社会的警告。

对内：它要告诉中国人民，你们身后有强大的军队，有不可挑战的政权，任何反抗都将无济于事。

对外：它要提醒世界，任何试图援助中国民间社会、推动人权的行动，都必须考虑北京手中握有的导弹与核武库。

对党内：阅兵也是权力秀，最高领导人以“统帅”姿态检阅三军，借此巩固其在党内的绝对地位。

这种“强大”，并非源自人民的自由与创造力，而是源自恐惧、压迫与武力。

五、外交的孤立与小圈子

表面上，中共九三阅兵邀请了20余个国家领导人出席。但这些国家，大多是依赖中国援助的弱国，或是与北京同病相怜的专制政权。欧美主要国家当然没有任何领导人出席，中共也没这个脸去邀请。亚洲重要邻国保持距离，只派遣了特使和代表。

这恰恰说明，中共在全球体系中已经陷入孤立。它的“强大”更多是虚张声势，它的朋友圈越来越窄，剩下的只是抱团取暖的独裁者小圈子。

六、虚幻的强大与真实的脆弱

阅兵展示的坦克、导弹、战机，看似威风，但掩盖不了社会深层的危机：

经济衰退：房地产泡沫破裂，外资撤离，青年失业率居高不下。

社会焦虑：中产阶层财富缩水，普通百姓生活艰难，年轻人选择“躺平”。

民生危机：出生率急剧下降，人口老龄化加速。

这种局面，正如当年苏联商店货架空空如也，却依旧在红场展示导弹。所谓“强大中共”，不过是末日政权的自我安慰。

七、历史的反讽与未来的启示

九三阅兵，本应是纪念反法西斯胜利的日子，却被中共变成了法西斯的狂欢。它既是历史的反讽，也是对未来的警示。

苏联的教训已经证明：军事炫耀不能延长政权寿命，言论封锁不能阻止崩溃，虚幻的“强大”终将化为尘土。中共今天的表演，正是在重演苏联的历史剧。

真正的强大，从来不是导弹与坦克，而是人民的自由、尊严与创造力。当一个政权彻底依赖恐惧维系统治，它已然走在灭亡的道路上。

八、结语

“别忘了你的身后还有一个强大的中共”，这句话听起来声势骇人，实则是一种恐惧的表白。中共要百姓害怕它，要世界顾忌它，要历史被它篡改。但最终，它无法阻止人民对自由的渴望，也无法阻止世界对真相的认知。

阅兵的盛大烟火，只能暂时遮掩天空，却不能改变历史的方向。未来的中国，必将属于那些追求民主、自由与法治的人们，而中共的“强大”，终将被证明只是脆弱的幻象。

Don’t forget that there is a “strong” Communist Party of China behind you.

Author: Lu Qiankun

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Translator: Ming Cheng

Abstract: The Communist Party of China used the September 3rd military parade to show off its military power, but in fact it covered up the crisis. Isolated from the international, bluffing. Its “powerfulness” comes from fear and suppression and will eventually be disintegrated by freedom and truth.

I. Illusions on the parade ground

September 3, 2025, Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Tanks roared and warplanes roared. The Communist Party of China held a large-scale military parade in the name of the “80th anniversary of the victory of anti-fascist”. However, standing on the Tiananmen Tower are the two most notorious dictators in the world today: Putin, who was wanted by the International Criminal Court for invading Ukraine, and Kim Jong-un, who continued three generations of hereditary and reduced North Korea to purgatory.

This scene is extremely absurd. The so-called “anti-fascist victory memorial” was interpreted by the Communist Party of China as a “contemporary fascist assembly”. The real international democratic forces and anti-war allies can never ignore this authoritarian small circle. This not only exposes the isolation of the Communist Party of China in international diplomacy but also highlights its theft of history and powerlessness in reality.

In fact, this is not the first time that the Communist Party of China has used the military parade to perform politically. The September 3rd Military Parade in 2015 was a typical “showing muscles” scene. Just as the Soviet Union frequently held military parades in the Red field before the collapse, the Communist Party of China also tried to cover up the internal crisis by showing off its power.

II. The mirror image of the Soviet Union and the anxiety of the Communist Party of China

Looking back on history, the Soviet Union had fallen into a deep predicament in the late 1980s: economic stagnation, shortage of materials, and intensification of social conflicts. However, on the Red Field, tanks and missiles were still lined up, as if they were as powerful as before. What about the result? In a few years, the Soviet Union disintegrated. The “powerful” shown by the military parade is just an illusion before the collapse.

The Communist Party of China’s September 3rd Military Parade, whether in 2015 or 2025, has the same logic:

Covering up the dilemma: In the face of real estate collapse, debt crisis and youth unemployment, the regime needs a grand stage to create the illusion of prosperity.

Speech blockade: When the economy loses support and social dissatisfaction breeds, we can only maintain superficial stability by suppressing voices.

External deterrence: through military display, intimidate the international community and let it throw a weapon when helping the Chinese people.

This political logic is the same as that of the Soviet Union at that time. The similarity of history is chilling: a regime that is tough on the outside has long been full of holes inside.

III. Misappropiracy of history and legal absurdity

The Communist Party of China claims to be the “leader of the anti-fascist victory”, but the fact is that the merit of the victory in the Anti-Fascist War in 1945 belongs to the government of the Republic of China and all the Chinese people at that time. During the War of Resistance, the Communist Party of China was just a corner of the guerrillas, and the real main battlefield was the frontal resistance war of the Kuomintang army.

Today, the Communist Party of China takes the merits of the Republic of China for itself, and even packages the “anti-fascist victory” as its own victory day. This is a tampering with history and a theft of the memory of the Chinese nation. What’s more absurd is that it invited contemporary war criminals such as Putin and Kim Jong-un to the tower and practice the “fascist alliance” in the name of “commemorating anti-fascism”.

This is not only unreasonable, but also a betrayal of the martyrs.

IV. The true intention of “strengthening the Communist Party of China”

“Don’t forget that there is a strong Communist Party of China behind you”, this sentence is the intimidation of the regime to the people and a warning to the international community.

To the inside: It should tell the Chinese people that there is a strong army behind you and an unchallengeable regime, and any resistance will be of no use.

Externally: It should remind the world that any action that tries to assist Chinese civil society and promote human rights must take into account the missiles and nuclear arsenal held by Beijing.

To the party: the military parade is also a show of power. The supreme leader examines the three armies as a “commander” to consolidate their absolute position in the party.

This “power” does not come from people’s freedom and creativity, but from fear, oppression and force.

V. Diplomatic isolation and small circles

On the surface, more than 20 national leaders were invited to attend the military parade of the Communist Party of China on September 3rd. But most of these countries are weak countries that rely on China’s aid, or authoritarian regimes that share the same disease as Beijing. Of course, no leaders from major countries in Europe and the United States are present, and the Communist Party of China does not have the face to invite. Important neighboring countries in Asia kept their distance and only sent special envoys and representatives.

This shows that the Communist Party of China has fallen into isolation in the global system. Its “strongness’s ” is more of a bluff, its circle of friends is getting narrower and narrower, and the rest is just a small circle of dictators who are warming up.

VI. Illusory strength and real vulnerability

The tanks, missiles and warplanes displayed in the military parade seem to be majestic, but they cannot cover up the deep crisis of society:

Economic recession: the real estate bubble bursts, foreign capital withdraws, and the youth unemployment rate remains high.

Social anxiety: the wealth of the middle class is shrinking, the life of ordinary people is difficult, and young people choose to “lie flat”.

People’s livelihood crisis: the birth rate has declined sharply, and the aging of the population has accelerated.

This situation, just like the shelves of Soviet stores were empty in those years, but missiles were still displayed in the Red Square. The so-called “strong Communist Party of China” is just the self-comfort of the doomsday regime.

VII. The irony of history and the revelation of the future

The September 3rd Military Parade, which was originally to commemorate the victory of the anti-fascist, was turned into a fascist carnival by the Communist Party of China. It is not only an irony of history, but also a warning to the future.

The lessons of the Soviet Union have proved that military show-off cannot prolong the life of the regime, the speech blockade cannot prevent the collapse, and the illusory “powerful” will eventually turn into dust. Today’s performance of the Communist Party of China is a replay of the historical drama of the Soviet Union.

The real strength is never missiles and tanks, but the freedom, dignity and creativity of the people. When a regime completely relies on the system of fear, it is already on the road to destruction.

VIII. Conclusion

“Don’t forget that there is a powerful Communist Party behind you”, this sentence sounds terrifying, but in fact it is a confession of fear. The Communist Party of China wants the people to be afraid of it, the world to be afraid of it, and history to be tampered with by it. But in the end, it cannot stop the people’s desire for freedom, nor can it stop the world’s awareness of the truth.

The grand fireworks of the military parade can only temporarily cover the sky but not change the direction of history. The future of China will definitely belong to those who pursue democracy, freedom and the rule of law, and the “strength” of the Communist Party of China will eventually prove to be just a fragile illusion.