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从胡洋/张雅笛被捕案看中共对海外言论的监控

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从胡洋/张雅笛被捕案看中共对海外言论的监控

作者:张致君

编辑:钟然 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

从胡洋/张雅笛被捕案看中共对海外言论的监控

2025年7月26日,上海浦东机场的门口走过无数旅客。他们推着行李箱,怀里抱着孩子,神情疲惫,却满心期待着家里的饭菜和床。胡洋也是其中之一。他从荷兰飞回来,准备探亲。警察把他带走。罪名叫“寻衅滋事”。行李箱还没来得及打开,钥匙还揣在兜里,给朋友买的礼物也没有送到,他的旅行就结束了。他的妈妈在胡洋被羁押35天后在推特上发帖求助,没有一天就被强制删帖。

四天之后,2025年7月30日,英国留学的张雅笛也回国。她的罪名比胡洋更重,叫“危害国家安全”。她甚至没有机会把在伦敦买的纪念品送给父母,就消失了。她的妈妈约见了709律师汪天勇寻求法律援助,会面时,律师汪天勇就被三名不明人士带走。

两个年轻人,一个男生,一个女生,他们的未来像机场的玻璃一样,被轻轻一敲,碎成无数片。

胡洋的“罪行”或许是写下几句话。张雅笛的“罪行”或许是编辑几篇文章。

他们没有杀人,没有放火,没有贪污,也没有诈骗。他们做的事情,是最轻的,却被赋予最重的罪名。

在中共的字典里,说话是一种危险。说错话是犯罪,不说话是安全。

于是一个国家里,语言像石头一样沉重。一个眼神、一句玩笑、一个词语,都可能变成铁镣。

古代的文字狱是诗里的一个字,史书里的一个典故。今天的文字狱是推特上的一条帖,是微信群里的一句话。

过去,皇帝怕文人讽刺。现在,中共怕留学生说话。

过去,宫廷里的人噤若寒蝉。现在,海外的留学生也开始自我审查。

中共文字狱的范围,不再是皇宫,也不再是长城以内,而是扩展到整个地球。

极权最大的本领,是制造恐惧。恐惧不在监狱里,它在机场的大厅,在留学生的课堂,在家庭的电话那头。恐惧不在警察的手里,它在父母的叮嘱里:“别乱说话,回来小心点。”恐惧不在法律条文里,它在聊天记录的删除键里,在朋友圈的沉默里。

胡洋和张雅笛被抓,不只是抓了两个人,而是把恐惧推给了无数人。每一个海外留学生甚至旅居海外的人都明白:你随时可能成为下一个。

一个政党强大时,不会害怕几句话。一个政党脆弱时,才会把几句话当成威胁。

中共害怕的不是胡洋,也不是张雅笛,而是他们背后的自由世界。害怕他们在荷兰的课堂里学到什么,在英国的社团里讨论什么。害怕他们的声音穿过国界,带回给国内的朋友,撕开一条小口子。

真话就是这样的东西,一旦漏进来,再多的铁墙也挡不住。

在自由的世界里,人们难以理解这种恐惧。为什么一个留学生说句话,就能让一个政府颤抖?

这是因为,中共的权力不是靠选票赢得的,而是靠控制语言维系的。一旦语言失控,政权就会摇晃。

所以他们要跨国镇压,把海外的声音也堵住。这不是他们的自信,而是他们的虚弱。这不是他们的力量,而是他们的恐慌。

罗岱青与张冬宁的被捕并不是开始,胡洋与张雅笛的被捕也非结束。

中共的长臂管辖想让越来越多的留学生不再敢说话。每当课堂上涉及中国问题,他们要低头做笔记;饭桌上朋友聊到政治,他们要笑笑不接话。中共想让他们因为害怕而沉默,让他们害怕手机里的记录,害怕回国的路。

沉默像传染病一样蔓延,会把一个个鲜活的灵魂,变成灰色的影子。

一个政权手里有枪炮,却害怕几个学生的笔。一个国家拥有核武器,却害怕几个年轻人的推文。一个党统治十四亿人,却容不下两名留学生的声音。

荒诞吗?是的,但这就是现实。

现实荒诞到,我们笑的时候,笑声里有泪。现实荒诞到,我们哭的时候,眼泪里有怒。

胡洋和张雅笛的消失,不是结束,而是开始。

他们的名字被写下,他们的故事被讲述,他们的遭遇被传播。每一次讲述,都是一次抵抗。每一次传播,都是一次共鸣。

自由的力量,不在于一个人,而在于无数个声音的叠加。声音可以被堵住一时,却永远不能被消灭。

在黑暗中说话,是需要勇气的。在恐惧中坚持,是需要信念的。

胡洋无罪,张雅笛无罪。言论无罪,自由无罪。我们要让他们知道,他们不是孤单的。我们要让中共知道,我们不会沉默的。

声音要穿越国界,像风一样。风吹过围墙,吹过铁窗,吹进每一个心里。

当无数声音汇聚在一起,就会形成共鸣。这共鸣,将比恐惧更强大。

我们和自由同在。

我们是他们中间的一个。

On the Arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi: The CCP’s Surveillance of Overseas Speech

Author: Zhang ZhijunEditor: Zhong RanChief Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslator: Lyu Feng

从胡洋/张雅笛被捕案看中共对海外言论的监控

On July 26, 2025, countless travelers walked through the gates of Shanghai Pudong Airport. They pushed luggage carts, carried children in their arms, their faces weary yet filled with anticipation for a home-cooked meal and their own bed. Among them was Hu Yang, returning from the Netherlands to visit family. The police took him away. The charge: “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

His suitcase was still unopened, the keys still in his pocket, the gifts he had bought for friends undelivered—his journey ended before it began. After Hu Yang had been detained for 35 days, his mother posted an appeal for help on Twitter. It was forcibly deleted within a day.

Four days later, on July 30, 2025, Zhang Yadi, a student returning from the UK, was also arrested. Her charge was even graver: “endangering national security.” She didn’t even have the chance to give her parents the souvenirs she had brought from London before she vanished. Her mother sought help from lawyer Wang Tianyong, known for defending rights activists from the “709” crackdown. But during their meeting, Wang himself was taken away by three unidentified men.

Two young people—one male, one female—their futures shattered like airport glass with a single tap.

Hu Yang’s “crime” might have been writing a few sentences.Zhang Yadi’s “crime” might have been editing a few articles.

They did not kill, they did not commit arson, they did not embezzle, they did not defraud. What they did was light, yet the punishment was heavy.

In the CCP’s dictionary, speaking is dangerous. Speaking wrongly is a crime. Not speaking is safety.

Thus, in this country, language weighs like stone. A glance, a joke, a single word can become chains of iron.

In ancient times, “literary inquisition” meant a character in a poem, a reference in a chronicle. Today, it is a tweet on Twitter, a sentence in a WeChat group.

In the past, emperors feared scholars’ satire. Today, the CCP fears students studying abroad.

In the past, those in the imperial court fell silent. Today, even overseas students practice self-censorship.

The boundaries of the CCP’s literary inquisition are no longer the imperial palace, no longer confined within the Great Wall. It now extends across the globe.

The greatest skill of totalitarianism is manufacturing fear. Fear is not confined to prisons; it lurks in airport halls, in classrooms abroad, in phone calls home. Fear is not only in the hands of police; it is in the warnings of parents: “Don’t say too much, be careful when you come back.” Fear is not just in legal codes; it is in the delete button of chat logs, in the silence of social media feeds.

The arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi were not just about two individuals; they pushed fear onto countless others. Every overseas student, every member of the diaspora, understands: you could be the next.

A strong political party does not fear a few words. Only a weak one treats words as threats.

The CCP is not afraid of Hu Yang or Zhang Yadi. It fears the free world behind them. It fears what they learn in classrooms in the Netherlands, what they discuss in societies in the UK. It fears their voices crossing borders, bringing back truths to friends at home, tearing open small cracks.

That is the nature of truth: once it slips in, no iron wall can keep it out.

In the free world, it is hard to understand this fear. Why would a government tremble at the words of a student abroad?

Because CCP power is not won through votes—it is maintained through controlling language. Once language slips from its grasp, the regime begins to shake.

That is why it reaches across borders, to silence voices overseas. Not out of confidence, but out of weakness. Not out of strength, but out of fear.

The arrests of Luo Daiqing and Zhang Dongning were not the beginning. The arrests of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi are not the end.

The CCP’s long-arm control aims to silence more students. In classrooms, when China is discussed, they must lower their heads and take notes. At dinner tables, when friends mention politics, they must smile and stay quiet. The Party wants them to fall silent out of fear—afraid of the records on their phones, afraid of the road home.

Silence spreads like a contagion, turning vibrant souls into grey shadows.

A regime with cannons fears a student’s pen.A state with nuclear weapons fears a young person’s tweet.A party ruling 1.4 billion cannot tolerate the voices of two students.

Absurd? Yes. But this is reality.

Reality so absurd that our laughter carries tears.Reality so absurd that our tears contain rage.

The disappearance of Hu Yang and Zhang Yadi is not the end—it is the beginning.

Their names are written down, their stories told, their experiences shared. Each telling is an act of resistance. Each sharing is an act of solidarity.

The power of freedom does not lie in one person, but in the accumulation of countless voices. A voice may be silenced for a time, but it can never be erased.

To speak in darkness requires courage. To persist in fear requires conviction.

Hu Yang is innocent. Zhang Yadi is innocent. Speech is not a crime. Freedom is not a crime.

We must let them know: they are not alone. We must let the CCP know: we will not be silent.

Voices must cross borders, like the wind. The wind blows over walls, through prison bars, into every heart.

When countless voices converge, they form a resonance. And this resonance will be stronger than fear.

We stand with freedom.We are one among them.

2025年9月3日阅兵:独裁的自我表演

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作者:毛一炜

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑:李聪玲 翻译:吕峰

2025年9月3日,北京天安门广场再次上演了盛大的阅兵。坦克轰鸣、导弹列阵、方阵整齐划一,官方说这是纪念抗战胜利,但真正的目的很明显——给自己撑场子,提醒老百姓谁才是“老大”。

看着这些机器,我想起1989年的六月。六四的鲜血早就告诉我们,这些军队不是保家卫国的力量,而是用来镇压人民的工具。手无寸铁的学生和普通民众,在坦克和子弹的攻击下倒地,那是真实的力量对比。今天的阅兵场景和当年的镇压逻辑几乎一样——暴力维稳,掩盖恐惧。

这几年,中国的问题越来越严重。经济下滑,年轻人找不到工作,物价高得让人喘不过气,社会矛盾积压。中共没有办法解决这些问题,却依旧沉迷于大场面,把军队、坦克、导弹当作治国工具。阅兵越盛大,它们越显示内心空虚和焦虑。一个真正自信的政府,不会用军队来吓唬老百姓。

更荒谬的是,中共至今还在篡改历史,把“抗战胜利”挂在嘴边,好像没有共产党就没有今天的中国。真正拼死抗日的是国军和普通百姓,而中共只会在背后算计,保存实力、渔翁得利。对内,它用枪镇压,对外,它用宣传粉饰门面。六四的血,是他们最真实的面目,也是警示。

习近平的阅兵不仅仅是中国的独裁秀,更是全球独裁的一个缩影。普京在俄罗斯用军队和国家机器维稳,金正恩在朝鲜用恐惧和核武器巩固统治。他们的逻辑一样:权力至上,民意无用,枪口才是最终的话语权。这些独裁者用军队和宣传掩盖失败,用暴力维持虚假的安全感,却无法改变人民心里的清醒。

坦克和导弹可以吓唬一时,但压不住人民的记忆,也掩盖不了历史真相。六四不会被遗忘,天安门的血与泪提醒每一个人:独裁政权再庞大,也只是建立在恐惧和谎言上。人民的觉醒,比任何阅兵表演都更具力量。

中国社会的矛盾只会越来越尖锐。经济问题、社会问题、制度问题,没有人能靠坦克解决。中共越是搞大场面,越暴露它没有能力面对现实。习近平的阅兵,是自我安慰,是恐吓,是对民众的警告,但它掩盖不了独裁的空虚。普京、金正恩也是一样,权力稳住了表面,心里却随时处于惶恐。

独裁政权永远想用军队压住人民,但人民不会忘记,也不会永远被恐吓。六四的鲜血告诉我们,枪口可以镇压一时,却改变不了真相。自由和公正不会消失,只是迟早会回来。坦克、导弹、阅兵,只能吓一时,无法阻止历史和民意的倒流。习近平、普京、金正恩——这些独裁者迟早会被人民唾弃,真正的国家力量,永远不在军队,而在觉醒的人民手里。

阅兵既不是民族荣耀,也不是节日盛事,而是一场虚假的自我表演,是独裁政权的恐惧和空虚的投射。中国的自由、民主和公正,总有一天会回到人民手中。独裁的虚假繁荣,再多坦克和阅兵,也掩盖不了它必将崩塌的命运。

September 3, 2025 Military Parade: A Dictatorship’s Self-Performance

Abstract: The September 3rd military parade looks glorious on the surface, but in reality it exposes the CCP’s fear and emptiness. The army has become a tool of repression, history has been falsified, and social tensions are intensifying. Tanks and missiles cannot win the people’s hearts; a dictatorship will eventually be replaced by an awakened populace.

Author: Mao YiweiEditor: Zhou ZhigangChief Editor: Li ConglingTranslator: Lyu Feng

On September 3, 2025, Tiananmen Square in Beijing once again staged a grand parade. Tanks roared, missiles lined up, and formations marched in perfect unison. Officially, it was to commemorate the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, but the real purpose was obvious—to show off and remind the people who the “boss” really is.

Watching these machines, I thought of June 1989. The blood of Tiananmen had long shown us that these armies are not forces to defend the nation, but tools to suppress the people. Unarmed students and ordinary citizens fell under tanks and bullets—that was the true balance of power. Today’s parade scene echoes the same logic as that crackdown: violent stability maintenance to conceal fear.

In recent years, China’s problems have only grown worse. The economy is declining, young people cannot find jobs, prices are unbearably high, and social conflicts are piling up. The CCP has no solution to these problems, yet it still indulges in grand displays, using the military, tanks, and missiles as governing tools. The more extravagant the parade, the more it reveals the regime’s inner emptiness and anxiety. A truly confident government does not use the military to intimidate its people.

Even more absurdly, the CCP continues to falsify history, constantly invoking “victory in the Anti-Japanese War,” as if China’s survival depended solely on the Party. In truth, it was the Nationalist Army and ordinary people who fought and sacrificed, while the CCP schemed behind the scenes, preserving its strength and reaping the benefits. At home, it rules with guns; abroad, it relies on propaganda. The blood of June Fourth is its truest face—and also a warning.

Xi Jinping’s parade is not just a show of dictatorship in China; it is also a microcosm of global authoritarianism. Putin in Russia relies on the army and state machinery to maintain power. Kim Jong-un in North Korea consolidates rule through fear and nuclear weapons. Their logic is the same: power above all, public opinion irrelevant, and the gun as the ultimate authority. These dictators use the military and propaganda to mask failure, sustaining a false sense of security through violence, but they cannot suppress the people’s clarity of mind.

Tanks and missiles can intimidate for a time, but they cannot erase memory or hide the truth of history. Tiananmen will not be forgotten. The blood and tears of that square remind everyone: no matter how vast a dictatorship seems, it rests only on fear and lies. The awakening of the people is more powerful than any parade performance.

China’s social contradictions will only become sharper. Economic, social, and systemic problems cannot be solved with tanks. The more the CCP stages grand spectacles, the more it exposes its inability to face reality. Xi Jinping’s parade is self-consolation, intimidation, and a warning to the people—but it cannot mask the emptiness of dictatorship. Putin and Kim Jong-un are the same: power may appear stable on the surface, but deep down they live in constant fear.

Dictatorships will always try to suppress the people with armies, but the people will not forget, nor will they remain intimidated forever. The blood of June Fourth has already taught us: the gun can silence for a while, but it cannot change the truth. Freedom and justice will not disappear; they will return sooner or later. Tanks, missiles, and parades can only instill fear temporarily, but they cannot stop the tide of history and public will. Xi Jinping, Putin, Kim Jong-un—these dictators will ultimately be spurned by their peoples. True national strength lies not in armies, but in the hands of an awakened populace.

The parade is neither national glory nor a festive occasion; it is a false performance, a projection of the dictatorship’s fear and emptiness. One day, freedom, democracy, and justice will return to the hands of the Chinese people. No matter how many tanks or parades it puts on, the dictatorship’s false prosperity cannot conceal its inevitable collapse.

洛杉矶 9月20日 第756次茉莉花行动

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洛杉矶 9月20日 第756次茉莉花行动
洛杉矶 9月20日 第756次茉莉花行动

第756次茉莉花行动

时间:2025年9月20日(星期六)下午4点

地点:中共驻洛杉矶领事馆(443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020)

活动主题

铁拳之下,人人自危。

——为于朦胧发声,向中共问责!

背景介绍

2025年9月11日,演员歌手 于朦胧 在北京一小区坠楼身亡。

官方仓促定性为“饮酒意外”,拒绝公开监控、尸检等关键证据,甚至连最基本的警情通报都没有。

在中共长期的信息封锁与权力操控下,真相被掩盖,生命被践踏。公众质疑四起,却被强行压制。

在中共国,连公众人物都可以死得不明不白,更何况是普通人呢?独裁才是真凶,它让红色权贵无法无天、为所欲为,肆意剥夺人命与真相!

真相不可被掩埋!

独裁必须被问责!

自由属于人民,不属于红色权贵!

核心诉求

⿡ 要求中共公开透明调查于朦胧坠楼真相,停止掩盖、操控舆论。

⿢ 于朦胧之死并非孤立个案,而是独裁体制下无数冤案的缩影。

⿣ 呼吁 国际社会关注中国独裁体制下的司法黑幕与人权迫害。

发起人: 陈恩得 趙紀森 活动负责:倪世成 杨皓

活动策划:陈恩得 视觉设计: 韩震 王灵 傅怡红

活动主持: 孙小龙、程虹 活动义工: 杨皓 李聪玲

摄影:卓皓然 曾群兰 摄像:张荣鑫

活动总协调: 孙小龙 媒体宣传: 黄吉洲 张东灏

新闻稿: 张致君

活动主办方:中国民主党全委会

旧金山 9月20日 民主集会活动公告

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旧金山 9月20日 民主集会活动公告
旧金山 9月20日 民主集会活动公告

支持台湾·反对战争 暨 声援张雅迪·呼吁释放挺藏人士

中国民主党/旧金山民主集会

时间 / Time:

9月20日(周六)下午5:00 / Saturday, September 20, 5:00 PM

地点 / Location:

旧金山中国领事馆前 / In front of the Chinese Consulate, San Francisco

NO WAR TAIWAN & RELEASE ZHANG YADI

值此 国际和平日(International Day of Peace) 来临之际,

我们坚决反对中共针对台湾的任何军事威胁。

台湾是亚洲民主的典型,人民有权自由决定自己的未来。

华语青年挺藏会成员张雅迪回国被捕,维权律师被带走。

让我们为勇敢的女孩发声!抗议中共迫害,拒绝中共跨境镇压。

要求立即释放张雅迪!

洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 “中国书院”系列课程

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洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 “中国书院”系列课程
洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 “中国书院”系列课程

六四纪念馆活动:“中国书院”系列课程 (林培瑞——第七节)

“中国书院”系列课程:

主讲人:林培瑞(Perry Link)

第七节课:语言教学与概念比喻

时间:9月21日(周日)下午2-4点

地址:3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, California 91732

报名链接:https://www.zeffy.com/en-US/ticketing/china-academy-lecture-series-at-the-tiananmen-memorial-museum

洛杉矶 9月20日 基督徒民主守望联盟参观六四纪念馆

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洛杉矶 9月20日 基督徒民主守望联盟参观六四纪念馆
洛杉矶 9月20日 基督徒民主守望联盟参观六四纪念馆

“基督徒民主守望联盟”为洛杉矶本地组织,此次活动是“基督徒民主守望联盟”特地组织人员参观六四纪念馆。为了表达对纪念馆的支持,促进纪念馆与当地组织的联系和互动。同时,欢迎关心和支持六四纪念馆的朋友和支持“基督徒民主守望联盟”的朋友前来参加。

活动时间:

2025年9月20日(周六)

活动地址:

3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, California 91732

洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 陈闯创律师讲座

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洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 陈闯创律师讲座

宽严之间:美国当年移民形势

洛杉矶 9月21日 六四纪念馆 陈闯创律师讲座

六四纪念馆活动通知

著名移民律师陈闯创的讲座

——“宽严之间:美国当年移民形势”(免费开放听讲)

活动时间:

2025年9月21日(周日)12:30pm

活动地址:

3024 Peck Rd, El Monte, California 91732

我的舅舅——方志刚

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作者:司空先让

责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吴可正

我出生的年月(1957年),恰逢以打断知识分子精神脊梁为目的的反右运动如汹涌潮水般掀起,紧接着几年便是“三分天灾,七分人祸”的艰难岁月的开始,饥饿如影随形,笼罩着每一个家庭。我是家中最小的一个孩子,上面有一个正处于长身体关键期的哥哥和一个姐姐。父母每日辛勤劳作,然而全家依旧处于半饥半饱的困顿之中。无奈之下,在我三岁的时候,父母将我送到了桐庐芦茨湾的外婆家寄养。其实外婆家的粮食也是不够吃的,时常要吃麸糠野菜糊糊。好在芦茨湾山野溪沟里有时也能捉到一些鱼虾和小动物补充一下动物蛋白质。

芦茨湾,那是一个被青山绿水环绕的宁静小村落,村里的村民大多姓方。据族谱记载,唐代处士方干(‌方干,836年-888年,字雄飞,号玄英,唐代著名诗人)曾在芦茨湾隐居。外婆和舅舅住在一起,那时的舅舅大约十九岁光景,年轻且充满朝气。由于他是方家这一代唯一的男孩,属于单传,从小便多受点宠爱,得以读书识字。在那个教育资源匮乏的年代,舅舅凭借着自己的努力和家族的资助,成为了乡里少有的读书人。他平日里喜欢舞文弄墨,对诗词文章有着浓厚的兴趣,总能在闲暇时光沉浸在书的世界里,书写下自己对生活的感悟。

我来到外婆家后,便常常喜欢跟着舅舅。舅舅会带着我穿梭在芦茨湾的山间小道,采一些野果子和芦苇的嫩芽根给我吃,有时还会讲鬼故事给我听,吓得我有时晚上会做噩梦惊叫……这时我外婆会拿一只小酒盅放满米,再放一枚银戒指在米里然后包上一块手帕,在我胸前一边上下左右舞动,一边嘴上念念有词似乎在驱赶邪魅。一套流程下来,然后打开手帕,发现之前一整酒盅的米凹下去了一小半,这时外婆的整个脸都舒展开了,兴奋地说,菩萨显灵了!菩萨显灵了!小鬼被赶走了……等懂事后的我每每想起外婆的“法术”有点好笑,但我知道外婆对我的爱是深切无比的。

就这样,我在外婆的芦茨湾快乐的生活了3年。

我6岁那年被父母亲接回到了杭州。在我读初三的时候我从父亲那里得知舅舅死了(母亲有意不让我们知道这事,因为在那个年代家族里出了一个”反革命“是非常非常忌讳的事)。

若干年后,我大致了解到了我舅舅在文革中被打成“反革命”和惨死的大致经过——

那场史无前例“文革运动”如狂风暴雨般席卷而来,将人们卷入了无尽的漩涡之中。舅舅,这个平日里只知埋头读书,在乡办小学里做做代课老师什么的,不知在“文革”中何时何地触犯了“文革运动”的大忌,或许是他在与友人交谈时,不经意间流露出了对某些政策的不满;又或许是他写的某篇文章中,一些观点被误解为是对“文革”的攻击。总之,在那个荒唐的年代,舅舅一夜间成了批斗对象,他们给舅舅扣上了一顶沉重的帽子——“现行反革命分子”。

那一刻,外婆惊呆了,如同天塌下来了,她无法相信眼前发生的一切。

舅舅被带走后,外婆家陷入了无尽的黑暗之中…………

舅舅被关押在县监狱接受所谓的“审查”和“改造”。在那段日子里,他不时遭到殴打、羞辱等惨无人道的非人折磨……最后,我舅舅实在受不了这种屈辱和痛苦,决心以一死来抗争!那天在监狱放风时舅舅不知从什么角落里搞到了一条尺巴长的铁条,突然大叫着冲出监狱牢门前的警戒线作出了要行凶越狱的样子(其实是只求一死)结果随着几声枪响,我的舅舅方志刚倒在了血泊中……

在这片罪孽深重的土地上空又多了一个飘荡的冤魂!

当得知舅舅惨死后,外婆每天以泪洗面不久也因悲伤过度随舅舅而去了……

得知舅舅是这样的惨死的,如同一场沉重的噩梦,永远地刻在了我的心中。舅舅原本可以在乡野平淡无奇的过完一生,却因为那个荒唐暴政的年代,一条年轻的生命就这样被无情残忍地剥夺了。

如今,舅舅的离世已过去半个多世纪了,但每当我回到芦茨湾,看到那熟悉的山水,听到那亲切的乡音,我的脑海中就会浮现出舅舅的身影。

2001年初,我被当局以“煽颠罪”而坐牢,冥冥之中似乎与我舅舅有着某种命运的交织。

选自《我所经历的人和事碎片(一)》

司空先让 杭州

2025年9月11日

My Uncle — Fang Zhigang

Author: Sikong Xianrang

Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Wu Kezheng

The year I was born (1957) coincided with the Anti-Rightist Campaign, a movement aimed at breaking the spiritual backbone of intellectuals, which surged like a tidal wave. Shortly afterward came the beginning of the difficult years of “30% natural disaster, 70% man-made calamity.” Hunger followed like a shadow, casting its gloom over every family. I was the youngest child in my family, with an older brother in a crucial stage of physical growth and an older sister above me. My parents worked hard every day, yet the entire family remained trapped in a state of semi-starvation. Helpless, when I was three years old, my parents sent me to my grandmother’s home in Luci Bay, Tonglu, to be fostered. In truth, my grandmother’s household also did not have enough food, often subsisting on gruel made of bran and wild vegetables. Fortunately, in the mountains and streams around Luci Bay, one could sometimes catch fish, shrimp, or small animals to supplement animal protein.

Luci Bay was a quiet village surrounded by green mountains and clear waters, where most of the villagers bore the surname Fang. According to family genealogy, Fang Gan (836–888), a recluse scholar of the Tang Dynasty and a renowned poet, once lived in seclusion at Luci Bay. My grandmother lived with my uncle, who was about nineteen at the time, young and full of vigor. As the only male of his generation in the Fang family—the sole heir—he was given extra care and allowed to study and become literate. In that era of scarce educational resources, my uncle, through his own effort and family support, became one of the few scholars in the village. He enjoyed practicing writing, was deeply interested in poetry and prose, and would often immerse himself in books during his free time, recording his reflections on life.

After I came to my grandmother’s home, I often liked to follow my uncle. He would take me along the mountain paths of Luci Bay, picking wild fruits and tender reed shoots for me to eat. Sometimes he would tell me ghost stories, which frightened me so much that I occasionally woke up screaming from nightmares at night…At such times, my grandmother would fill a small wine cup with rice, place a silver ring inside, then wrap it with a handkerchief. She would move it back and forth, up and down across my chest while muttering incantations, as if to drive away evil spirits. After completing the ritual, she would open the handkerchief and find that nearly half of the rice had sunk down. At that moment her face would brighten, and she would exclaim excitedly, “The Bodhisattva has shown his power! The little ghost has been driven away!” When I grew older, I always found my grandmother’s “magic” a little amusing, but I knew that her love for me was immeasurable.

In this way, I happily lived at my grandmother’s home in Luci Bay for three years.

When I was six, my parents brought me back to Hangzhou. While I was in the third year of middle school, I learned from my father that my uncle had died (my mother deliberately concealed this from us, because in those times, having a “counterrevolutionary” in the family was considered extremely disgraceful).

Many years later, I came to roughly understand how my uncle had been branded a “counterrevolutionary” during the Cultural Revolution and met his tragic death—That unprecedented “Cultural Revolution” swept through like a violent storm, dragging people into an endless whirlpool. My uncle, who usually only buried himself in reading and worked as a substitute teacher in the village school, somehow became guilty of violating the taboos of the movement. Perhaps in conversation with friends he carelessly revealed dissatisfaction with certain policies, or perhaps in one of his writings, some ideas were misinterpreted as attacks on the Cultural Revolution. In any case, in that absurd era, my uncle overnight became a target of struggle sessions, branded with the heavy label of a “current counterrevolutionary.” At that moment, my grandmother was stunned—it was as if the sky had collapsed. She could not believe what was happening before her eyes.

After my uncle was taken away, my grandmother’s household fell into endless darkness…

My uncle was imprisoned in the county jail to undergo so-called “investigation” and “reform.” During that time, he was subjected to repeated beatings, humiliation, and other inhuman tortures…In the end, my uncle could no longer endure such humiliation and suffering, and resolved to resist with his life!

One day during exercise time in prison, my uncle somehow obtained a foot-long iron bar. Suddenly, shouting loudly, he dashed across the guard line in front of the prison gate, pretending as if he were attempting violence and escape (in fact, only seeking death). A few gunshots rang out, and my uncle, Fang Zhigang, fell into a pool of blood…

Over this land, heavy with sin, another wronged soul began to wander!

Upon learning of my uncle’s tragic death, my grandmother wept day after day, and soon, overcome with grief, followed him into death…

Knowing that my uncle died in such a manner was like a heavy nightmare, etched forever in my heart.

My uncle could have lived out an ordinary life in the countryside, yet because of that absurd era of tyrannical rule, a young life was mercilessly stripped away.

Now, more than half a century has passed since my uncle’s death, but whenever I return to Luci Bay, see those familiar mountains and waters, and hear that familiar local accent, my uncle’s image always resurfaces in my mind.

In early 2001, I myself was imprisoned by the authorities for the crime of “inciting subversion.” In the unseen workings of fate, it seemed my destiny was somehow intertwined with my uncle’s.

Excerpted from Fragments of People and Events I Experienced (Part One)

Hangzhou — Sikong Xianrang

September 11, 2025

贺新郎

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作者:朱虞夫

呜喑中华泪。
看苍生、
几多蹂躏,
百年昏醉。
民主人权知何处?
满眼邪魔浊水。
算恶毒、
文章被罪。
牛骥一皂鸡凤杂,
正杜鹃啼处发苍翠。
君赴难,
料无悔。

梦中数度驱魑魅。
赖使君、
肩担道义,
笔端锋锐。
万众怨时霹雳作,
正气能消壁垒。
放眼看、
枝头新蕊。
狱火炼得精魄在,
向明天孕育自由蕾。
沙不见,
劲草萃。

2010-08于杭州

责任编辑:罗志飞
翻译:何兴强

To the Tune of

— In Response to Lü Gengsong’s Feelings

By Zhu Yufu

Silent weeps, the tears of China.
Behold the people,
how much they’ve been trampled,
a hundred years in drunken stupor.
Where can democracy and human rights be found?
Everywhere, demons foul the waters.
Cruelty reigns,
even words are deemed crimes.
Ox and horse, phoenix and chicken mixed together,
just as the cuckoo cries among the green woods.
You face peril,
yet surely without regret.


In dreams I have driven out the specters many times.
Relying on you,
who shoulders righteousness,
whose pen cuts sharp as a blade.
When the people’s wrath bursts forth like thunder,
righteous spirit dissolves the fortress walls.
Gaze afar,
new buds bloom on the branches.
Fires of prison forge the soul refined,
nurturing tomorrow’s buds of freedom.
Though the sand hides them,
the hardy grasses thrive.

Written in Hangzhou, August 2010

Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translator:He XingQiang

洛杉矶 9月20日 反对中共跨国镇压!

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洛杉矶 9月20日 反对中共跨国镇压!
洛杉矶 9月20日 反对中共跨国镇压!

自由发声,自由共鸣,反对中共跨国镇压!

中共的文字狱不仅让中国境内的人不敢说话,道路以目,还把文字狱扩大到境外,实施跨国镇压。海外留学生不敢自由言论,在海外定居的华人不敢说任何中共的不是,就连海外的华人教会都不敢评论中共之恶。

2025年7月26日, 荷兰留学的中国留学生胡洋回中国探亲, 在上海机场被中共警察以”寻衅滋事”罪名带走, 据悉是在海外发表言论导致的。2025年7月30日,英国留学的中国留学生张雅笛回中国探亲,涉嫌“危害国家安全”被抓失去联系,据悉是因为参与华语青年挺藏会的编辑工作。

我们坚决反对中共以言之罪,坚决反对中共跨国镇压,强烈要求中共立即释放留学生胡洋、张雅笛!

最后,让我们一起默哀1分钟,缅怀柯克——一位因言论与思想而被夺去生命的人。愿他安息,也愿他的勇气与声音长存于世,成为更多人追求真理与自由的力量。

时间:3:00PM, 09/20/2025

地点:洛杉矶中领馆

发起人:张致君、景辉辰

组织者:赵叶、牟宗强、李素芳、韦洁筱、杨辰

主持人:陈婷、李亚辉

现场协调:梁爽、蔡淼、陈婷、赵贵玲

视觉设计:张致君

主办方:中国民主党,全能基督灭共阵线