作者：袁崛 中国民主党党史法规部部长
编辑：周志刚 责任编辑：侯改英 校对：程筱筱

中共于1997年收回香港后，对香港自由人权的打压一直没有停止，香港人的言论自由被逐步压缩。2015年原锣铜湾书店股东桂民海被中共从泰国绑架回港审判，香港人连批评政府、出版书籍的自由都没有了。中共承诺给香港人的特首和立法委员普选则完全沦为一场欺骗。2019年特区政府在北京授意下提交《逃犯条例修订草案》，该草案将允许把香港居民及在港人士直接移交至中国大陆受审，被普遍视为破坏香港原有独立法制的最后防线。从而引发了一场香港各阶层的全民抗议运动。

我当时在广州工作，每天都在关注香港运动局势，希望香港民主力量能够早日实现他们的诉求，实现香港人对特区行政长官和立法会的双普选。

但7月21日晚发生的元朗袭击事件，警方与黑社会合谋蓄意中伤民主运动并致和平示威者被暴力袭击引发流血事件引发了香港人的空前愤怒，推动了冲突的加剧。8月份正好是暑假，我决定亲赴香港见证并参与这场历史性的运动，支持香港人的民主诉求。

8月28日我从广州出发，29日中午到达香港，一到旺角，就看到尖沙咀街道上，到处都涂鸦着“林郑下台!”、“五大诉求，缺一不可!”、“光复香港，时代革命”的文字。30日，我到新亚书院原址和香港中文大学参观，这是余英时先生曾就读和工作的母校，也是上世纪六十年代新儒家文化运动发起的重镇。中文大学校园里有陈维明老师创作的“民主女神像”。当年我只是在线上久闻老师大名，没想到4年后，我也来到了美国洛杉矶，可以常去陈老师的自由雕塑公园，甚至还主持了陈老师的讲座。接触越深越被陈老师彻底反共的实干精神所折服，这是后话。

我从网络上得知8月31日会有大规模的抗议活动，上午我来到香港的民主圣地维多利亚公园。这里每年都举办六四纪念活动，最多时参加人数达上百万。我到达时，维园人群正在聚集，气氛已隐约紧绷。

附近的遮打花园则有较多市民聚集，媒体记者几乎占据了现场每一个角落。我第一次亲身经历这样大规模的抗议场面，心中既紧张又激动。

后我又坐地铁去香港特区政府，我看到办公楼被水马团团围住了，根本进不去。特区政府外面，聚集了上千的示威者，他们向政府办公楼里面的警察愤怒抗议，我深感现场情绪激烈压抑，仿佛冲突一触即发。

我在那里碰到了一位香港市民彭哥，他是广州白云区石井人，小时候便来了香港。问他现在居住环境怎么样，他说一家人挤在30多平米的房子里。我好奇30多平米怎么容得下一家四口？他说勉强住得下，这在香港已经算得上是很不错的居所了，因为大部分人都买不起房，只能租住十来个平米的房子，租金每月五千多港币。彭哥告诉我，这场反送中抗议主要是社会因素，香港房价高启，普通人根本买不起房看不到未来。他们希望政府能倾听他们的诉求，能够考虑普通民众的利益，而不是被权贵势力所挟持。我和彭哥跟着抗议人群走了一段时间，聊起香港人关心的话题随后我们便坐地铁到铜锣湾，那时已经是下午，我们又跟着抗议的人群一起走。我还记得我在九记牛肉吃了碗牛肉面，花费80港币。——在紧张混乱的氛围中，那一碗热气腾腾的面如今回想起来依然显得格外真实。

到了傍晚，铜锣湾街头愈发紧张起来。有上千名示威者在和警方对峙。示威者有序持续的抗议口号声此起彼伏，情绪高涨而凝重。对面几十辆警车开过来，后面的警察还拿着枪，我紧跟示威队伍，跟着他们一起喊口号抗议。警察依托着警车的阵线步步紧逼，抗议人群被压迫后退，警方时不时释放催泪弹划出一道道白色的烟雾，试图驱散游行队伍。勇武派也很有经验，冲在前面的戴有防毒面具，并用雨伞来抵挡催泪弹。中间有催泪弹打过来时，我没反应过来，以为是普通烟雾。闻到后感觉非常呛人，不到一分钟就眼睛很痛睁不开，眼泪鼻涕不停的流，头也痛，我受伤了。旁边的年轻人看到了，立即把我扶到街边，用药水为我清洗眼睛和脸部，疼痛才逐渐好转，我强忍不适，不断向他道谢。那一刻，在混乱与压迫中，这份陌生人的善意就像为民主所作的抗争那般格外沉重而温暖。休息片刻后，我再加入示威人群，我们逐步后退，也在路上设置路障，想阻止警察往前推进。旁边的群众大多是同情和支持示威者的人，他们不断地责骂警察，向示威人群呐喊助威，可见大多数民众是支持示威者的，这也是这场运动的民意基础。人群中我碰到一个来自重庆的外国青年王为，他会中文，和他交流得知他是波兰人。在上海给中国银行的员工做培训，因为写文章批评中共的新疆政策，借上海警察传唤之机，买机票来到了香港。跟我一样他希望亲眼见证并声援这场运动。

最终，赤手空拳的示威者对抗不住警察的武装压迫，逐步向后退散。我一直走到维多利亚公园附近，返回旺角。那晚地铁线金钟站不停，我在荃湾线上车了，但地铁又不开动，只得绕远路走到香港站，转机场线到达奥运站。回到酒店，我在附近吃点东西充饥时，看到新闻上说警察在太子地铁站抓人，逢人查包，不分男女老少，很多示威青年在地铁站被戴口罩的黑衣人暴力击伤，场面一度暴力混乱。我又赶到太子站附近的旺角警署，发现已经有几百人聚集在门口与警察对峙，高喊口号“光复香港，时代革命”，也有骂警察的，用镭射笔照楼上的警察。那时已经是凌晨2-3点，这群年轻人没有一丝畏惧和退意，我在门口又碰到了那个外国青年王为，因为是第二次碰到，我们便多聊了会。他是跟着示威人群一起走过来的，我们互加了微信。他现在也投奔了自由，来到洛杉矶，这是后话。

对峙持续到凌晨4-5点，警察开始发动大规模的冲击，我们只得撤退并逃散，我很幸运地在混乱中只跑了两条街就搭乘一辆的士回到了酒店。

作者（方格衬衣斜挎包者，可惜没拍到正脸）在旺角警署门口与示威青年一起抗议

后记

发生在铜锣湾和太子站的抗议活动是整个反送中运动中最重大的抗议与袭击事件，我有幸见证并参与其中。这场声势浩大，香港人广泛参与的抗议运动极大地改变了香港的政治形势。中共虽然短时间内让特首林郑宣布撤回《逃犯条例修订草案》，但是不久借中国人大通过《香港国家安全法》，把香港所有的抗议游行活动都以违反国家安全法为由取消，并把香港所有的民主运动人士一网打尽，如香港知名的反对运动领袖人物如黎智英、黄之锋，香港民主党的李卓人、何俊仁、邹幸彤等，更有香港2020年立法会选举民主派初选案参与者胡志伟、戴耀廷、区诺轩、何桂蓝等47人被指违反《香港国家安全法》，以涉嫌“颠覆国家政权罪”逮捕并判刑，至此，香港的民主与法治荡然无存，香港的司法机关已经完全沦为中共专制控制香港人的工具，中共所谓的“五十年不变”的虚假承诺已经完全被拆穿。

Participating in the Sixth Anniversary of Hong Kong’s Anti–Extradition Movement

Author: Yuan Jue, Director of the Historical and Legal Affairs Department of the China Democracy Party
Editor: Zhou Zhigang Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying
Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator:Xiaomei Peng

Abstract

The author recounts his experience during Hong Kong’s “Anti–Extradition Bill” movement, including conversations with local citizens about their demands and his eyewitness account of the August 31 police assault at Prince Edward Station and Causeway Bay.

Since the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) resumed sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, its suppression of freedoms and human rights has never ceased. Hong Kong’s space for free expression has been steadily shrinking. In 2015, Gui Minhai—shareholder of the Causeway Bay Books—was kidnapped by CCP agents from Thailand and brought back to China for trial. Hong Kongers realized that even the freedom to criticize the government or publish books had been taken away. Beijing’s promise of universal suffrage for both the Chief Executive and Legislative Council became a blatant lie. In 2019, under Beijing’s direction, the Hong Kong government introduced the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance Amendment Bill, which would allow Hong Kong residents and visitors to be extradited directly to mainland China for trial. This was widely seen as the final blow to Hong Kong’s judicial independence. As a result, citizens from all walks of life launched a massive, territory-wide protest movement.

But the July 21 Yuen Long attack—where police colluded with triad gangs to assault peaceful protesters—triggered unprecedented public fury and dramatically escalated the conflict. As August coincided with summer break, I decided to travel to Hong Kong, to witness and take part in this historic movement, and to stand in solidarity with Hong Kong’s fight for democracy.

I left Guangzhou on August 28 and arrived in Hong Kong at noon on the 29th. As soon as I reached Mong Kok and Tsim Sha Tsui, I saw graffiti everywhere: “Carrie Lam must step down!”“Five demands, not one less!” “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times! “On the 30th, I visited the original site of New Asia College and the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK)—the alma mater and workplace of the late historian Yu Ying-shih, and a major center of the New Confucian movement in the 1960s. On campus stands Master Chen Weiming’s “Goddess of Democracy.” Back then, I had only admired Chen’s work online. I never imagined that four years later I would come to Los Angeles, regularly visit his Liberty Sculpture Park, and even host his lectures. The deeper I interacted with him, the more I admired his steadfast and action-oriented anti-CCP spirit—but that is another story.

I learned online that a large protest was scheduled for August 31. In the morning, I went to Victoria Park, Hong Kong’s “democracy sanctuary,” where the annual June Fourth vigil once drew over one million people. When I arrived, crowds were gathering, and the tension was palpable.

Nearby, at Chater Garden, more citizens and media reporters filled nearly every corner. It was my first time personally experiencing a protest of such scale—I felt both nervous and exhilarated.

Later, I took the MTR to the Hong Kong government headquarters. The building was completely barricaded. Thousands of protesters had gathered outside, shouting in anger toward the police behind the barriers. The atmosphere was so intense it felt like violent clashes could erupt at any moment.

There, I met a Hong Kong citizen named Brother Peng, originally from Shijing in Guangzhou’s Baiyun District. He told me that four family members squeezed into a 30-square-meter apartment. I was shocked—how could four people fit into such a small space? He said that, in Hong Kong, this was already a “good” home; most people couldn’t afford to buy any property and had to rent rooms of barely ten square meters, with rent exceeding HK$5,000 a month. He told me the Anti–Extradition movement was rooted in social inequality—sky-high housing prices had crushed young people’s hopes for the future. They simply wanted their government to listen to ordinary citizens, instead of being controlled by powerful interest groups. We walked with the protest marches for a while, then took the MTR to Causeway Bay. I still remember eating a bowl of beef noodles at Kau Kee for HK$80—a small moment of warmth amid the tension, still vivid in my memory. (It is said Leslie Cheung used to dine there often.)

By evening, the streets of Causeway Bay were growing increasingly tense. Thousands of protesters faced off with lines of police. Protest slogans rose again powerful, disciplined, and filled with determination. Dozens of police vehicles advanced, officers armed with guns marching behind them. I stayed with the protesters, chanting slogans. The police, shielded behind their vehicles, kept pushing forward. Tear gas canisters streaked across the air, leaving trails of white smoke. Veteran frontline protesters, equipped with gas masks and umbrellas, expertly blocked the canisters. One tear gas round landed near me. I didn’t realize what it was at first—until the strong, choking fumes hit me. Within seconds my eyes were burning, tears streamed uncontrollably, and my head throbbed. I was injured. Immediately, a nearby young protester rushed over and pulled me to the side, using medical solution to wash my eyes and face. The pain gradually eased. I thanked him repeatedly. In that moment—during chaos and oppression—the kindness of a stranger felt overwhelmingly powerful, a reminder of the humanity behind this struggle. After resting briefly, I rejoined the crowd. We continued retreating while setting up roadblocks to slow the police advance. Many bystanders were openly supportive, shouting encouragement and cursing the police. The people’s sympathy for the protesters formed the backbone of the entire movement. Among the crowd I met a foreigner named Wang Wei, a Polish man who spoke Chinese. He had trained employees at the Bank of China in Shanghai. After being summoned by Shanghai police for criticizing Beijing’s Xinjiang policies, he seized the opportunity to flee to Hong Kong. Like me, he wanted to witness and support the movement firsthand.

Eventually, the unarmed protesters could no longer withstand the police’s armed assault and dispersed. I walked back toward Victoria Park and returned to Mong Kok. That night, service on the MTR’s Admiralty line was suspended. I boarded a train on the Tsuen Wan Line, but it remained stuck. After detours through Hong Kong Station and the Airport Express, I finally reached Olympic Station and returned to my hotel. As I was eating near the hotel, news broke police stormed Prince Edward Station, indiscriminately beating passengers and checking bags. Masked men in black brutally assaulted many young protesters. The scene was chaotic and violent. I rushed to the Mong Kok Police Station. Hundreds of people had gathered outside, confronting the police, chanting “Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times!” and shining laser pointers at officers in the building. It was already 2–3 a.m., yet these young people showed no fear or retreat. Unexpectedly, I ran into Wang Wei again. Since it was our second meeting, we chatted longer and added each other on WeChat. He has since also embraced freedom and made his way to Los Angeles—another story.

The standoff lasted until 4–5 a.m., when the police launched a large-scale assault. We were forced to flee. Fortunately, I managed to run only two streets before catching a taxi back to my hotel.

(Photo: The author—wearing a checked shirt and shoulder bag—protesting with young demonstrators at Mong Kok Police Station.)

The clashes at Causeway Bay and Prince Edward Station were among the most significant events of the entire Anti–Extradition movement. I was fortunate to witness and participate in them. This massive, city-wide protest fundamentally reshaped Hong Kong’s political landscape. Although the CCP eventually forced Carrie Lam to withdraw the extradition bill, Beijing soon used the National People’s Congress to impose the Hong Kong National Security Law, banning all protests and arresting nearly every pro-democracy figure. Prominent leaders such as Jimmy Lai and Joshua Wong were jailed; Democratic Party figures Lee Cheuk-yan, Albert Ho, and Chow Hang-tung were imprisoned. The 47 participants of the democratic primary—including Wu Chi-wai, Benny Tai, Au Nok-hin, and Gwyneth Ho—were charged with “subversion” and sentenced. Hong Kong’s democracy and rule of law have since been eliminated. Its judicial institutions have become tools of CCP authoritarian control. Beijing’s promise of “fifty years unchanged” has been exposed as a complete lie.