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东北三省联合组党,王文江退出共产党

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东北三省联合组党,王文江退出共产党

作者:袁崛(中国民主党党法规部长)
编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:冯仍 翻译:刘芳

继1998年9月湖北第三波组党,申请成立中国民主党湖北筹备委员会后,东北三省的民运人士联合起来,开始跨省组建,成立了中国民主党东北三省委员会筹备委员会,并向中共民政部直接提出注册申请。这是继浙江,山东,湖北三地“中国民主党事件”三波之后的又一次冲击,在规模和级别上都更上一个台阶。这次东北三个省的民运人士联合成立跨省的民主党东北筹委会,是国内民运组党又向前跨越了一个台阶,是向全国委员会迈进的一个重要的中间步骤。东北地区在历史、地理、政治、经济上,一直是一个整体概念。三省联合,共组民主党东北筹委会,是顺理成章的事。由于跨越省市,民主党东北委员会的注册申请,在行政上,应当由中央政府民政部审理,不能由省级民政部门审理。这对测试中共政府和中共高层对跨地区联合组党的态度,有重要意义。可视为注册申请民主党全国委员会的前哨步骤。

东北三省联合组党,王文江退出共产党

东北民主党人冷万宝、唐元隽与民主党人赵昕等人合影(从左至右)

这次东北三省发起注册民主党的人士,多是从事多年反对运动、具有丰富运作经验的老民运战士。辽宁的王泽臣、黑龙江的傅俊保、吉林的冷万宝等发起人,都是七九、八九年就投入民运、坐过牢房的久经考验的民运老战士。联系人王文江,八九年参加民运,组党时是鞍山第一律师事务所执业律师。浙江的王有才因组党被捕后,王文江挺身而出,愿意为王有才担任辩护律师,但被中共当局加以阻拦。

中国民主党东北筹备委员会的申请书中写道:

“中华人民共和国民政部:

根据中华人民共和国宪法和社团管理登记条例的规定,按照国际法的普遍准则,我们申请成立中国民主党东北三省筹备委员会。我们赞成中国民主党的章程,愿意履行民主党章程规定的义务。我们承诺,中国民主党东三省委员会成立后,将承认和尊重江泽民主席国家元首的地位,将承认和尊重中国共产党的执政党地位。同时,在宪法和其它法律的范围内,开展我党的社会和政治活动。政治活动的有序和多党参与,是国家长治久安和实现民主制度的必由之路。人类的历史表明,监督和制衡是现代文明国家权力结构的强大支柱。合法组建政党乃是国家政治处于正常运作的重要特征。

……

我们希望,我们的建党申请能够获得批准。

中国民主党东北地区筹备委员会

一九九八年九月十四日”

中国民主党东北三省筹委会联系人、辽宁省鞍山市第一律师事务所律师王文江,于九月十四日,也就是东北三省民运人士向民政部申请注册民主党东北筹委会的当天,向外界公开发表声明,为了促进民主化进程,宣布退出共产党。王文江说,他在一九八八年加入中国共产党。但他逐步认识到,中共实际上已经腐烂。中国要走向现代化之路,非要有一个新型民主政党不可。基于这个认识,王文江积极投入民运,近来特别活跃。浙江王有才等组党一度被捕,王文江自动站出来,愿意为王有才进行辩护。他又公开与一批东北三省的民运人士一道,筹组民主党东北筹备委员会。由于王文江公开认同了纲领与中共迥异的中国民主党,因此,王文江认为有必要公开宣布退出中国共产党,与之彻底决裂。

唐元隽(左一)与冷万宝(左三)

中国民主正义党发言人王炳章博士指出,除了八九年六四屠杀后,有一批共产党员宣布退党外,王文江这次退党举动,是八九年后第一次共产党员公开宣布退党的行为。将大大地激励中国民主人士争取民主,与中共抗争的勇气。

Northeast Three Provinces Unite to Form a Party,Wang Wenjiang Withdraws from the Communist Party

Author: Yuan Jue (Director of Party Regulations, China Democracy Party)
Editor: Li Congling Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: Democracy activists from China’s three northeastern provinces jointly submitted an application to the Ministry of Civil Affairs to establish the Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP) Northeast Region. Meanwhile, lawyer Wang Wenjiang issued a public statement announcing his withdrawal from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Following the third wave of party formation in Hubei in September 1998—with an application to establish the China Democracy Party Hubei Preparatory Committee—democracy activists in China’s three northeastern provinces united to form an interprovincial organization, establishing the Preparatory Committee of the CDP Northeast Region. They submitted a direct registration application to the CCP’s Ministry of Civil Affairs. This marked a new level of challenge following the previous “China Democracy Party incidents” in Zhejiang, Shandong, and Hubei. In scale and political significance, this effort represented a further step toward building a national CDP structure.

Historically, geographically, politically, and economically, the three northeastern provinces have long formed a coherent regional concept. Their joint formation of a unified CDP Northeast Preparatory Committee was therefore a logical step. Because this cross-provincial organization exceeded the jurisdiction of provincial authorities, its registration had to be reviewed by the central Ministry of Civil Affairs. This made the application a crucial test of the CCP leadership’s attitude toward interregional opposition organizing and signified an important preparatory step toward applying for a national CDP committee.

东北三省联合组党,王文江退出共产党

A group photo of Northeast CDP members Leng Wanbao and Tang Yuanjun with CDP member Zhao Xin (from left to right)

Many of the initiators of the Northeast CDP effort were seasoned democracy activists with years of experience in opposition movements. Wang Zechen of Liaoning, Fu Junbao of Heilongjiang, and Leng Wanbao of Jilin—all founding members—had participated in the 1979 and 1989 democracy movements and endured imprisonment. Liaison representative Wang Wenjiang, a practicing lawyer at Anshan’s No.1 Law Firm, had joined the 1989 movement. After Zhejiang activist Wang Youcai was arrested for founding the CDP, Wang Wenjiang bravely volunteered to serve as his defense lawyer, though the CCP authorities obstructed him.

The CDP Northeast Preparatory Committee wrote in its application:

“To the Ministry of Civil Affairs of the People’s Republic of China: In accordance with the Constitution of the PRC and the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations, and consistent with universal international norms, we hereby apply to establish the Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party for the Three Northeastern Provinces. We agree with the CDP Charter and are willing to fulfill the obligations it outlines. We affirm that after its establishment, the CDP Northeast Committee will acknowledge and respect the status of Jiang Zemin as head of state and recognize the CCP’s position as the ruling party. Within the framework of the Constitution and relevant laws, we will carry out legitimate social and political activities.

Orderly political participation and multiparty involvement are essential for lasting national stability and the realization of democratic governance. Human history demonstrates that checks and balances constitute the structural foundation of modern civilized states. The lawful formation of political parties is an important sign of normal political functioning.

We hope our application will be approved. China Democracy Party Northeast Preparatory Committee September 14, 1998”

On the same day the application was submitted—September 14—CDP Northeast liaison representative Wang Wenjiang publicly announced his withdrawal from the Chinese Communist Party. Wang stated that he had joined the CCP in 1988, but over the years came to understand that the Party had decayed. He believed that China’s path to modernization required a new type of democratic party. Based on this conviction, he became active in the democracy movement and took a leading role in the founding of the Northeast CDP Preparatory Committee. Having openly endorsed the CDP’s platform—which fundamentally differs from that of the CCP—Wang declared that it was necessary to sever ties fully and publicly withdraw from the Party.

Tang Yuanjuan (leftmost) and Leng Wanbao (third from the left)

Dr. Wang Bingzhang, spokesperson for the China Democratic Justice Party, noted that since the wave of resignations following the June Fourth Massacre in 1989, Wang Wenjiang’s withdrawal was the first public declaration of Party resignation by a CCP member. He emphasized that this act would significantly encourage democracy activists across China in their struggle against authoritarian rule.

当豪门指点美国:谁在制造恐惧,谁在逃离谎言

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当豪门指点美国:谁在制造恐惧,谁在逃离谎言

作者:刘芳
编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:钟然 校对:冯仍 翻译:刘芳

11月4日,香港娱乐圈豪门名媛向太陈岚(Tiffany)发布视频喊话:“奉劝各位千万不要移民美国,付出的代价是你想象不到!绝对不允许我的小孩移民美国,孙子孙女不准去美国读书,如果他们敢去,我把钱捐了,一毛都不留给他们。现在乞丐、流浪汉、瘾君子满街都是,枪战到处发生。有些有钱的朋友住美国很久了,这几年想搬回来,他们会觉得不安全,也被打劫过。”最后向太建议不要移民去美国,留学也没必要,工作、投资也不行。

当豪门指点美国:谁在制造恐惧,谁在逃离谎言

珠光宝气的向太在豪宅里说这番话时流露出自己也不信的尴尬表情。抛开她的政治目的先不谈,她家庭的黑社会背景连移民台湾也无可能的事实暂且不表。这话和她有情有义、有勇有谋、直言直语的大女人人设也不符啊。这种说法不是第一次听到,在国内的时候,这种观点也非常普遍。国内媒体也会大肆宣传和放大美国的流浪者问题和安全问题。讽刺的是,中国权贵的子女无一例外的在常春藤大学留学。中国的贪官无一例外的在美国囤积巨额财富,并买房置业建立海外第二家庭。而中国普通家庭的父母却为孩子留学的安全问题忧心忡忡。与此同时,香港自从六四和国安法事件以后也出现移民潮。这里也不乏来美国追求自由的港人。难道他们都生活在恐惧中吗?

“向太们”特别爱举的例子,就是那些“满大街的流浪汉”。首先“满大街“就是不实报导。美国流浪汉只是集中在比如纽约和洛杉矶这些大城市的一些区域。比如洛杉矶的市区有几条街道和公园。我在第五街-第七街道(5th St / 6th St / 7th St)的部分路段,以及麦克阿瑟公园(MacArthur Park)见到过集中的流浪汉。我也在纽约街头能看到零星的流浪汉。但是同时我也能看到随时巡逻的警察,警车和直升机。我并不感到害怕。周围的人也不会。见识过公交车上大吵大嚷的精神失常者,被司机呵斥:“不要在我的车上嚷嚷”。在洛杉矶其他区域,流浪汉并不常见。其次,我没有遇到过袭击路人的流浪汉。他们大多无攻击性。刚刚到美国的时候我先生在便利店外看到了流浪者,被问:“你为什么要看着我?” 先生解释说他只是过去便利店买点东西而已。“哦,原来这样”他和我先生击了个拳,表示友好,然后每次路过都如此。他们等在那里是因为每天便利店会把未销售完的热狗留给流浪者。相反,他们大多是人群中的弱势者和少数者。这些人中有一部分是自愿选择了流浪的生活方式,他们并不认可朝九晚五工作的价值观。认为人不是天生就要社会化和工作的。有一部分是不同程度的精神失常者,失业者。也有无法戒掉毒瘾的人。但在美国人看来他们是需要帮助的弱者。很多店铺和义工会对他们提供帮助。社会也提供了避难所,廉价住房,现金和食物。

就这一点美国媒体天天骂,美国选民天天批评,美国地方政府天天被骂得抬不起头。因为在美国,媒体可以骂政府,人民可以骂市长,记者可以追问州长的不作为。而在某些地方,不是没有流浪汉,而是流浪汉“消失得很快”,谁也不知道是被送去救助站,还是被送去“重新认识人生”,抑或是送去为要活150岁的老贼提供“零件”了。于是,街道当然干净,连自由的影子都被清洗得一尘不染。两种制度一对比,我们就不难看清,一个是对人的各种选择的尊重,尤其是弱势群体。一个是强制驱逐和关押,只为了所谓虚假的城市清洁和繁华。

再说吸毒问题。美国吸毒严重?是的,严重到立法、司法、医疗体系都在公开讨论、争辩、痛苦改革。而在另一些国家,吸毒当然不存在,因为毒贩只要和权力合流就能从轻发落乃至消失,而中国本身就是出口芬太尼前体的世界最大的贩毒集团,毒害无数美国年轻人,中共媒体却要把中国报道成世界上唯一的净土。

枪战?国内某些人最喜欢用“美国枪战多”来吓唬大众,好像一出门就会被子弹追着跑。可他们从来不会告诉你,美国之所以强调自我防护,是因为权力永远不能垄断所有武力。美国的问题并不是“坏人有枪”,而是好人也有能力说不;不是“社会危险”,而是他们相信一个普通公民不该完全依赖警察来决定自己的生死。

在美国,枪击案会被报道、被追责、被批评,因为社会认为这是政府保护公民安全的失败;而在另一些国家,遇到不正义的所谓执法行为,你不能拥有任何自保手段。“向太们”最害怕的其实不是美国的枪声,而是美国背后的逻辑——一个普通人可以拥有最后一道对抗邪恶的权力,而不是把生死完全交给政府。这种权力,不是鼓励暴力,而是提醒政府:公民不是臣民;暴力不能被单方面垄断。正因为美国相信“人民拥有力量,政府必须克制”,所以社会的透明度、新闻的自由度、公共讨论的激烈程度,都远超那些空气静悄悄却连真相都不敢讨论的地方。枪声当然可怕,但比枪声更可怕的,是一个社会的人们连保护自己的权力都不存在,只能寄希望于“正义不会迟到和缺席”这种童话。

于是,“向太们”的逻辑就顺理成章:美国没有秩序,因为这里允许你批评政府;美国没有人权,因为这里允许穷人存在;美国不安全,因为这里允许媒体报道真实社会。这听上去荒谬,却是封闭叙事下最自然的产物——别人越乱,才衬托“我们越稳”。

他们真正害怕的,从来不是美国的治安,而是美国的透明;不是自由造成的“乱象”,而是自由带来的“对比”。他们不让孩子来美国,并不是因为美国糟糕,而是因为美国太自由、太平等、太公平:足以让下一代看清原本的世界有什么问题。

更讽刺的是,那些最爱骂美国“水深火热”的人,最爱在美国投资、买房、度假、转移资产、送孩子读书;一边吃着美国牛排,一边指点美国腐烂。

但美国从来不是为害怕的人准备的。

美国的精神,是独立,是自由,是公民对自己命运负责的勇气。

这是属于敢选择、敢担当、敢说“不”的人们的土地。

如果一个人连真实世界都不敢看,连自由都觉得危险,那确实不适合美国——不是美国太可怕,而是自由太真实。

而我看到的美国,是一位台湾移民朋友对我说的那样:“我在大陆长大,台湾读书,走过许多地方。我爱美国,也爱这里善良正义的人。我留下来,因为我愿意为这个社会出力。”朴素一句话,比所有豪门式的“忧国忧民”都更有力量。

When the Rich Lecture America: Who Creates Fear, and Who Escapes Lies

Abstract: This article responds to Tiffany Chen’s negative remarks about the United States, arguing that although America faces issues such as homelessness, drug use, and public safety issues, its transparency, accountability, and respect for the vulnerable give it deeper value. Those who fear America are not afraid of violence—they are afraid of freedom and comparison.

Author: Liu Fang
Editor: Li Congling Executive Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Liu Fang

On November 4, Hong Kong tycoon and socialite Tiffany Chen released a video warning people: “I advise everyone never to immigrate to the U.S. The price you pay will be unimaginable! I will absolutely not allow my children to immigrate to America. My grandchildren are forbidden from studying here. If they dare to go, I will donate all my money and leave them nothing. The streets are filled with beggars, homeless people, addicts, and gunfights happen everywhere.” She concluded by telling people not to immigrate, not to study abroad, not to work in America, and not to invest here. As she delivered this message from inside her luxurious mansion, even her own expression betrayed a hint of disbelief. Leaving aside her political motives—and the fact that her family’s organized-crime background would likely prevent immigration to Taiwan—the statement itself does not match her long-established public persona of being brave, loyal, and straightforward. But similar claims are extremely common in China. State media often magnifies homelessness and crime in the U.S. as evidence of societal collapse.

当豪门指点美国:谁在制造恐惧,谁在逃离谎言

The irony, of course, is that no Chinese elite actually believes the propaganda they repeat: their children all study in the Ivy League, corrupt officials funnel their assets into American banks, and wealthy families quietly buy up California real estate—while ordinary Chinese parents are terrified of their children studying abroad. Meanwhile, since the National Security Law, Hong Kong has seen a major wave of emigration. Many Hongkongers came to the U.S. in pursuit of freedom. Are they all “living in fear”? The claim that the U.S. is “full of homeless people” is false. Homeless populations in America are concentrated only in certain areas of big cities—for example, a few blocks around 5th–7th Street in downtown Los Angeles or parts of MacArthur Park. New York also has homeless individuals, but they are scattered. Meanwhile, police cars and helicopters patrol constantly. I’ve never felt unsafe, nor do most people around me. Most homeless individuals are non-violent. Many are mentally ill, unemployed, addicted, or simply reject the conventional work-life mindset altogether. But in American society, they are viewed as people who need help, not as nuisances to be “removed.” Stores and volunteers offer food. Cities provide shelters, low-cost housing, and assistance programs. And here lies the biggest difference: In America, the homeless problem is reported, criticized, debated, and challenged—every day. Media exposes government failures, citizens scold mayors, journalists question governors. But in certain other places, homelessness “disappears quickly.” Whether they were taken to a shelter, a labor camp, or somewhere far worse—nobody asks. When a society’s cleanliness is achieved by removing people instead of helping them, you can certainly have spotless streets—and a level of fear that is far deeper than any urban disorder. America’s drug crisis is real—so real that it is openly discussed in legislation, courts, and hospitals. But in some countries, there is “no drug problem” only because traffickers survive by aligning with power structures, and fentanyl precursor chemicals—exported in massive quantities—ruin countless American families. Yet propaganda paints China as the world’s only drug-free “pure land.” Critics love saying, “America has so many shootings!” as if stepping outside means being hunted by bullets. They never tell you: The right to self-defense prevents power from monopolizing violence. America’s problem isn’t simply “bad people have guns”—it’s that ordinary people also have the right to say no to tyranny. Here, gun violence is viewed as a government failure and openly reported. Elsewhere, when unjust violence comes from “law enforcement,” ordinary people have no right to resist at all. What people like Tiffany fear is not American gunshots—but the American logic behind them: A citizen is not a subject. The government is not entitled to absolute power. A free person must always have a final layer of protection. Freedom creates “chaos,” yes—but it also prevents tyranny. Order built on silence is not stability—it is fear. The logic of “America is unsafe” is simple: America is dangerous because it allows criticism. America is chaotic because it allows the poor to exist. America lacks order because the media shows reality. Absurd? Yes. But within a sealed propaganda ecosystem, it makes perfect sense. They fear America because freedom creates contrast—and contrast exposes lies. They are afraid their children will come here, experience dignity, rights, equality, transparency, and finally understand: The problem is not the world—it is the system they once lived in. The final irony: Those who shout loudest about “America’s collapse” are the same people who buy property in Los Angeles, hide assets in U.S. banks, send their children to American universities, and spend summers vacationing in Hawaii. They enjoy the steak—but curse the ranch. America is not a place for the fearful. Its spirit is independence, responsibility, and the courage to face reality. If someone feels “freedom is too dangerous,” then indeed—America is not suitable for them. Not because America is terrible, but because freedom is too honest. As a Taiwanese friend once told me: “I grew up in the mainland, studied in Taiwan, traveled many places. I love America and the kind, just people here. I stayed because I want to contribute to this society.” Simple words—far more meaningful than any billionaire’s performative concerns.

粉笔与十字架 —— 一个中国教师的信仰重生

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作者:任梦醒

编辑:Geoffrey Jin   责任编辑:胡丽莉   校对:熊辩   翻译:刘芳

我叫任梦醒,曾在中国做了十二年老师,如今是加州的一名公证员,也是一名基督徒,更是两个孩子的母亲。我的人生经历横跨两个世界——一个被谎言与恐惧笼罩的中国,和一个以信仰与自由为光的美国。

在中国的课堂上,我亲眼看见教育如何被共产党用来塑造顺从的灵魂。课程的目的不是启发思考,而是灌输忠诚。教师必须谨慎言辞,不能讲述信仰,也不能表达独立见解。教材里的历史被修改,真相被掩盖,学生从小被教导“听话”,却被剥夺了思考与质疑的能力。那样的教育让人逐渐失去追求真理的勇气。作为教师,我常常在心底问自己:教育的意义,难道只是培养服从的奴隶?

更让我心痛的,是对信仰的全面打压。在我所在的城市,政府发布通告,明确规定:凡举报所谓“非法宗教聚会”的人员,可根据事件的“危害程度”获得三百至一千元人民币的奖励。那份通告不仅张贴在社区公告栏,还被社区工作人员在各小区微信群里反复转发,甚至要求居民积极举报“可疑宗教活动”。那一刻,我深切地感受到,这种打压已经渗透到每个角落——不再只是政治命令,而是一场被动员的社会监控。祷告成了危险的行为,信徒成了潜在的“举报对象”。牧师被带走,信徒被监控,教堂被拆毁,儿童被禁止进入教会。当信仰被定义为威胁,当祷告也要被监视,我终于明白:他们害怕的,不是宗教,而是觉醒的灵魂。

离开中国后,我终于踏上了自由的土地——美国。第一次带着孩子走进教堂,看他们自由祷告、唱诗赞美上帝时,我泪流满面。这里的教育鼓励提问与思考;这里的社会尊重信仰与人性。阳光透过教堂的彩窗洒在我脸上,那一刻,我心中充满感恩——感谢上帝带我从黑暗的课堂,走进信仰的光明。

作为教师,我愿为真理发声;作为母亲,我要让孩子在信仰与爱中成长;作为基督徒,我更要见证:粉笔可以被擦去,但真理不会被抹灭;黑暗可以遮蔽一时,但十字架的光,终将照亮那片仍被谎言笼罩的土地。

Chalk and the Cross — The Spiritual Rebirth of a Chinese Teacher

Author: Ren Mengxing

Editor: Geoffrey Jin   Executive Editor: Hu Lili   Proofreader: Xiong Bian   Translator: Liu Fang

My name is Mengxing Ren. I worked as a teacher in China for twelve years. Today, I am a notary public in California, a Christian, and the mother of two children. My life spans two very different worlds — one shrouded in lies and fear, and the other illuminated by faith and freedom.

In the classrooms of China, I witnessed firsthand how education was used by the Communist Party to shape obedient souls. The goal of the curriculum was not to inspire independent thought but to instill political loyalty. Teachers had to be cautious with every word; they could not speak about faith or express personal opinions. History in textbooks was rewritten, the truth concealed, and students were taught from an early age to “obey,” while their ability to think and question was quietly taken away. Such an education slowly eroded the courage to seek truth. As a teacher, I often asked myself in silence: Is the purpose of education merely to produce obedient servants?

What pained me even more was the comprehensive suppression of faith. In my city, the local government issued a public notice stating that anyone who reported so-called “illegal religious gatherings” could receive a cash reward of 300 to 1,000 yuan, depending on the “severity” of the case. The notice was not only posted on community bulletin boards but was also repeatedly circulated by community workers in neighborhood WeChat groups, urging residents to report “suspicious religious activities.” At that moment, I deeply felt how such persecution had penetrated every corner of society — no longer just a political order, but a mobilized system of social surveillance. Prayer became a dangerous act; believers became potential “targets of reporting.” Pastors were taken away, worshippers were monitored, churches were demolished, and children were forbidden to enter places of worship. When faith was defined as a threat and prayer itself had to be watched, I finally understood: what the regime fears is not religion, but the awakening of the human soul.

After leaving China, I finally set foot on a land of freedom — the United States. The first time I took my children into a church and watched them pray and sing freely to praise God, tears streamed down my face. Here, education encourages questioning and critical thinking; here, society respects both faith and humanity. As sunlight filtered through the stained-glass windows of the church and fell upon my face, my heart was filled with gratitude — gratitude to God, who led me out of the darkness of the classroom and into the light of faith.

As a teacher, I will speak for the truth. As a mother, I will raise my children in faith and love. And as a Christian, I will bear witness: chalk can be wiped away, but truth can never be erased; darkness may conceal the light for a while, but the glow of the cross will one day shine upon that land still veiled in lies.

人物特访——缅甸骗局园区受困者的求救与美国通缉下的全球追责

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作者:张致君

编辑:韩立华   责任编辑:刘芳   校对:程筱筱   翻译:彭小梅

随着东南亚电信诈骗对国际世界的影响,全球民主国家在2025年10月期间陆续对犯罪行为采取行动,而被东南亚人口贩卖与酷刑困扰最严重的中国,却丝毫没有行动。

陈志(又名 Vincent)及其控制的 Prince Holding Group 已被美国财政部制裁。美国财政部于 2025 年10 月14日 发布公告,称这是“有史以来针对东南亚诈骗园区最大规模行动,将陈志及其集团列为跨国犯罪组织,并同时联合英国采取制裁措施。同日,美国司法部于纽约东区联邦法院公开了一份对陈志的起诉/起诉状,指控他犯有电汇诈骗共谋(wire fraud conspiracy)和洗钱共谋(money-laundering conspiracy),公告中还提到,美国当局同时提出了一项民事没收诉讼(civil forfeiture complaint),标的约为 127,271 枚 比特币,估值约数十亿美元,这与陈志涉嫌诈骗和洗钱有关。

2025年10月24日,《Nation Thailand》报道说,缅军在KK园区区域的诈骗建筑群内开始爆破,强烈爆炸声在泰国边境城镇米索(Mae Sot)也能听到;浓烟从园区升起,并有 1 000 多名外国人因而从缅甸逃入泰国。多家媒体也陆续报道:缅军于10月20日左右,在KK园区拘捕约2 000人、查扣约30台 “Starlink” 卫星终端设备、并检视超过260栋“未登记建筑”。

在此背景下,一名来自KK园区被困受害者秘密联系到记者,希望能够通过曝光给上万赢得国际广泛关注,进而能真正营救到这些受难者。因被访者还深陷在诈骗园区,随时有生命危险,本次采访均使用化名,受采访人透露自己被困在苏奇督儿子管辖的区域,记者查找其公开资料发现,这位在DKBA军事部门及其政治管理部门中最具权势的决策者在2017年就开始与佘智江领导的亚太国际控股集团合作,参与由中国引导的“一带一路”,开发了“亚太新城”等项目,“亚太新城”也被多家媒体曝光是全球最大的诈骗园区。而佘智江本人据多方爆料是与中共国安有密切关系。从这千丝万缕的关系中看,中共似乎与东南亚诈骗犯罪的关系昭然若揭。这也就更加可以解释,为何在其他国家营救本国公民,而中方这么多年却迟迟未做有效救援,而诈骗行为越发在中国境内升级,失踪人口逐步增加。

受困者佳乐是一名1993年出生的女生,在网上看到高新招聘广告,从中国坐飞机到泰国曼谷机场后就被绑架至缅甸。

记者:你现在被困哪里?

佳乐:2025年10月22日刚刚被缅甸军方用军车从KK园区转移到4号码头的通达园区。

记者:多少人受困,都是哪些国家的人?

佳乐:超过1万人。现在我能听到外面在打仗的声音。目前这个园区比我刚来的时候又多了2倍人,全是KK园区转运过来的。受困人基本都是中国人,非常少的来自非洲印度和新加坡。

记者:有新闻说KK园区已经被缅甸军方打击,有千人已经从KK园区逃到了泰国,你没有任何机会逃跑吗?

佳乐:那些能去泰国的大部分是自愿去KK上班的,里面甚至有老板亲戚朋友。真正被绑架的受害者被军方转移,我现在被转移的通达园区就在扩建接受更多的受害者。外界觉得缅甸军方扫荡,其实就是走个过场,一切和原来没有任何变化。

佳乐给记者说起自己在诈骗园区的经历,中国虽然一直在宣传“反诈“,但是真的碰到了以后防不胜防,自己也是鬼迷心窍被海外高新职业所诱惑,联系她的人只说是“送货”,没想到自己才是被盯上的“货物”。佳乐在园区里面要被强迫工作19个小时,从当地时间的下午3点一直要到第二天的早上9点,完不成“新增业绩”任务轻则就要被体罚500个上下蛙跳,业绩不好还会关到“兵站”,如果骗不到人(没有开单)就会受到电棍毒打和虐待。园区的管理全部都是中国人,有人尝试逃跑抓回来就把腿打断。佳乐的胳膊就因为不想骗人被打断了,7个月了也不能医治,落下终身残疾,她也想尝试自杀,但是连机会都找不到,园区的窗户全都被封着,一旦发现有轻生地念头就会派人24小时盯着。

“我被关在小黑屋里,两个男的对我进行殴打。没有办法逃跑,想死都死不了。也根本不能联系外界求助,绝望。“佳乐说园区门口都有缅甸军方看守大门。有侥幸跑出去的,一路上也有军方

记者:你被绑架过去,有尝试联系家人吗?

佳乐:有,园区和家人谈赔付赎人,要21万,家里怕是无底洞,也拿不出这么多钱,他们在中国报警了,中国警方没有任何消息给他们。

佳乐给记者说,她被关过后放出来就住在8人间里,条件恶劣,每天被洗脑,园区的人教她如何打字,学习“美股加密“学习”如何骗人“。

“生不如死,能不能救救我们,求求你们。“

佳乐给记者发来一些照片,但是嘱咐记者不能曝光。

“是会死人的,如果他们知道我在对外联络,我会死的。“

在采访佳乐的时候,她最经常说的就是“救救我“,记者可以体会到她想活下去,想逃离魔窟的紧迫心情。当陈志被通缉,KK园区被曝光在国际新闻下,被困在诈骗园区的人似乎看到了一线希望。

只是这个希望能否最终照耀在她们身上呢?

记者在采访后翻阅资料和新闻,看到园区黑幕,一阵阵寒意袭来。

最新消息,韩国外交部于 2025 年10月15日针对柬埔寨部分高风险地区发出旅行警示,要求韩国公民撤离或避免前往这些地区,原因是这些地区“就业骗局/诈骗园区绑架与拘禁韩国人案件急剧上升”。 韩国警方通过与柬埔寨当局配合,安排包机将被困/拘留的韩国公民从柬埔寨遣返。比如,10月18日有 64 名韩国人从柬埔寨回国,随后多数被法院发出拘捕令调查其是否参与诈骗。韩国与柬埔寨政府于 2025 年10月底达成协议,将成立“柬埔寨-韩国联合打击诈骗犯罪专案部队”,以提高两国在在线诈骗、跨境就业骗局等领域的合作。

而受困的中国人,什么时候才能等到这份希望呢?

Special Feature – Trapped in the Myanmar Scam Compounds: A Victim’s Plea and Global Pursuit Under U.S. Sanctions

Abstract:This article exposes the worsening humanitarian crisis inside Southeast Asia’s scam compounds, which came under sweeping U.S. sanctions in October 2025. Despite being the country most severely affected—its citizens trafficked, tortured, and held for ransom—China has taken virtually no meaningful action to rescue its nationals. The investigation further reveals the deep and complex ties between Chinese authorities and major scam operators in the region, suggesting that Beijing is far from innocent. Through the testimony of a young woman trapped inside Myanmar’s KK compound, this report documents forced labor, torture, and the systematic abuse of thousands, and highlights the urgent need for international intervention.

Author: Zhang Zhijun

Editor: Han Lihua   Managing Editor: Liu Fang   Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao   Translator: Xiaomei Peng

As Southeast Asian telecom fraud continues to impact the international community, democratic nations around the world have acted throughout October 2025. Yet ironically, China—whose citizens are the primary victims of trafficking and torture in these scam compounds—has done almost nothing.

Chen Zhi (also known as Vincent), along with his conglomerate Prince Holding Group, has been sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury Department. On October 14, 2025, the Treasury issued a statement calling it “the largest action ever taken against scam compounds in Southeast Asia,” designating Chen Zhi and his organization as a transnational criminal group. The United States and the United Kingdom also jointly imposed sanctions. The same day, the U.S. Department of Justice announced criminal indictments at the Eastern District of New York, charging Chen with wire fraud conspiracy and money-laundering conspiracy. U.S. authorities simultaneously filed a civil forfeiture complaint seeking the seizure of approximately 127,271 bitcoins, valued at several billion U.S. dollars—assets believed to be tied to large-scale scams and laundering operations.

On October 24, 2025, Nation Thailand reported that the Myanmar military had begun demolishing buildings inside the KK Park scam zone. Explosions were so intense they could be heard from Mae Sot on the Thai border. Thick smoke rose above the compound as more than 1,000 foreigners fled into Thailand. Other reports stated that on or around October 20, Myanmar forces detained around 2,000 people, seized 30 Starlink terminals, and inspected over 260 unregistered buildings.

Amid this chaotic backdrop, a female victim still trapped inside the KK scam zone secretly contacted the reporter. She hoped that public exposure would help her and thousands of others gain international attention—and perhaps a real chance of rescue. Due to the extreme danger she faces, all names used in this interview are pseudonyms. The victim said she is currently held in an area controlled by the son of Saw Chit Thu, a powerful figure in the DKBA military and political hierarchy. Public records show that since 2017, Saw Chit Thu has partnered with Asia Pacific International Holdings, led by She Zhijiang, to develop “Asia Pacific New City” under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Multiple media outlets have since revealed this “new city” as the world’s largest fraud compound. She Zhijiang himself has long been rumored to maintain close ties with Chinese state security. The tangled relationships suggest that Beijing is far from uninvolved in the flourishing of Southeast Asian scam syndicates. This also explains why—while other countries have launched rescue operations for their nationals—China has done nothing substantial, even as disappearances and trafficking cases surge inside China.

Jiale, born in 1993, told the reporter that she was lured abroad by what appeared to be a high-paying overseas job advertisement. After arriving at Bangkok International Airport, she was kidnapped and trafficked into Myanmar.

Reporter: Where are you being held now?Jiale: On October 22, 2025, Myanmar soldiers moved us from KK Park to Tongda Zone at Pier No. 4.

Reporter: How many people are trapped? From which countries?Jiale: Over ten thousand. I can hear fighting outside every day. This compound has doubled in size since I arrived. Most people are from China—only a few from Africa, India, or Singapore.

Reporter: Media reports say many have escaped from KK into Thailand. Why can’t you escape?Jiale: Most people who “escaped” were not kidnapped victims—they were employees who came voluntarily, some even relatives of the bosses. The real victims are being transferred deeper inside Myanmar by the military. Tongda Park is expanding to absorb more trafficked people. The outside world thinks the military is cracking down, but it’s just for show. Everything remains the same.

Jiale described her experiences inside the scam compound. Despite China’s constant “anti-fraud propaganda,” she said, ordinary people still fall victim because the system itself is corrupt. She was forced to work 19 hours a day, from 3 p.m. to 9 a.m. If she failed to meet her “new target numbers,” she would be punished with 500 squat jumps, beaten with batons, or locked in the “military station” for torture. If she failed to scam victims, she would be electrocuted, beaten, or deprived of food. The compound’s management is entirely Chinese. Anyone who attempts to escape has their legs broken. Jiale herself had her arm broken for refusing to deceive others; seven months later, she still has not received medical treatment and may face lifelong disability. She has considered suicide, but there is no opportunity. All windows are sealed, and anyone showing signs of despair is placed under 24-hour surveillance.

“I was locked in a dark room where two men beat me. I can’t escape. I can’t even die. There’s no way to contact the outside world. It’s absolute despair. “The compound is guarded by Myanmar soldiers. Even those who make it out are often caught by soldiers patrolling the roads.

Reporter: Did you try to contact your family?Jiale: Yes. The compound demanded a ransom of 210,000 RMB from my family. My family couldn’t afford it and feared it was a bottomless pit. They reported to police in China but never received any response.

Jiale said she currently lives in an 8-person room with extremely harsh conditions. They are brainwashed daily and taught how to type, how to talk, how to scam people with “U.S. stocks and crypto,” and how to manipulate victims emotionally.

“This is worse than death. Please… please save us.”—Jiale

She sent a few photos to the reporter but pleaded that they are not made public:

“If they find out I spoke to the outside world, I will die.”

Throughout the interview, she repeatedly begged for help. As international sanctions and criminal charges escalate, the victims trapped inside see a sliver of hope. But whether this hope will ever reach them remains uncertain.

After speaking with Jiale, the reporter reviewed public records and media articles, uncovering horrifying details of the scam zones.

On October 15, 2025, South Korea issued travel warnings for high-risk areas of Cambodia due to the sharp rise in kidnappings linked to employment scams.The Korean police coordinated with Cambodian authorities and arranged repatriation flights:on October 18, 64 Koreans were flown back to Seoul, and many are now under investigation to determine whether they were participants or victims. South Korea and Cambodia agreed to establish a Joint Task Force Against Scam Crimes by late October 2025, to strengthen cooperation in combating online scams and transnational trafficking.

Yet amid international actions, the Chinese victims—who make up the overwhelming majority—remain abandoned.When will Chinese citizens receive the same hope of rescue?

旧金山湾区 11月23日 闻道读书会 纪念西山会议一百周年研讨会

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旧金山湾区 11月23日 闻道读书会 纪念西山会议一百周年研讨会
旧金山湾区 11月23日 闻道读书会 纪念西山会议一百周年研讨会

时间:2025年11月23日(星期日)下午 3:00–5:00

地点:2077 Gold St, Alviso, CA 95002

活动简介

1925年11月23日,中国国民党在北京西山召开第一届四中全会,史称“西山会议”。

会议揭露并反对苏俄通过中共渗透、侵略中国的阴谋,果断停止“联俄容共”政策,开除中共党员的党籍,解雇苏联顾问鲍罗廷,开除汪精卫党籍等,成为近代中国政治史上的重要转折点。

1926年初,国民党在上海召开第二次全国代表大会,在宣言中指出:“苏俄文化不适合中国,中国文化讲究和谐包容,苏俄文化讲究斗争;苏俄是好侵略的红色帝国主义。”

这一判断在百年后的今天依然警示着我们。

回顾百年来国共之间的生死斗争,中国人因中共的暴政而遭受了深重的苦难。

今天我们纪念西山会议,是要警醒世人——

只有团结善良的力量,才能抵御共产主义的灾祸,

让中国重归自由与光明。

引言人:谢幼田 教授

主讲人:辛灏年 教授

任松林博士,封从德博士将在现场参与互动。

主办单位:中国现代史研究所、中国民主教育基金会

《君无戏言》我的理想国

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张致君

我一直觉得,我们这个国家的现实像一块咸鱼,腥味大得可以把路边摊的苍蝇都熏晕过去,可偏偏还有人把它供在堂屋正中,说是“国宝级腌制工艺”。我年轻的时候不信邪,觉得既然现实臭,那就用力洗一洗,也许能洗出点清香来。结果我去医院工作那几年,洗到最后才发现,那不是鱼,是一条已经烂掉的蛇,你越洗,它越腥。

我永远忘不了医院楼道里那些躺不进病房的老农民。他们一个个蜷缩着,像被霜打蔫了的秋菜。有人痛得直哼哼,那声音顺着白瓷砖回荡,听起来就像医院聘请了专业哭丧队。而就在同一栋楼上,电梯一上去,到了高干病房,窗帘是丝绸的,床单是进口的,空气里飘着的不是消毒水味,而是水果盘里的哈密瓜味。最让我意外的是,那些病房还住不满,空床位像一张张白得晃眼的讽刺纸,上面写着:穷人不配生病。

我那时候年轻气盛,看到这种场景就直想骂娘,可骂娘没用,我试过。骂了以后,我被护士长骂回去:“你以为你是谁?你配管?”我那一瞬间明白了一个道理:在这个社会,最不值钱的不是卫生纸,是普通人的命。卫生纸至少还算生活必需品。

后来,我分配去乡下医院跑业务。到了一个穷得能把人眼泪逼出味道的村子。那里的人连穷都穷得很讲究,穷得有层次,有结构,有多年沉淀、无法超越的历史底蕴。一个老大娘热情招待我,端出一碗鸡蛋羹,那鸡蛋黄得像太阳一样灿烂,可我知道,那不是太阳,那是她家一个月的营养配额。我不敢吃,那一口下去,我怕我会吃掉他们家的希望。我正打算把碗推回去,两个光着屁股的孩子扒在窗台上盯着看,眼神比狼崽子盯肉还渴。我的泪水当场掉进碗里,我把碗递过去,大娘一把夺住,又把两个孩子往外赶,赶孩子的姿势熟练得像是在赶鸡。那一刻我才明白:贫穷最残忍的地方不是没得吃,而是教会母亲先赶走孩子,再招待客人。

回城以后,带着满脑子问号去找当官的人。我问他:“当年你们喊着要翻身、要解放、要人人平等,现在咋整成这样?难道你们当年革命就是为了这个?”他嘴里叼着一支高档香烟,看我的眼神就像看一个没见过世面的土鳖:“你懂个屁,这叫阶段性国情。”我听了差点笑死。原来我们吃不上饭,叫阶段性贫穷;看不起病,叫阶段性资源倾斜;活得不像人,叫阶段性过渡。这个国家从来不缺词汇,缺的是把词变成现实的诚意。

后来我有幸出国见了世面。第一次是参加啤酒节。成千上万人一起喝酒、扭屁股、抱着陌生人唱歌,快乐得跟过年拆红包一样。一个老人举着啤酒向我敬酒,他一口闷下去,笑得胡子都抖。我本来想跟着笑,可我脑子里突然蹦出医院楼道上那个呻吟的老农民。他一声声“哎哟哎哟”像被复制粘贴在我耳边。我那啤酒一喝到嘴里,竟苦得像中药。

我以为这是偶然,结果不是。我去看了外面世界的海滨嘉年华。那里跳舞的姑娘个个青春得像刚从阳光里摘出来,她们旋转着、跳跃着,裙摆开合之间能让整条街的男人忘记自己姓什么。一个姑娘拉着我一起跳,她浑身都在快乐,像是把欢乐拆成碎片往空气里撒。我正准备跟着她转几圈,脑海里突然冒出来的是河北山路上拉煤车的少女们——那些少女被煤灰糊得像黑炭,年纪轻轻,背却佝偻得像活了七十岁。我当时腿就软了,舞也跳不动了,像被人在胸口按了一块石头。

最让我难受的是美国的万圣节。我看着孩子们满街跑,装神弄鬼的,笑声能把乌云吓走。美国孩子抢糖,我脑海里却一直回放那个被母亲用扫帚赶走的中国孩子。别人是扮鬼玩,我们是真鬼活。

那几年我走南闯北,看别人怎么活,也看我们怎么苟。我越看越觉得,一个国家让老百姓活得有没有尊严,看广场上人笑得开不开心其实没用,要看的是:穷人能不能安稳睡觉、生病能不能活下来、孩子能不能不用靠赶走来学会做人。

我后来明白,我们国家的现实,是一种奇特的体质:越荒诞的事越能长寿,越正常的事越夭折。就像一个孩子,天生偏食,只吃腐肉不吃新鲜蔬菜,吃久了,竟然吃出了感情,觉得腐臭才是家乡的味道。

有一年,我路过一个新建的小区。大门修得富丽堂皇,像宫殿,进去之后楼间距窄得像棺材。业主们天天在广场舞和装修噪音里争夺生存权,一个广场舞大妈跳得太投入,把旁边晾衣绳给扯断了,半条裤衩挂在她头上。她跳完一曲才发现,摘下来还嫌弃裤衩掉毛。那副样子,比嘉年华还魔幻。

我站在一旁看他们互相对骂,从物业骂到祖宗,一秒不耽误。我突然想起那些在街头把啤酒碰得叮当作响的陌生人,他们喝醉了抱着彼此唱歌;而我们喝醉了,抱着彼此掐脖子。仿佛快乐到了中国,就变得沉重,像背上一口棺材——你越想抬轻,棺材里就越躺进一个人。

我们不缺欢乐,我们缺允许欢乐存在的土地。欢乐在这里像违法建筑,稍不注意就要被清理。

不是我们不会笑,是笑容需要许可证。孩子要在规定的时间笑,成年人得在指定的场合哭,连梦见自由都要小心隔墙有耳,免得梦也犯法。

我常常觉得,我们这片土地像一条无形的绳子,一头绑着现实,一头绑着希望。现实往下拽,希望往上飞,久而久之,那根绳子被扯得像人的神经一样发紧,只差一下下,就可能断掉。断的时候不会响,反而很安静,因为大家都习惯了痛,连喊叫都省了。

有时我走在自己的国土上,会产生一种奇怪的错觉:仿佛空气中漂浮着细碎的叹息声,那些叹息像看不见的尘埃,从尘封的历史里飘出来,又落在每一个人的肩上。有些人感觉沉重,有些人感觉麻木,而更多的人,早已习惯把叹息当成呼吸的一部分。

人们活得像被关在一个巨大的剧场里,剧本早写好,角色分配好,台词都要求背诵。我们从小被训练成适应舞台的演员,却没有人问过我们,想不想下台。

我想起那两个扒着窗台的孩子。他们不知道窗外是什么,但眼神里有一种微弱的亮,是人性最后一根火柴。我怕那火柴被生活的风吹灭,又怕它点燃,却照出我们不敢看的真相。

这些年,我见过很多被生活耗成灰的人。他们年轻时眼睛清澈,像河床里被水冲洗过的鹅卵石,可过了几年,眼神就变成了被煤灰涂过的玻璃,又脏又不透光。有的人忘了自己曾经想拥抱什么,只记得怎样才能不挨揍地活下去。

人只要活得久一点,就能明白一个残忍的事实:并不是所有人都死于疾病、意外或衰老,更多的人死于一种无形的东西——失望。失望慢慢啃噬人心,直到某一天,你对着镜子发现,那张脸已经没有从前的模样。

我有时候在夜里失眠,会突然问自己:我们到底做错了什么?为什么别的国家能让普通人像树一样自然生长,而我们只能像盆景,被修剪、被绑扎、被塑形?盆景确实漂亮,却没有自由伸展过枝丫。

如果一个社会最成功的,是教会人沉默,那它最失败的,也是让人忘了声音。

我走过了许多国家,看过许多街道上不同的影子。有些影子昂首、有些影子雀跃,而我想起我们街道上的影子——它们多数是匆忙、压缩、沉重的,好像影子也怕被现实踩碎。

有一天,我在异国的一条长椅上坐到黄昏。夕阳落下去,光像温柔的潮水一样涂在街道上,把人的影子拉长。那一刻我突然明白:理想国不是一个国家,它是一种让人不必低着头活着的空气。

如果空气是甜的,人就活得像春天;如果空气是苦的,人就活得像冬天。

而我深爱的这片土地——太久没有闻到春天的味道了。

我常常想,如果有那么一天,我们的土地突然安静下来,那会是什么声音?不是沉默的安静,而是一种心里终于放下重担的安静——像一个走了很久的人,第一次停下来,敢深呼吸。

那天,也许不会有庆典,也没有人需要挥舞旗帜。街上的汽车照样堵,菜市场的摊贩照样吆喝,孩子们照样追着气球跑。不同的是,人们的眼神,会悄悄变亮一点点。亮得不夸张,只够照见自己的影子,不再那么灰。

一个真正的理想国,不需要宏大,它应该像雨后的空气一样自然。人走在路上,不再觉得尘土粘在肺里,而是觉得风轻轻擦过脸颊,像在提醒:你终于是你自己了。

我想象有一天,医院的走廊不再躺着挤不进去病房的人。那些曾经哼着痛的人,不是因为奇迹,而是因为制度不再把他们排除在门外。高干病房仍然可以存在,但不再是天空,而只是其中一层楼。病床不再区分身份,医生不再分贵贱,病人进门时不需要低头,只需要报名字。

我想象有一天,孩子们不用扒着窗台流口水看别人吃东西。他们坐在同样的课桌前,不必为户口、出身、背景、关系而战。那天的教室里,最响亮的声音不是老师的教诲,而是孩子们笑声在墙上撞来撞去——那笑声不再害怕被人制止。

我想象有一天,我们不再把沉默当成教养,不再把谎话当成智慧,不再把麻木当成生存技巧。人们走进办公室、工厂、田野、街头、海边,从事自己愿意做的事,而不是为了活下来不得不做的事。丢掉一个工作不会像坠入深渊,而像是渡过河流暂时湿了鞋。

我想象有一天,老人们坐在长椅上晒太阳,不再抱怨“我年轻时怎么怎么苦”,因为他们知道自己的孩子不会再重复老路。他们的皱纹是岁月留下的,而不是忧愁刻下的。他们看着夕阳,不会急着回家,因为无论回哪个家,都是自己的家。

我想象有一天,人们可以坐在同一张桌子上说不同的话,而不会被要求统一口径。争论不再是撕裂,而是修补。不同的声音像不同的种子撒在土壤里,可以争阳光,但不互相拔根。

我的理想国很小,小到用一只手就能捧住。它没有水晶宫,没有金色大门,更没有神降奇迹。它只是让人活得像个“人”——抬得起头,哭得出声,笑得自由。

可我越想,心里越发疼痛。疼得像在胸腔里塞进了一块冰,越捂越冷。

因为我知道,我们距离那一天,不是差一条街、一座城,而是差一层厚得看不见的墙。那墙不是水泥砌的,是很多代人积累的恐惧与顺从堆起来的。

墙外的世界有人在歌唱,墙内的人睁着眼做梦。梦里,天空是亮的;醒来,天花板压得像石板。有人把梦刻在心里,有人把梦藏在枕头底下,有人干脆把梦撕碎,当成纸塞进鞋里垫脚。

我害怕有一天,我们走到生命尽头,才发现自己活得像公园里那种被铁丝绑成造型的树。枝条长得整齐,叶子生得标准,从不越规。可当链条打开,它已经不会自由生长了。

理想国不是给孩子们看的童话,它是成年人不敢承认的渴望。那渴望藏在每一次我们“差点说出口却忍住”的话里。

我相信那一天会来,但它不会像节日一样提前通知,不会有礼炮,也不会有口号。它会悄悄降临,就像春天第一片叶子鼓起来时,没有声音,却改变了整棵树。

等那天来临,我希望我们还有力气抬头,还有勇气认出它。

我害怕的是——等那一天终于来了,我们已经习惯低着头,再也抬不起来了。

我害怕的是——

当那一天无论我们是什么党派,无论是什么背景,无论是什么观点的一群人可以坐在一起的时候,却忘记怎么举起手中的酒杯,忘记笑是什么样子的了。

“A Promise Is No Jest”: My Republic of Ideal

By Zhang Zhijun

I have always felt that the reality of our country is like a slab of salted fish—so pungent it could knock out all the flies buzzing around a street stall. Yet some people insist on placing it in the center of their living room, praising it as a “national-treasure-level curing technique.”When I was young, I didn’t believe in such nonsense. I thought that if reality stank, then surely scrubbing hard enough might bring out a hint of freshness. Only after working in hospitals for a few years did I realize: it wasn’t a fish at all—it was a rotting snake. The more you washed it, the fouler it became.

I can never forget the old farmers lying in the hospital corridors because they couldn’t get a bed. They curled up like autumn vegetables wilted by frost. Some groaned in pain, and the sound echoed down the white-tiled hallway like a hired mourning troupe performing a dirge.Yet in the same building, take the elevator upstairs to the cadre ward: silk curtains, imported sheets, and the air scented not with disinfectant but with Hami melon from the fruit platter. What shocked me most was that even those wards weren’t full. The empty beds gleamed like sheets of white satire, each quietly declaring: “The poor do not deserve to fall ill.”

I was hot-blooded then. Seeing all this, I wanted to curse out loud—but that changed nothing. I tried. After cursing I was scolded by the head nurse:“Who do you think you are? This is none of your business.”In that moment I understood a truth: in this society, the cheapest thing is not toilet paper—it is an ordinary person’s life. Toilet paper at least counts as a daily necessity.

Later, I was assigned to run outreach work for a rural hospital. I entered a village so poor it could squeeze tears out of your eyes just by existing. Poverty there had layers, structure, and a historical depth refined over generations.An elderly woman warmly hosted me, offering a bowl of steamed egg custard—its yellow so bright it looked like a miniature sun. But I knew: that wasn’t the sun. That was her family’s monthly nutrition quota.I couldn’t bring myself to eat it. One bite felt like swallowing their hope.Just as I was about to return the bowl, two naked children clung to the windowsill, staring at it with the hunger of wolf pups eyeing meat. My tears fell directly into the bowl. I tried handing the bowl to the kids, but the old woman snatched it back and shooed them away. She drove them off with a practiced efficiency, like chasing chickens.That was when I understood: the cruelty of poverty is not that there is nothing to eat, but that it teaches a mother to push her children away before welcoming a guest.

Back in the city, filled with questions, I sought out an official.I asked him:“You once shouted about liberation, equality, letting people rise up. How did it end up like this? Was this what the revolution was for?”He held a luxury cigarette between his lips and looked at me as if I were some bumpkin who’d never seen the world:“You know nothing. This is called a transitional national condition.”

I nearly burst out laughing.So: not having enough to eat is called transitional poverty;Being unable to afford medical care is called transitional resource allocation;Living without dignity is called transitional development.Our country has never lacked vocabulary—what it lacks is the sincerity to turn words into reality.

Later, I traveled abroad and finally saw the wider world.My first time was at a beer festival: tens of thousands drinking, twisting their hips, hugging strangers and singing—joy bursting like red envelopes on New Year’s Eve.An old man toasted me, downed his beer in one gulp, and laughed so hard his beard trembled.I wanted to laugh with him, but suddenly the groans of that old farmer in the hospital corridor replayed in my mind—copied and pasted directly into my ears.The beer touched my tongue, but it tasted as bitter as Chinese medicine.

It wasn’t a one-time episode.At a seaside carnival abroad, young women danced with a freshness as if plucked straight from sunlight—spinning, leaping, their skirts blooming in the air, making the whole street’s men forget their own names.One girl grabbed me to dance. She radiated joy, scattering it like glitter in the wind. I wanted to spin with her—But the image that surfaced in my mind was of the coal-covered girls hauling coal on mountain roads in Hebei—faces blackened, backs hunched like seventy-year-olds though they were barely in their teens.My legs gave out. I could not dance. Something heavy pressed on my chest.

Halloween in America hit me the hardest.Children ran through the streets, laughing loud enough to scare away clouds.As they scrambled for candy, all I could think of was that Chinese boy chased away by his own mother so she could offer me a bowl of egg custard.Those kids were pretending to be ghosts.Our kids were living like them.

I traveled far and wide—watching how others live, and how we survive.The more I saw, the more I felt that the measure of a nation is not how loudly its citizens laugh in the square, but:Can the poor sleep safely?Can the sick survive?Can children grow up without first being shooed away?

I eventually understood that our country has a peculiar constitution:The more absurd something is, the longer it survives;The more normal something is, the quicker it withers.Like a child with a strange craving, one who eats only rotten meat, refuses fresh vegetables, and over time develops nostalgia for the stench—calling it the flavor of home.

One year I passed a newly built residential compound.The grand gate glowed like a palace, but beyond it the buildings were packed as tightly as coffins.Residents fought daily—over dance-music noise and renovation noise—competing for the right to exist.A dancing auntie got so carried away that she ripped down a neighbor’s clothesline, ending her routine with someone’s underwear hanging from her head. She didn’t notice until the music stopped—then she plucked it off with disgust, complaining that it shed lint.I watched the entire scene unfold like a carnival dipped in absurdism.

Standing there listening to their insults—spat from property management disputes to ancestral curses—I suddenly remembered those strangers clinking beer bottles abroad and singing in each other’s arms.We drink and grab each other’s throats.They drink and embrace.It is as if joy, once it reaches China, becomes unbearably heavy—like carrying a coffin. The more you try to lift it lightly, the more bodies seem to climb inside.

We do not lack joy.We lack land where joy is permitted to exist.Joy here is treated like illegal architecture—subject to demolition at any moment.

It’s not that we can’t smile.It’s that smiles require a permit.Children must laugh at designated hours; adults must cry at approved occasions; even dreaming of freedom demands caution lest the walls have ears—and dreams become crimes.

Sometimes I walk on my own soil and feel a strange illusion—that the air carries countless tiny sighs, drifting like invisible dust shaken loose from history.Some people feel the weight.Some feel numb.Most have learned to breathe those sighs as if they were oxygen.

People live as though trapped inside a massive theater—the script predrafted, roles assigned, lines memorized.We are trained from childhood to become stage actors, though no one ever asks whether we want to step off the stage.

I think of those two children clinging to the windowsill. They did not know what lay beyond the window, yet their eyes held a faint glimmer—the last matchstick of human dignity.I fear that match will be blown out by the winds of life;I also fear it will ignite—revealing truths we dare not confront.

Over the years I have met many people worn to ash by life.In youth their eyes were clear like river stones polished by running water; in a few years their gaze turned like soot-covered glass—dirty, opaque.Many no longer remember what they once yearned to embrace. They only remember how to survive without being beaten down.

Live long enough, and you learn a brutal fact:Most people do not die from illness, accidents, or old age.They die from something invisible—disappointment.It chews at the heart until one day you look in the mirror and realize the face staring back is no longer the one you remember.

Sometimes, sleepless at night, I ask myself:What did we do wrong?Why can other nations let ordinary people grow like trees—naturally, freely—while we must be shaped like bonsai, pruned, bound, sculpted?Bonsai are beautiful, yes—but they have never stretched their branches freely.

If a society’s greatest success is teaching people to stay silent, then its greatest failure is making them forget what a voice sounds like.

I have walked through many countries and seen shadows cast on many streets.Some shadows stride confidently; some skip in joy.But I think of the shadows on our streets—hurried, compressed, burdened—as if even shadows fear being crushed by reality.

One evening, I sat on a foreign bench until dusk.The setting sun flowed over the street like gentle tidewater, stretching everyone’s shadow long.At that moment I realized:The ideal republic is not a place.It is an atmosphere—one in which people do not have to live with their heads bowed.

If the air is sweet, people live like spring.If the air is bitter, people live like winter.And the land I love—has not smelled like spring for far too long.

I often wonder: if one day our land finally falls quiet, what would that silence sound like?Not the silence of suppression, but of burdens finally being lifted—like a weary traveler who, for the first time, dares take a deep breath.

That day, perhaps there will be no celebrations, no flags waving.Cars will still clog the streets; vendors will still shout in markets; children will still chase balloons.But people’s eyes—will brighten, just a little.Not dazzlingly—just enough to see their own shadows without so much gray.

A true ideal republic does not need grandeur.It should be as natural as the air after rain.People walking down the street should no longer feel dust sticking to their lungs, but feel the wind brush their cheeks gently—whispering:You are finally yourself.

I imagine a day when hospital corridors no longer host patients who cannot get a bed.When those who used to groan in pain are not saved by miracles, but because the system no longer excludes them.Cadre wards can still exist, but no longer as the sky—just another floor.Beds stop distinguishing status.Doctors stop dividing the worthy from the unworthy.Patients enter without lowering their heads—only giving their names.

I imagine a day when children no longer cling to windowsills to watch others eat.They sit at equal desks, not fighting battles over household registration, background, or connections.A classroom where the loudest sound is not the teacher’s voice, but laughter bouncing freely off the walls—laughter unafraid of being silenced.

I imagine a day when we no longer treat silence as refinement, lies as wisdom, numbness as survival.People enter offices, factories, fields, streets, beaches—not to survive, but to live.Losing a job feels less like falling into an abyss, and more like wading across a river and getting your shoes wet.

I imagine a day when the elderly bask in the sun without saying, “When I was young, I suffered so much,” because they know their children will not repeat their path.Their wrinkles would come from time—not from worry.They would watch the sunset without rushing home, because no matter which home they return to, it is truly theirs.

I imagine a day when people at the same table can speak different views without being forced into one voice.Debate becomes repair, not rupture.Different viewpoints fall like seeds into soil—competing for sunlight, but never uprooting one another.

My republic of ideal is small—small enough to hold in one hand.It has no crystal palaces, no golden gates, no miracles from above.It merely allows people to live as human beings—able to lift their heads, shed tears, and laugh freely.

But the more I imagine it, the more a pain sharpens in my chest—like a shard of ice, colder the more I hold it.Because I know: we are separated from that day not by one street or one city, but by a wall so thick it cannot be seen.A wall not built from concrete but from generations of fear and obedience.

Outside the wall, people sing.Inside, people dream with open eyes.In dreams, the sky is bright; awake, the ceiling presses like a stone slab.Some carve their dreams into their hearts; some hide them under pillows; some tear them into scraps and use them as insoles.

I fear that one day, at the end of our lives, we may discover we lived like those ornamental trees in parks—shaped by wires into perfect forms.Branches tidy, leaves uniform, never straying.And when the wires are removed—it is too late. The tree no longer knows how to grow freely.

An ideal republic is not a fairy tale for children.It is the longing adults dare not admit.A longing hidden in every sentence we almost say—but swallow at the last moment.

I believe the day will come.It will not announce itself with festivals, salutes, or slogans.It will arrive quietly—like the first bud swelling on a spring branch, soundless yet transforming the entire tree.

When that day arrives, I hope we still have the strength to lift our heads, and the courage to recognize it.What I fear is—that when it finally comes, we will already be too accustomed to bowing to ever stand upright again.What I fear even more is—that when the day arrives when people of all backgrounds, parties, and beliefs can sit at one table, we will have forgotten how to raise a glass together—and forgotten what it feels like to laugh.

洛杉矶 11月15日 第764次茉莉花行动

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洛杉矶 11月15日 第764次茉莉花行动
洛杉矶 11月15日 第764次茉莉花行动

第764次茉莉花行动

时间2025年11月15日下午3时

地点:中共驻洛杉矶领事馆

声援真相与自由 —— 张盼成 ·张展 ·彭立发

活动主题:

“追求真相与自由不是犯罪——声援张盼成、张展与彭立发”

背景介绍

他们来自不同的地方,却走上了相同的道路—— 那是一条孤独、危险、但充满尊严的道路。

张盼成——来自甘肃的年轻公民行动者,关注社会公义、为弱势群体发声。 他以行动捍卫公民表达的权利,因而多次被拘押、噤声。 在高墙之内,他依然写下:“公民应有发声的权利,不应以沉默换取苟安。”

张展——前律师、公民记者,因报道武汉疫情真相被判刑四年。 她用镜头和文字记录了普通人的苦难,用瘦弱的身躯承受了国家机器的压迫。她说:“如果说真话要付出代价,那我愿意。”

彭立发——那位在北京四通桥上举起横幅的勇者。 “不要核酸要吃饭,不要封控要自由。” 他的行动唤醒了无数沉默的心,也点燃了“白纸运动”的火种。 此后他被带走、失联,却在许多人心中成为一座象征自由与尊严的灯塔。

活动主旨

我们声援他们,不只是为了三个人的命运, 而是为了所有敢于发声的普通人。

他们代表着被掩盖的真相、被压抑的良知、被践踏的权利。 他们用自己的生命,提醒我们:

沉默不是安全,遗忘才是危险。

当说真话成了罪, 当表达成了奢侈, 每一个沉默的人,都可能成为下一个被噤声的对象。

我们的信念

真相不该被囚禁, 良知不该被压制, 勇气不该被遗忘。

他们不是“颠覆者”, 他们是为这个国家揭露真相和争取自由。

活動發起人:胡德旺 周恒 马群

活動負責人:倪世成 楊皓

活動主持人:李晶 程筱筱

組織(召集與宣傳):曾群兰、韩震、张晓丽、张娜 马群 赵贵玲

攝影:卓皓然 陀先润

攝像:姜晓明

安保秩序:郑洲,王乐,李延龙,胡向飞

設計:王灵

主辦:中國民主黨全委會

中国民主党山东工委

洛杉矶 11月16日 《全球觉醒》第四十七期

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洛杉矶 11月16日 《全球觉醒》第四十七期
洛杉矶 11月16日 《全球觉醒》第四十七期

《全球覺醒》第四十七期

自由之鐘再度敲響——《反習宣言》全球發聲集會

民主不滅 良知長存 推翻暴政 重建自由中國

【活動主題】

中國民主黨發表《反習宣言》——拒絕獨裁 呼喚自由 喚醒國魂

今天,我們聚集在這裡,不是為了仇恨,而是為了覺醒。

我們聚集在中共駐洛杉磯總領館門前,向全世界宣告——

自由的中國人民,決不向暴政屈服!

中國民主黨已经于2015年10月19日公开發表《反習宣言》,這是一份歷史性文件,

由郑存柱主席、李之洋秘书长等人起草,

揭露習近平以極權之手摧毀國家憲政、踐踏人權、封殺言論、

將整個中華民族拖入恐懼與監控的深淵。

《反習宣言》不是一篇檄文,而是一聲時代的怒吼;

不是個人怨恨,而是億萬靈魂對自由的呼喚!

十三年專制,民怨滔天。

新疆集中營、《国安法》葬送香港、镇压白紙革命、新冠封控暴政、

以及對知識份子、信仰者、維權者的無盡迫害,

讓中國社會陷入恐懼與沉默。

當人民無法說“不”,那一刻,我們的國家已死去一半。

而今天,民主的火種要再度點燃!

我們站在這裡,

為了喚醒沉睡的良知,

為了向暴君說「不」,

為了讓全世界聽見——中國人民並不沉默!

我們呼籲:

• 結束習近平一黨獨裁!

• 廢除專制制度,建立民主中國!

• 釋放所有政治犯與良心犯!

• 恢復言論自由、新聞自由、信仰自由!

• 推動中國走向憲政、法治與人權的時代!

我們相信:

真相會穿透謊言,

良知會戰勝恐懼,

人民終將覺醒,

暴政終將覆滅!

《反習宣言》是自由之聲的集結號,

是千萬被壓迫者的呼喊,

更是神與歷史共同見證的審判書。

我們要讓全世界知道:

獨裁不是中國的命運,自由才是中國的未來!

時間:2025年11月16日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:劉廣賢/李之洋

活動規劃:孫曄/李傑

活動主持:張維清

組織者:

胡月明4806536918/趙書廣6268663344

陳斌9093780791/邢倫基6265656311

盧振華6264136083/劉樂園 8589880825

活動義工:于海龍/王彪/ 易勇 /呂峰/勞紹海

攝影:Ji Luo/陸敏健/王永/張允密

主辦單位:

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

旧金山 11月15日 抗议活动通告

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旧金山 11月15日 抗议活动通告
旧金山 11月15日 抗议活动通告

共产主义幽灵祸害中国,祸害世界,反共产主义,争取民主自由人权是我们中国民主党的使命!

2025年11月15日 周六 下午2点— 4点

11月7号,美国发布正式公告,宣布11月2-8日这一周是美国的“反共产主义周”(anti- communism week),以悼念因共产主义制度而受到迫害的人们;

美国的声明警醒这个世界,共产主义仍然在笼罩这个世界,仍然在控制很多人的心灵,仍然在肆无忌惮的幻想统治整个地球;

回顾中国历史,经过以孙中山为代表的无数英雄前辈浴血奋战,推翻了腐朽的清王朝,建立了中华民国,中国终于摆脱了封建王朝,走上了正确的道路;

但是苏联不希望中国崛起,苏联不仅要吞并中国东北和新疆,他还要吞并整个中国; 于是,苏联出钱出人出力出军火,暗中扶植共产党,把共产主义祸水引入中国;

在苏联共产主义枪炮支持下,中国共产党通过欺骗和谎言获取了中国政权,虽然苏联没有吞并中国,但是这股共产主义祸水在中国带来了更大祸害,通过无数次政治运动,包括人类历史上史无前例的文化大革命,几千万中国人民被迫害致死,甚至通过输出革命,中国共产党在东南亚国家大肆扶植反动势力,在当地发动革命暴乱,危害整个世界;

我们永远要牢记:

中华民国才是中国,

共产党滚回苏联去!

因此,我们特举办以上抗议活动,欢迎大家积极参与!

地址: 旧金山中领馆

主办单位: 中国民主党 /中国民主教育基金会