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酷吏 罗干

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酷吏 罗干

罗干(1935-2019),四川自贡人,中共前政治局常委、中央政法委书记,是江泽民、胡锦涛时期政法系统的最高负责人。他长期掌控公安、国安、检察院、法院、司法和武警等机构。

罗干早年在石油系统任职,1990年代进入政法系统。1998年,他进入中共中央政治局常委会,并出任中央政法委书记,全面掌管政法工作直至2007年退休。在这近十年的时间里,中国的“维稳”体制全面成型,维稳经费逐年攀升,“稳定压倒一切”成为政法系统的核心口号。

在罗干任内,最突出的举措是对宗教与信仰群体的打压。1999年,中共对法轮功运动展开全面镇压,罗干被普遍认为是这一政策的主要推手和执行者。他推动设立专门的“610办公室”,以跨部门、超法律的方式指挥抓捕、关押与思想改造,形成大规模的全国性运动。这一时期,酷刑、劳教和监控等手段被系统化运用,标志着政法机器向极端化发展。

与此同时,罗干对上访与维权群体的态度同样强硬。在他的主导下,大规模“截访”成为常态,地方政府建立起各类关押点,阻止民众赴京反映问题。维权律师、异议人士以及参与社会运动的公民频繁遭到调查、拘押和打压。政法系统内部流传“罗干一句话,能毁人一生”,显示其个人在体制内的绝对权威。

他强调“以铁腕维护稳定”,却视法律独立与公民权利。在他治下,政法机关不仅是维护治安的机构,更成为维护政治安全、压制社会异议的核心工具。

罗干的政策在国际社会也引发广泛关注。人权组织、联合国机构多次点名,认为他主导的维稳与镇压构成严重侵犯人权。他由此被视为中国当代“维稳体制”的代表性人物之一。

2007年,罗干退休;2019年因病去世。中共官方在讣告中称其为“党的优秀党员”,但外界更关注的是他在任期间留下的政法路线。他所推动的高压与维稳模式,深刻影响了此后中国的政法系统,成为持续延续至今的治理逻辑。

罗干不仅是中共权力体系中的重要人物,更是当代酷吏政治的典型代表。他在政法系统推行的高压政策,使得国家机器对社会的控制达到前所未有的程度,也为此后中国的“维稳化”路径奠定了基础。

编辑:胡丽莉

责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:冯仍

RUTHLESS ENFORCER

Luo Gan (1935–2019), a native of Zigong, Sichuan Province, was a former member of the Chinese Communist Party’s Politburo Standing Committee and Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. During the Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao eras, he was the top official overseeing China’s political-legal system, holding long-term control over the police, state security, procuratorates, courts, justice system, and the People’s Armed Police.

Luo began his career in the petroleum sector and entered the political-legal system in the 1990s. In 1998, he was elevated to the Politburo Standing Committee and appointed Secretary of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission, taking full charge of political-legal affairs until his retirement in 2007. Over this near-decade, China’s “stability maintenance” (weiwen) apparatus took full shape, with expenditures rising annually. “Stability above all else” became the central slogan of the political-legal system.

The most prominent measure under Luo’s tenure was the suppression of religious and spiritual groups. In 1999, the CCP launched a nationwide campaign against the Falun Gong movement. Luo was widely regarded as the chief architect and enforcer of this policy. He promoted the establishment of the extralegal “610 Office,” which coordinated cross-departmental operations to arrest, detain, and subject practitioners to ideological “transformation,” resulting in a massive nationwide campaign. During this period, torture, re-education through labor, and surveillance were systematically employed, marking a shift of the political-legal apparatus toward extremity.

At the same time, Luo maintained a hardline stance toward petitioners and rights-defense groups. Under his direction, large-scale “interceptions” of petitioners became routine, with local governments setting up detention sites to prevent citizens from traveling to Beijing to lodge complaints. Rights lawyers, dissidents, and citizens involved in social movements were frequently investigated, detained, and suppressed. Within the system, the saying “One word from Luo Gan can ruin a person’s life” circulated, reflecting his absolute authority in the political-legal establishment.

He stressed “maintaining stability with an iron hand,” yet disregarded judicial independence and citizens’ rights. Under his leadership, political-legal organs became not only institutions for preserving public order but also the core instruments for maintaining political security and suppressing social dissent.

Luo’s policies drew wide international attention. Human rights organizations and United Nations bodies repeatedly named him, holding that the stability maintenance and crackdowns he directed constituted grave violations of human rights. He has thus been regarded as one of the defining figures of China’s contemporary stability-maintenance regime.

Luo retired in 2007 and died of illness in 2019. In its obituary, the CCP praised him as “an outstanding Party member,” but outside observers focused more on the political-legal line he left behind. The high-pressure and stability-first approach he advanced profoundly shaped China’s political-legal system and continues to define its governance logic today.

Luo Gan was not only a key figure in the CCP power structure but also a quintessential representative of contemporary authoritarian strong-arm politics. The coercive policies he implemented within the political-legal system brought state control over society to an unprecedented level and laid the foundation for China’s subsequent “stability-maintenance” trajectory.

Editor: Hu Lili Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

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外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

作者:赵雪峰

编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吕峰

2025年8月30日烈日炎炎,中国民主教育基金会在尔湾大公园(Great Park)内的 FARM+FOOD LAB 组织开展了一次志愿者活动。志愿者们带着家人在FARM园区工作人员的指导下,分组完成采摘、浇水、除草、整理步道等工作,以实际行动践行“用爱回馈美国社会”的承诺,展现外来移民融入美国社区的积极姿态。

此次活动以“博爱、包容、自由、人权”为核心价值主线,通过参与城市农业与社区花园的日常维护,鼓励志愿者深入了解本地公共服务生态,建立与社区的稳定连接。

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

民主人士孙圣尧表示:双手触地的过程既是体力劳动,也是公民教育。在共作、共学、共助中,人与人之间的隔阂被打破,不同文化背景在同一片土地上找到共情与协作的方式。当我们以志愿服务的方式参与社区建设,帮助维护一方公共空间,爱就会在劳作与微笑中自然流动与延展。我们愿意以稳定、持续的付出,向社会传递善意,向孩子示范责任感与公共精神。

中国民主教育基金会洛杉矶地区项目主管赵雪峰表示:爱是可以传播的。当我们用劳动回应社区的需要,爱就会在彼此的微笑与问候中延展。我们愿意以持续、稳定的志愿服务,把外来移民对美国价值的认同落在行动里,从“新来者”成长为“好邻居”、“共建者”,把博爱、包容、自由与人权的理念化为人人可感的公共善意。

中国民主教育基金会将继续以开放的姿态,链接学校、非营利组织与市民志愿者,共同推动公民教育与社区参与,助力构建更具包容与韧性的在地社会。

Immigrants Embrace American Values Through Action— Volunteer Service by the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation in Irvine

Author: Zhao Xuefeng Editor: Luo Zhifei Executive Editor: Hu Lili Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:On August 30, 2025, under the blazing sun, the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation organized a volunteer activity at the FARM+FOOD LAB in Irvine’s Great Park. Volunteers, accompanied by their families, worked in groups under the guidance of FARM staff, carrying out tasks such as harvesting, watering, weeding, and tidying pathways. Through these concrete actions, they fulfilled their commitment to “give back to American society with love,” demonstrating the proactive role immigrants play in integrating into U.S. communities.

The event was guided by the core values of “compassion, inclusiveness, freedom, and human rights.” By participating in the upkeep of urban agriculture and community gardens, volunteers were encouraged to deepen their understanding of local public service ecosystems and to build stable connections with the broader community.

外来移民以行动拥抱美国价值观

Democracy advocate Sun Shengyao remarked:“The act of bending down to touch the earth is not only physical labor but also a form of civic education. In working together, learning together, and helping one another, barriers between people are dissolved, and individuals from diverse cultural backgrounds discover ways to empathize and cooperate on the same piece of land. When we participate in community building through volunteer service and help maintain a shared public space, love naturally flows and extends through both labor and smiles. We are willing to contribute steadily and consistently, to convey goodwill to society, and to set an example of responsibility and civic spirit for our children.”

Zhao Xuefeng, Project Director of the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation in the Los Angeles area, stated:“Love can be shared. When we respond to the needs of the community through our labor, love extends through every smile and greeting. Through steady and sustained volunteer service, we seek to embody immigrants’ recognition of American values in concrete action—growing from ‘newcomers’ into ‘good neighbors’ and ‘co-builders.’ In doing so, we transform the ideals of compassion, inclusiveness, freedom, and human rights into a form of public goodwill that everyone can tangibly experience.”

The Chinese Democracy Education Foundation will continue to adopt an open posture, connecting schools, nonprofit organizations, and civic volunteers to jointly advance civic education and community engagement, thereby contributing to the building of a more inclusive and resilient local society.

极权专制“劣币驱逐良币”的制度逻辑

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作者:华言(大陆)

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

“劣币驱逐良币”源于格雷欣法则,原指在货币流通中,劣质货币因其低成本和高流通性,趋于取代优质货币。在社会政治领域,此法则可引申为:低价值、低成本的行为主体(“劣币”)因制度激励而占据优势,排挤高价值、高成本的行为主体(“良币”)。此处,“良币”指具有独立思考、创新能力或道德原则的个体,“劣币”则指顺从、投机或平庸者。

列宁党极权专制制度以高度集中的权力结构、单一意识形态的强制性控制和对异见的系统性压制为特征。其制度逻辑必然导致“劣币驱逐良币”。

机制1:单一意识形态压制多元思想,排挤独立与创新主体。极权制度以单一意识形态为核心,视任何偏离为威胁。为维护意识形态的绝对权威,制度通过审查、惩罚等手段压制异见,导致独立思考者、创新者即良币面临高成本(如迫害、流放),而顺从者即劣币因迎合官方路线获得低成本收益。因此,制度激励低价值的顺从行为,排斥高价值的批判性思维。

机制2:以忠诚而非能力为选拔标准,平庸者占据权力核心。极权制度的权力集中性决定要建设最小获胜同盟,这就决定了选拔机制优先考虑对领导或体制的忠诚,而非客观能力或贡献。忠诚者因低风险和高回报(政治晋升、资源分配)占据优势,而有能力但持异见者因高成本(被边缘化或清洗)被排除。此机制导致“劣币”(忠诚但平庸者)取代“良币”(有能力但独立者)。

机制3:恐惧文化抑制真实表达与道德行为,助长投机与虚伪。极权制度通过监控、告密与惩罚机制制造普遍恐惧,迫使个体为自保选择低成本行为,如沉默或附和,而非高成本的真实表达或道德坚持。告密与投机者因适应恐惧环境而获利,而正直与勇气者因高风险被边缘化。此文化进一步强化“劣币”的生存优势。

机制4:资源向忠诚者而非贡献者倾斜,阻碍社会效率与创新。极权制度的资源分配由中央控制,优先流向忠诚的个体或机构,通过恩庇制度团结盟友,而非基于效率或贡献。高效、创新的主体因缺乏资源支持而受限,而低效但忠诚的主体得以存续。此扭曲导致资源浪费与社会停滞,强化“劣币”对“良币”的驱逐。

“劣币驱逐良币”的后果具有深远的社会与政治意涵:

一是社会活力丧失。创新与批判性思维被压制,导致经济停滞与技术落后。

二是道德秩序崩塌。恐惧与告密文化破坏社会信任,助长虚伪与投机。

三是制度危机。长期的“劣币”主导导致决策失误与资源浪费,最终威胁政权稳定。

列宁党极权专制制度通过单一意识形态、忠诚优先、恐惧文化与资源错配,系统性地激励“劣币”行为,排挤“良币”主体。其逻辑的严密性与历史的普遍性表明,“劣币驱逐良币”是该制度的必然结果。

The Systemic Logic of “Bad Money Drives Out Good” in Totalitarian Rule

Author: Huayan (Mainland China)
Editor: Zhou Zhigang Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract:
This article examines the inevitability of the phenomenon “bad money drives out good” within the Leninist totalitarian system. Drawing on the analogy of Gresham’s Law, it argues that under conditions of highly centralized power, single-ideology control, and loyalty-first selection mechanisms, the compliant and opportunistic often prevail because of their low risk and institutional protection, whereas independent thinkers, innovators, and those upholding moral principles are marginalized due to their higher costs.

The idea that “bad money drives out good” originates from Gresham’s Law, which originally referred to monetary circulation: inferior currency, due to its lower cost and greater ease of circulation, tends to drive superior currency out of use. In the realm of socio-political life, this principle can be extended to mean that low-value, low-cost actors (“bad money”) gain advantage through institutional incentives, thereby displacing high-value, high-cost actors (“good money”). Here, “good money” refers to individuals with independent thought, innovative capacity, or moral integrity, while “bad money” refers to those who are submissive, opportunistic, or mediocre.

The Leninist totalitarian system is characterized by a highly centralized power structure, the coercive imposition of a single ideology, and systematic repression of dissent. Its institutional logic inevitably results in “bad money driving out good.”

Mechanism 1: Single ideology suppresses plural thought, marginalizing the independent and innovative.
A totalitarian system elevates one ideology as its core, treating any deviation as a threat. To maintain the absolute authority of ideology, the regime uses censorship, punishment, and repression against dissent. As a result, independent thinkers and innovators—the “good money”—bear extremely high costs (persecution, exile), while the submissive—the “bad money”—reap low-cost benefits by aligning with the official line. Thus, institutional incentives favor low-value conformity while excluding high-value critical thought.

Mechanism 2: Loyalty, not ability, as the selection criterion—mediocrity occupies the core of power.
The concentration of power in totalitarian systems necessitates building a minimal winning coalition, which leads to loyalty being prioritized over objective ability or contribution in cadre selection. Loyalists enjoy low risks and high rewards (political promotion, resource allocation), while capable individuals who voice dissent face high costs (marginalization or purge). This mechanism ensures that “bad money” (loyal but mediocre actors) replace “good money” (capable yet independent actors).

Mechanism 3: A culture of fear suppresses genuine expression and moral behavior, fostering opportunism and hypocrisy.
Through surveillance, denunciation, and punitive measures, the regime creates pervasive fear. To protect themselves, individuals adopt low-cost behaviors—silence or conformity—rather than the high-cost path of truthfulness or moral steadfastness. Informants and opportunists thrive under such an environment, while integrity and courage are punished. This culture further consolidates the survival advantage of “bad money.”

Mechanism 4: Resources flow to loyalists rather than contributors, obstructing efficiency and innovation.
Resource distribution in totalitarian regimes is centrally controlled, flowing preferentially to loyal individuals or institutions. Through patronage, allies are bound together, regardless of efficiency or actual contribution. Consequently, efficient and innovative actors are starved of support, while inefficient yet loyal actors endure. This distortion leads to resource waste, societal stagnation, and further strengthens the displacement of “good money” by “bad.”

Consequences:
The dominance of “bad money” has profound socio-political implications.

1. Loss of social vitality: Suppression of innovation and critical thinking results in economic stagnation and technological backwardness.

2. Collapse of moral order: Fear and denunciation corrode social trust, fostering hypocrisy and opportunism.

3. Systemic crisis: The long-term dominance of “bad money” produces decision-making errors and resource misallocation, ultimately undermining regime stability.

The Leninist totalitarian system, through its mechanisms of single ideology, loyalty-first selection, fear culture, and distorted resource allocation, systematically incentivizes “bad money” behavior and marginalizes “good money” actors. The rigor of this logic, combined with its historical universality, demonstrates that “bad money drives out good” is the inevitable outcome of such a system.

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

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缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

——纪念反法西斯战争胜利80周年

作者:关永杰 摄影:薛明珠

编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

2025年8月15日,中国民主教育基金会与中国民主党旧金山党部在旧金山湾区中国文化公园蒋中正塑像前联合举办纪念反法西斯战争胜利80周年集会。活动旨在戳穿中共抗战历史谎言,缅怀先烈,警示世人提防法西斯回潮。

集会伊始,参与民众向蒋公塑像鞠躬致敬。

中国民主教育基金会会长封从德博士发表演讲指出,中共长期歪曲抗战史,宣称国民党“消极抗战”,是中共的统战叙事。事实上,国民政府在力量极度悬殊下用空间换时间,苦撑待变,直到后来美国的参战。蒋公推动下制定的《中华民国宪法》(南京宪法),这是中共倒台后最稳妥的宪政方案,有助于快速稳定全国,防止中共残余势力的死灰复燃,避免地方分裂和战乱,局势稳定后,还可在宪政框架下进行公投,选择独立或高度自治。

中国民主党旧金山党部主席方政强调,中华民族在抗战中付出了巨大牺牲,国军和民众以惨烈的牺牲为代价阻止了世界的法西斯化,而中共既无正面战场,甚至勾结日军,却事后篡改历史。1945年8月15日日本投降是中华民族真正站起来的一天,而1949年中共建政,则意味着中国人民重新跪下的开始。

其他与会者也积极发言,罗艳丽说:八十年前人类以牺牲换来自由,但极权幽灵未远去。今天纪念抗战,是为了延续抵抗暴政的精神,将追求自由的精神传递给后代。中国民主党人胡丕政说:中共就是当代新法西斯,利用虚假叙事和民族主义洗脑国人,将人民当炮灰,威胁世界自由与人权,全世界爱好和平、自由的人们和国家都要警惕。鉴于中共将于9月3日举行抗战胜利大阅兵,中国民主党人刘静涛认为:中共所谓“抗战胜利大阅兵”,是借机为其执政合法性继续编造谎言,我们要揭穿谎言,铭记先烈的牺牲,传承真实的历史记忆。袁强发言:抗战胜利属于中华民族,而非任何政党,中共通过阅兵和民族主义为一党专政涂抹合法性,巩固统治。而关永杰的看法是:中共一贯以谎言治国,并未正面抗战的中共举行大阅兵在国际社会是笑话,但在国内目前经济下行、社会矛盾激化的形势下,借助民族主义与宏大叙事来转移注意力、凝聚人心,对被长期洗脑的民众是依旧有效的。

值此反法西斯战争胜利八十周年之际,我们相聚于此,是要以行动缅怀真正为民族独立与自由献身的先烈。我们要坚守真实的历史记忆,揭穿谎言与篡改,拒绝任何混淆视听的政治操弄。唯有如此,才能让先烈的牺牲真正得到尊重,也才能让民族的未来建立在真相与正义之上。

Remember the martyrs and expose the lies of the Communist Party of China

——Commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Anti-Fascist War

Author: Guan Yongjie Photography: Xue Mingzhu

Editor: Hu Lili Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Ming Cheng

缅怀先烈 戳穿中共谎言

On August 15, 2025, the China Foundation for Democratic Education and the San Francisco Party Department of the Democratic Party of China jointly held a rally to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the anti-fascist war in front of the statue of Chiang Kai-shek in the San Francisco Bay Area Chinese Cultural Park. The activity aims to expose the historical lies of the Communist Party of China’s War of Resistance, remember the martyrs, and warn the world to beware of the return of fascism.

At the beginning of the rally, the participants bowed to the statue of Jiang Kai-shek.

Dr. Feng Congde, president of the China Democratic Education Foundation, gave a speech and pointed out that the Communist Party of China has long distorted the history of the War of Resistance and claimed that the Kuomintang’s “negative War of Resistance” is the narrative of the Communist Party of China’s united front. In fact, the National Government exchanged space for time under the extreme power gap and waited for change until the United States later joined the war. The Constitution of the Republic of China (Nanjing Constitution), formulated under the promotion of President Jiang, is the most stable constitutional plan after the fall of the Communist Party of China. It helps to quickly stabilize the country, prevent the resurgence of the remnants of the Communist Party of China, and avoid local division and war. After the situation stabilizes, a referendum can also be held under the constitutional framework to choose independence or highly self-government.

Fang Zheng, chairman of the San Francisco Party Department of the Democratic Party of China, stressed that the Chinese nation made great sacrifices in the War of Resistance. The national army and the people stopped the fascism of the world at the cost of tragic sacrifices, while the Communist Party of China had no front battlefield, and even colluded with the Japanese army, but tampered with history afterwards. The surrender of Japan on August 15, 1945, was the day when the Chinese nation really stood up, and the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party of China in 1949 meant the beginning of the Chinese people’s kneeling again.

Other participants also spoke actively. Luo Yanli said: Eighty years ago, human beings sacrificed for freedom, but the ghost of totalitarianism has not far away. Today’s commemoration of the War of Resistance is to continue the spirit of resisting tyranny and pass on the spirit of pursuing freedom to future generations. Hu Pizheng, a Chinese Democrat, said: The Communist Party of China is a contemporary neo-fascist. It uses false narratives and nationalism to brainwash the Chinese people, treat the people as cannon fodder, and threaten the world’s freedom and human rights. People and countries who love peace and freedom all over the world should be vigilant. In view of the fact that the Communist Party of China will hold a military parade of the victory of the Anti-Japanese War on September 3, Liu Jingtao, a Chinese Democrat, believes that the so-called “anti-Japanese Victory Parade” of the Communist Party of China is to take the opportunity to continue to make up lies for the legitimacy of its rule. We should expose the lies, remember the sacrifices of the martyrs, and inherit the true historical memory. Yuan Qiang said: The victory of the Anti-Japanese War belongs to the Chinese nation, not any political party. The Communist Party of China has emeared legitimacy to the one-party dictatorship and consolidated its rule through military parades and nationalism. Guan Yongjie’s view is that the Communist Party of China has always ruled the country with lies, and the Communist Party of China, which did not fight the war head-on, held a military parade in the international community. However, under the current situation of economic downturn and intensifying social contradictions in China, it is still for the people who have been brainwashed for a long time to divert attention and unite people with the help of nationalism and grand narratives. Effective.

On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the victory of the anti-fascist war, we are gathered here to remember the martyrs who truly sacrificed for national independence and freedom. We should stick to the true historical memory, expose lies and tampering, and reject any confusing political manipulation. Only in this way can the sacrifice of the martyrs be truly respected, and the future of the nation can be built on truth and justice.