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联合国认定牛腾宇遭任意拘留

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——一个母亲的控诉与呼吁

作者:牛腾宇母亲

编者按:联合国任意拘留问题工作组在第一百零五届会议通过关于牛腾宇的第10/2026号意见,认定其遭受的拘留属于任意拘留,并要求中国政府立即释放牛腾宇,给予赔偿和其他适当补救。本文为牛腾宇母亲就其儿子案件及自身遭遇所作的个人陈述。文中涉及部分具体个人及相关指控,已有公开资料记载,特此说明。

近日,联合国人权理事会任意拘留问题工作组在第一百零五届会议通过关于我儿子牛腾宇的第10/2026号意见,认定其遭受的拘留属于任意拘留,涉及缺乏法律依据、因行使表达自由而受到惩罚,以及严重违反公平审判权等问题。工作组要求中国政府立即释放牛腾宇,给予赔偿和其他适当补救,并对相关侵权行为展开独立调查。

联合国认定牛腾宇遭任意拘留

联合国人权事务高级专员办事处官网:

Opinions adopted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention at its 105th session | OHCHR

此前,据我了解,美国、德国等国家有关方面也曾向中国方面提及此案,呼吁释放牛腾宇。

为平息舆论,广东方面部分人员曾考虑释放牛腾宇,但据我掌握的信息,此事后来受到来自权势关系的阻挠。广东高院也曾向我方传话,称牛腾宇认罪后可以通过假释方式出狱。然而,也有广东高院法官向我们透露,长期以来,对刑期超过10年的服刑人员很少办理假释。牛腾宇被判14年,如果为了假释而认罪,我担心当局之后又以“没有先例”为由拒绝假释,同时使牛腾宇失去继续坚持无罪申诉的空间。我们无法接受这种以认罪换取不确定释放的安排。

本案源于“1902136专案”。据我掌握的材料,广东有关部门在办案过程中抓捕了一批年轻人,最终24人被判刑。我始终认为,这些年轻人遭到了不公正处理,牛腾宇更被指定替顾杨阳承担所谓“主犯”的责任,并因此受到重点折磨。据我长期维权过程中掌握的信息,我认为顾杨阳的母亲杨晔及其背后的权势关系曾对案件产生重大影响。

2019年至2020年间,牛腾宇先后被关押于广东多处羁押场所,其中包括佛山市的指定居所监视居住场所。据牛腾宇本人及家属后来了解到的情况,他在此期间遭受长时间吊铐、剥夺睡眠和正常饮食、老虎凳、滚烫蜡液浇淋、持续殴打等酷刑,并曾被注射生理盐水,之后出现严重皮肤溃烂。

牛腾宇还指控,佛山公安人员陈权辉曾对其进行性侮辱,用打火机灼烧其私处并拍摄裸照。长期吊铐和虐待造成他两根手指严重神经损伤、活动受限。他曾两次因身体状况严重恶化被送医抢救,但始终没有认罪。

据我掌握的信息,杨晔曾要求对牛腾宇继续进行严厉处置。我还了解到,陈权辉在牛腾宇两次被送医抢救期间曾威胁医生不得施救。有关医生后来受到打压甚至被调离岗位的情况,我一直要求有关方面进行独立调查。最终,茂名法院判处牛腾宇有期徒刑14年,此后他被送往广东四会监狱服刑。

在儿子被判刑后,对我的打压也随之而来。

这些年来,我长期遭遇跟踪、24小时监控、窃听、电话和短信骚扰、恐吓亲友等情况,也曾遭到使用带钉木棍的袭击。有关人员还曾以所谓支持香港示威、新疆分离、法轮功以及“美国间谍”等罪名试图对我进行构陷。

疫情期间,我还遭遇有人通过物业试图骗开房门强行带走我的情况。我也曾怀疑有人在我网购的南瓜子中投放有害物质,食用后我的身体出现严重问题,肝肾受到损伤,并留下多种后遗症。此外,我还遭遇过切断水、电、燃气和网络,破坏快递、冻结账户等情况。

这些持续多年的打压,让我的身体、经济和生活都受到严重影响,也使许多亲友因为恐惧而逐渐与我疏远。

一个普通家庭,因为坚持为一个被判14年重刑的年轻人申诉,要付出这样的代价,我无法接受。如今,联合国任意拘留问题工作组已经正式认定牛腾宇遭受的是任意拘留,并要求中国政府立即释放他。这至少说明,我们这些年来的申诉和呼喊并不是毫无依据。

我只是一个母亲。

面对儿子遭受的一切,我已经没有退路。只要牛腾宇一天没有获得自由,我就会继续申诉、继续发声,直到他平安回家。

整理:冯仍 编辑:钟然

校对:王滨 翻译:戈冰

The United Nations Determines Niu Tengyu Suffer Arbitrary Detention

— A Mother’s Accusation and Appeal

Author: Mother of Niu Tengyu

Abstract: The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention determined that Niu Tengyu was subjected to arbitrary detention, demanding that the Chinese government immediately release him and provide remedies. His mother recounts her experience appealing the case and her years of ordeal, stating that she will continue to speak out and defend her son’s rights.

Editor’s Note: At its 105th session, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention adopted Opinion No. 10/2026 concerning Niu Tengyu, determining that the detention he suffered constitutes arbitrary detention and requesting the Chinese government to immediately release Niu Tengyu, accord him compensation, and grant other appropriate remedies. This article is a personal statement made by Niu Tengyu’s mother regarding her son’s case and her own experiences. Part of the specific individuals and related allegations mentioned in the text are documented in publicly available materials, as hereby noted.

Recently, the United Nations Human Rights Council Working Group on Arbitrary Detention adopted Opinion No. 10/2026 concerning my son Niu Tengyu at its 105th session, determining that the detention he suffered constitutes arbitrary detention, involving issues such as lack of legal basis, punishment for exercising freedom of expression, and severe violations of the right to a fair trial. The Working Group requested the Chinese government to immediately release Niu Tengyu, accord him compensation and other appropriate remedies, and initiate an independent investigation into the relevant violations.

联合国认定牛腾宇遭任意拘留

Official website of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: Opinions adopted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention at its 105th session | OHCHR

Previously, according to my understanding, relevant authorities in countries such as the United States and Germany had also raised this case with the Chinese side, calling for the release of Niu Tengyu.

In order to quell public outrage, certain personnel on the Guangdong side had considered releasing Niu Tengyu, but according to the information I possess, this matter was subsequently thwarted by powerful and influential interests. The Guangdong Higher People’s Court had also passed word to us, stating that after pleading guilty, Niu Tengyu could be released from prison through parole. However, judges from the Guangdong Higher People’s Court also revealed to us that for a long time, parole has rarely been granted to inmates serving sentences of over 10 years. Niu Tengyu was sentenced to 14 years; if he were to plead guilty for the sake of parole, I worry that the authorities would later refuse parole on the grounds that “there is no precedent,” while simultaneously causing Niu Tengyu to lose the room to continue insisting on his appeal of innocence. We cannot accept such an arrangement of exchanging a guilty plea for an uncertain release.

This case originated from the “Special Case 1902136.” According to the materials in my possession, relevant departments in Guangdong arrested a batch of young people during the handling of the case, and ultimately 24 individuals were sentenced. I have consistently maintained that these young people were treated unfairly, and Niu Tengyu was specifically designated to take the blame for Gu Yangyang as the so-called “prime culprit,” thereby becoming the primary target of torture. Based on the information I have grasped through years of rights defense, I believe that Gu Yangyang’s mother, Yang Ye, and the powerful network behind her exerted a significant influence on the case.

Between 2019 and 2020, Niu Tengyu was successively detained in various detention facilities across Guangdong, including a designated residential surveillance facility in Foshan City. According to accounts later learned by Niu Tengyu himself and his family members, during this period he was subjected to prolonged suspension in handcuffs, deprivation of sleep and normal diet, the “tiger bench,” pouring of scalding hot wax, continuous beatings, and other forms of torture, and was even injected with saline, after which he developed severe skin ulceration.

Niu Tengyu also accused Chen Quanhui, a Foshan public security officer, of subjecting him to sexual humiliation, using a lighter to burn his private parts, and taking nude photographs. Long-term suspension in handcuffs and abuse caused severe nerve damage to two of his fingers, restricting their movement. He was sent to the hospital for emergency treatment twice due to the severe deterioration of his physical condition, but he never confessed.

According to the information I possess, Yang Ye once demanded that Niu Tengyu continue to be dealt with severely. I also learned that Chen Quanhui threatened doctors not to administer treatment while Niu Tengyu was sent to the hospital for emergency treatment on two occasions. Regarding the subsequent suppression and even transfer of the relevant doctors from their posts, I have consistently demanded that the relevant authorities conduct an independent investigation. Ultimately, the Maoming court sentenced Niu Tengyu to 14 years of imprisonment, after which he was sent to Guangdong Sihui Prison to serve his sentence.

Following my son’s sentencing, suppression directed at me followed suit.

Over the years, I have continuously experienced being followed, 24-hour surveillance, wiretapping, harassment via phone calls and text messages, and intimidation of friends and relatives, and I was once even attacked with a nail-studded wooden club. Relevant personnel also attempted to frame me using so-called charges such as supporting the Hong Kong demonstrations, Xinjiang separatism, Falun Gong, and being an “American spy.”

During the pandemic, I also encountered a situation where individuals attempted to trick me into opening my apartment door through property management in an effort to forcibly take me away. I also suspected that someone had placed harmful substances in pumpkin seeds I purchased online; after consuming them, my health suffered severe issues, my liver and kidneys were damaged, and I was left with multiple sequelae. In addition, I have experienced the cutting off of water, electricity, gas, and internet services, the destruction of express packages, and the freezing of my accounts.

These years of continuous suppression have severely impacted my health, finances, and daily life, causing many friends and relatives to gradually distance themselves from me out of fear.

That an ordinary family must pay such a price simply for insisting on appealing for a young man sentenced to a heavy 14-year prison term is something I cannot accept. Today, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has officially determined that Niu Tengyu was subjected to arbitrary detention and has demanded that the Chinese government immediately release him. This shows at the very least that our appeals and calls over these years have not been without foundation.

I am just a mother.

Facing everything my son has suffered, I have no way back. As long as Niu Tengyu does not regain his freedom for even a single day, I will continue to appeal and continue to speak out until he returns home safely.

Compiled by: Feng Reng Editor: Zhong Ran

Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Ge Bing

为24名花季少年平反

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——致广东省政法系统的公开信

作者:牛腾宇母亲

谨以此信写给所有本案参与者和蒙冤者。愿孩子们的冤情,不会再被隐瞒、忽视、遗忘。

让此信成为永远的警示:抵制一切践踏人权和法律的恶行,促进法治进步,不要让24名孩子的悲剧重演!

广东省政法系统的领导们:

你们好!

我是广东茂名制造的一起震惊世界的大冤案——“恶俗维基恶势力集团案”中所谓“主犯”牛腾宇的母亲。本案判决书漏洞百出,荒诞离奇的判决结果令国际舆论哗然,引发各国政府和公众的高度关注和质疑。

触目惊心的案件更是吸引了全球关注:被抓的18名恶俗维基会员中,有的已经脱离恶俗网站四年多,有的刚加入一个月;900名会员公认的主犯顾杨阳却被放走,让技术员牛腾宇给顾杨阳当替身并重判14年;用9名未成年人凑数,将24名青少年打成“恶势力”,却放走3名权贵孩子。

本案突破了人们的想象极限,无数家国际知名媒体纷纷报道,使本案成为极具影响力的政治案件!本世纪最大冤案!

我儿子牛腾宇被冤判了,却连申诉这一最基本的权利都难以保障。我为他先后聘请十几位律师,均遭司法局施压,被迫退出。聘请律师处处受阻,对已经引起全球关注的冤假错案,又不依法启动再审程序,严重违背司法公正,让人民法院的司法公信力丧失殆尽。

《最高人民法院关于适用〈中华人民共和国刑事诉讼法〉的解释》第四百五十七条规定:“对立案审查的申诉案件,应当在三个月以内作出决定,至迟不得超过六个月。”可是,广东高院对于我和牛腾宇的申诉根本不予理会,居然连回复都没有。

这使得本案成为损害中国法治建设的标志性案件。历史是有记忆的,更何况是在互联网时代。我邮寄的每一份申诉资料都有记录,牛腾宇写给高院的申诉信也有记录,都能查出谁在有意阻碍、知法犯法!如今强调办案终身负责,我相信法治会越来越健全,阻碍者将来都会被依法追责。

本案关乎中国法治,也关乎整个国家的形象,希望你们不要麻木,作出明智的选择。

这24名孩子被秘密羁押在佛山期间,被剥夺了基本人身权利,不让包括律师、家长在内的任何人知道。你们可知道,我们这些家长找不到孩子时那种肝肠寸断、锥心刺骨的痛苦?许多家长因此患上严重的抑郁症,甚至罹患癌症……

领导们,你们也是为人父母,请你们换位思考。

请努力感受家长们面对莫大冤情时的无奈感;

请努力感受家长们面对权力任性时的无力感;

请努力感受家长们面对屈辱苦难时的无助感;

请努力感受我这个单亲母亲的切肤之痛……

写到此,我已是泪湿衣衫……

我知道你们手握大权,我这个重病缠身的弱女子远非你们的对手。你们手中有权,拿着手铐和枪支,你们只需要编个罪名,就可以将我关进牢笼;或者你们只需一声令下,让已经迫害我一年多的王冰黑恶势力团伙一棍子将我敲死;你们只需上嘴唇一碰下嘴唇,我就可能从人间消失……你们会有无数种方法对付我。

我的申诉路上布满了你们栽种的荆棘,我感到无比恐惧,我的心在滴血。随着一次次骚扰、威胁、恐吓,被折腾得生活不能自理的我,已经没有什么可怕的了!只要一息尚存,我仍会坚持维权!

在此我补充说明,我没有与你们对抗的实力,我只是想用自己的方式表达和争取属于我们的权利,仅此而已。

希望唤醒你们的良知。生而为人,良知应该是我们的底线,任何时候都不应当抛弃良知。你们的权力本应保护人民的权益,而非将之夺走;你们的职责本应行公义,而非践踏天平!

我相信未来,而你们只拥有现在。我多么希望你们也拥有未来!

习总书记说:“别看今天闹得欢,小心今后拉清单。”这样的例子比比皆是。文革后,北京公检法系统被秘密处决17人,他们都是手上有革命干部血迹的看守员或审讯员。王震和冯基平亲自去监场,然后通知家里因公殉职。

在如今这个信息高度发达的时代,人人使用手机,长焦距镜头普及,人脸识别以及虹膜识别技术逐渐成熟。即便使用现金购买机票、火车票或住宿,也可能在电脑系统中留下痕迹,人的行踪越来越容易被技术手段追踪。许多行为都会留下电子记录,并可能长期存在于网络或数据库中。

这些技术在一定程度上侵蚀了个人隐私,但也让作恶者的丑陋行径更容易暴露在阳光下。天网恢恢,疏而不漏。只要你作恶,时候一到,全世界都会知道你及家人的名字。你的恶行将永载史册,你的后人将以你为耻!

你们为了升职发财,毫无底线,将一群孩子关入囚笼,施以酷刑,逼其就范,迫使亲人骨肉分离。滔天罪行,天地难容。

有网络消息称孙力军和龚道安参与此案,今日他们安在?请你们不要再为他们背书,立即纠正冤假错案。

为了我们这些孩子的未来,也为了你们的未来,同时也为了国家的未来,知错能改,方能得到人民的宽宥!

牛腾宇母亲

2022年7月4日

编辑:胡丽莉 校对:王滨 翻译:戈冰

Redress the Injustice Against 24 Young Souls

— An Open Letter to the Political and Legal Affairs System of Guangdong Province

Author: Mother of Niu Tengyu

Abstract: This open letter from the mother of Niu Tengyu to the Political and Legal Affairs System of Guangdong Province questions the numerous injustices present in the “Esu Wiki Case.” It calls for the rectification of this miscarriage of justice in accordance with the law, the exoneration of the 24 wrongly accused young individuals, and the safeguarding of their right to appeal.

This letter is dedicated to all participants in and victims of this case. May the injustice suffered by these children never again be concealed, ignored, or forgotten. May this letter serve as an eternal warning: resist all evil acts that trample upon human rights and the law, promote the progress of the rule of law, and never allow the tragedy of these 24 children to recur!

To the Leaders of the Political and Legal Affairs System of Guangdong Province:

Greetings!

I am the mother of Niu Tengyu, the alleged “prime culprit” in a major unjust case fabricated in Maoming, Guangdong that shocked the world—the “Esu Wiki Evil Syndicate Case.” The verdict of this case is riddled with loopholes, and its absurd and bizarre outcome caused an uproar in international public opinion, drawing intense concern and questioning from governments and the public worldwide.

This shocking case has attracted global attention: among the 18 Esu Wiki members arrested, some had been disassociated from the Esu website for over four years, while others had joined just one month prior; Gu Yangyang, who was recognized by 900 members as the actual prime culprit, was released, while the technician Niu Tengyu was made a scapegoat for Gu Yangyang and heavily sentenced to 14 years; 9 minors were used to make up the numbers, painting 24 young people as an “evil force,” while 3 children of the powerful elite were set free.

This case has surpassed the extreme limits of human imagination. Countless world-renowned media outlets have reported on it, turning it into a highly influential political case—the greatest miscarriage of justice of this century!

My son, Niu Tengyu, was unjustly sentenced, yet even his most fundamental right to appeal is difficult to guarantee. I successively retained more than ten lawyers for him, all of whom were pressured by the Judicial Bureau and forced to withdraw. Hiring defense counsel has been obstructed at every turn, and for an unjust, false, and wrongful case that has already drawn global attention, the re-examination procedure has not been initiated according to law. This severely violates judicial fairness and has completely eroded the judicial credibility of the People’s Courts.

Article 457 of the “Interpretation of the Supreme People’s Court on the Application of the ‘Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China'” provides: “For appeal cases filed for review, a decision shall be made within three months, and at the latest, shall not exceed six months.” However, the Guangdong Higher People’s Court has paid no heed to the appeals filed by myself and Niu Tengyu, failing even to provide a response.

This makes the case a landmark matter that damages the construction of the rule of law in China. History has a memory, all the more so in the internet era. Every set of appeal materials I have mailed is recorded, and Niu Tengyu’s letters of appeal to the Higher Court are also recorded; it can all be traced to see who is intentionally obstructing the process and knowingly breaking the law! Nowadays, lifelong accountability for handling cases is emphasized. I believe the rule of law will become increasingly robust, and those who obstruct justice will eventually be held legally accountable.

This case concerns the rule of law in China as well as the overall image of the country. I hope you will not remain numb and will make a wise choice.

During the period these 24 children were secretly detained in Foshan, they were deprived of basic personal rights, and everyone—including lawyers and parents—was kept completely in the dark. Do you know the heart-rending, agonizing pain we parents suffered when we could not find our children? Many parents developed severe depression as a result, and some even contracted cancer…

Leaders, you are parents as well. Please put yourselves in our shoes.

Please strive to feel the sense of helplessness parents face when confronted with immense injustice; Please strive to feel the sense of powerlessness parents face when confronted with willful authority; Please strive to feel the sense of defenselessness parents face when confronted with humiliation and suffering; Please strive to feel the deep, piercing pain of myself, a single mother…

As I write to this point, my clothes are already soaked with tears…

I know that you hold immense power in your hands, and a weak, severely ill woman like me is far from a match for you. Power is in your hands, along with handcuffs and guns; you need only invent a charge to lock me away in a cage. Or, with a single order from you, the black and evil gang led by Wang Bing—which has already persecuted me for over a year—could strike me dead with a single blow. With a mere touch of your upper and lower lips, I might simply vanish from the earth… You possess countless ways to deal with me.

The path of my petitioning is strewn with the thorns you have planted. I feel an overwhelming fear, and my heart bleeds. Yet, through wave after wave of harassment, threats, and intimidation, tossed about to the point of being unable to care for myself in daily life, I no longer have anything to fear! As long as a single breath remains in me, I will persevere in defending our rights!

Here I supplement my statement: I do not possess the strength to confront you. I merely wish to express and strive for the rights that belong to us in my own way, nothing more.

I hope to awaken your conscience. As human beings, conscience should be our bottom line, and at no time should conscience be abandoned. Your power was meant to protect the rights and interests of the people, not to strip them away; your duty was meant to carry out righteousness, not to trample upon the scales of justice!

I believe in the future, whereas you only possess the present. How I wish that you, too, might possess a future!

General Secretary Xi said: “Do not look at how wildly you run today; beware of the settling of accounts tomorrow.” Examples of this are everywhere. After the Cultural Revolution, 17 personnel from the public security, procuratorial, and judicial systems in Beijing were secretly executed; they were all guards or interrogators whose hands were stained with the blood of revolutionary cadres. Wang Zhen and Feng Jiping personally went to supervise the site, and their families were subsequently notified that they had died in the line of duty.

In today’s highly developed information age, everyone uses mobile phones, telephoto lenses are widespread, and facial recognition as well as iris recognition technologies are gradually maturing. Even if one uses cash to purchase plane tickets, train tickets, or lodging, traces may still be left behind in computer systems, making human whereabouts increasingly easy to track through technical means. Many actions leave behind electronic records, which may persist in networks or databases for a long time.

To a certain extent, these technologies erode personal privacy, but they also make it easier for the hideous deeds of evil-doers to be exposed in broad daylight. The net of heaven is vast and wide-meshed, yet nothing escapes it. As long as you commit evil, when the time comes, the entire world will know your name and the names of your family members. Your evil deeds will be permanently recorded in the annals of history, and your descendants will be ashamed of you!

For the sake of promotions and wealth, you have thrown away all bottom lines, locking a group of children into cages, subjecting them to torture, forcing them into compliance, and tearing families apart. These monstrous crimes are intolerable to both heaven and earth.

According to online news reports, Sun Lijun and Gong Da’an were involved in this case. Where are they today? Please refrain from endorsing them any further, and correct these unjust, false, and wrongful cases immediately.

For the future of our children, for your own future, and for the future of the nation, only by acknowledging mistakes and correcting them can you obtain the forgiveness of the people!

Mother of Niu Tengyu July 4, 2022

Editor: Hu Lili Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Ge Bing

洛杉矶 8月16日 《全球觉醒》第八十四期 谴责中共对秦永敏的迫害

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洛杉矶 8月16日 《全球觉醒》第八十四期 谴责中共对秦永敏的迫害

《全球覺醒》第八十四期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

活動主題:半世紀堅守與三十三年鐵窗 譴責中共對秦永敏的迫害

二零二六年八月十一日,湖北民主黨創始人、著名民運人士、人權活動家秦永敏先生在湖北潛江廣華監獄度過了他的七十三歲生日。從參與民主牆運動到髮起和平憲章,這位被稱爲“中國良心”的民主先驅,已累計被專製政權非法抓捕拘禁四十五次,四次遭政治判刑,在黑牢中度過了長達三十三年零七個月的漫長歲月。獨裁者試圖用鐵窗與長年酷刑,強行抹殺追求憲政民主的堅貞火種。

這場漫長禁錮的背後,暴露了獨裁體製對公民覺醒、朝野對話與民主轉型的極度恐慌。在經濟嚴重衰退、社會矛盾激化與統治合法性喪失的殘酷現實麵前,中共不僅不思開啟政治體製改革,反而將黑手伸向所有主張和平轉型的人權捍衛者。他們一方麵對國際社會謊稱法治保障,另一方麵卻對本國良心犯施加無情打擊。這種濫用司法權力壓製民間聲浪的行徑,是對文明底線的踐踏。

麵對暴政對民主先驅的長期迫害,我們必須代表所有被剝奪髮聲權利的受難同胞,徹底揭露這種打着維護政權幌子殘酷打壓異見者的暴行。政治表達與追求民主是不可剝奪的天賦人權,絶不是獨裁者可以任意懲罰或剝奪的罪名。極權者越是用重刑與黑牢壓製異見,越暴露了其麵對民心背離時的虛弱與恐慌。我們堅信,任何企圖靠殘酷迫害維持統治的專製政權,終將在文明覺醒的曙光下徹底坍塌!

✊ 我們的口號:

✊ 立即無條件釋放秦永敏!停止對人權捍衛者的殘酷迫害!

✊ 徹底廢除政治罪名!剝奪極權濫用司法壓製異見特權!

✊ 拒絶淪爲黑牢人質!結束一黨專政高壓統治!

2026年8月16日(星期日)3:30PM (下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:廖军/劉廣賢

活動規劃: 孫曄/于海龍

活動主持:易勇

組織者:胡月明4806536918/梁誌成 9716122843羅旭 6265656930 /

夏体姗 9095050136蘇毅6264768956 / 程義亮5079938677

活動義工:周曉龍/王喆/楊光/陳柏全/劉錦亮

攝影:Ji Luo /朱明昌

主辦單位:中國民主黨聯合總部美西黨部

中國民主黨聯合總部美南黨部

自由鐘民主基金會

《重生》

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作者:追光

我用带血的抹布擦了又擦,

却只把记忆擦得更浑浊。

我用积灰的扫帚扫了又扫,

却只把心头扫得更凌乱。

我本想让记忆,在历史的角落里积灰,

我本想让伤口,在洞穿的枪眼处结痂。

可每到这个特别的日子,泪水就止不住地往下流。

这痛,已积了三十七层厚,

一层一层,是民族未愈的创伤。

勇士啊,你曾为自由呐喊

英雄啊,你曾为真理献身

但这一次,你不会孤身一人

因为这个民族终将觉醒,

结痂的伤口处也会长出新肉。

只是,那旧的伤痕仍在低语

仿佛在悄悄的诉说着

对于重生的希望。

编辑:李晶 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

Rebirth

By Zhui Guang(Lightseeker)

I wiped and wiped with a bloody rag,

Yet only made the memory murkier.

I swept and swept with a dusty broom,

Yet only made the heart more chaotic.

I originally wanted memory to gather dust in the corner of history,

I originally wanted the wound to scab over at the pierced bullet hole.

Yet whenever this special day arrives, tears flow uncontrollably.

This pain has accumulated thirty-seven layers deep,

Layer upon layer, it is the unhealed trauma of the nation.

O warrior, you once cried out for freedom;

O hero, you once sacrificed your life for truth.

But this time, you will not be alone,

Because this nation will eventually awaken,

And new flesh will grow where the wound scabbed over.

Only, those old scars are still whispering,

As if quietly expressing

The hope for rebirth.

Edited: Li Jing Proofread: Feng Reng Translated: Ge Bing

中共“无孔不入”渗透模式对世界的现实威胁

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作者:易勇  

       2026年春节前夕,台北台大医院内,一名69岁的香港商人因病死亡。这名商人名叫丁小琥,表面上拥有长沙市人大华侨外事委、工商联副会长等体面头衔,经常以观光和商务名义往返台湾,实则是中共中央军委政治工作部联络局南宁工作站在台谍报网的总指挥。

       

    随着检调单位的深入破案,人们惊觉这并非单纯的狱中病亡事件。在这起震动台湾的间谍案中,掌握最多幕后核心秘密、能向上供出组织的三名核心上线,竟在短短11个月内接连死亡。先是2025年3月负责在台拉拢关系的核心干部何圣影病逝,紧接着9月掌握资金往来与关键名单的贴身助理张志炜也在医院死亡,到了2026年2月,总指挥丁小琥最终在保外就医期间病逝。

       

    三名顶层上线在开庭审判前悉数“自然死亡”,而活下来被判刑的,清一色都是被发展的台湾底层下线。如此高度集中的巧合,让法律界与情报分析人士普遍指向一个残酷的真相:这极可能是情报组织为了防止顺藤摸瓜爆出未曝光的更大潜伏网络,而实施的“果断弃子”与灭口策略。

       

     更令人胆寒的是这张网络打得有多深、伸得有多远。丁小琥团队砸下上千万新台币,通过地下汇兑层层渗透,其手段不仅涵盖传统军事领域,更跨界延伸至高科技防线。

       

    丁小琥投其所好打入宗教圈,先接触到国安系统高层亲眷,顺势打入高层生活圈。

       

     顺着退役军官的人脉,相继拉拢陆军、空军多名中校及少校(如王文豪、谭俊明、邱翰林、杨千慧、杨博智等),甚至趁同事离开座位时盗传军用电脑内的机密资料至云端,并要求被吸收者在开战时策动部属“消极不抵抗”。

       

     检调破译丁小琥的电子资料后发现,其渗透触角甚至企图延伸至半导体关键产业,计划挖角技术人才并窃取关键机密文件,企图为大陆搭建产业链。

       

     这起案件绝不仅仅是一起孤立的台海情报战,它所暴露出的渗透模式与运作逻辑,展现了令人发指的无孔不入与残酷性。

       

     生物学上有个著名的推论:当你在明处看到一只蟑螂时,暗处早已聚集了成百上千只。这起间谍网的破获,并非因为台湾反情报部门早已掌握全局,而仅仅是因为军方内部清查时偶然发现一名少校举止异常,才顺藤摸瓜拽出了整条线。这意味着,目前被揭露的案件恐怕只是冰山一角,那些至今未露破绽的潜伏网络究竟还有多少,根本无人知晓。

       

     从宗教洗脑、情感拉拢,到军事机密、高科技半导体,再到利用微信与支付宝打赏码等极为隐蔽的线上资金流向,暗中资助具有特定立场的自媒体与舆论场——这种渗透毫无底线,也不局限于军事手段。它以极低的成本和极高的隐蔽性,从社会肌理、经济命脉到思想舆论,全面侵蚀民主体制的防御机制。

       

    今天发生在台湾的一切,就是中共对全球民主国家演练的战术模板。不论是欧洲的政要顾问渗透、北美高科技领域的学术与商业窃密,还是针对全球华语社区与舆论场的资金操纵,其底层逻辑与台湾谍案如出一辙:利用民主社会的开放与自由,寻找人性弱点与体制漏洞,进行悄无声息的“蚀空”。

       

    台湾处于这场无声战争的最前线,这起离奇间谍案为全世界敲响了警钟。如果自由世界不能认清这种“无孔不入”渗透的残酷本质,并建立起跨国界、跨领域的严密防线,那么今天台湾所面临的威胁,明天就将成为每一个民主国家无法承受之重。

编辑:李晶  校对:孔祥庆 翻译:沈美花

The Reality of the Threat to the World Posed by the CCP’s “Pervasive” Infiltration Model

Author: Yi Yong

On the eve of the 2026 Lunar New Year, a 69-year-old Hong Kong businessman died of illness at National Taiwan University Hospital in Taipei. The businessman, named Ding Xiaohu, superficially held prestigious titles such as member of the Overseas Chinese and Foreign Affairs Committee of the Changsha Municipal People’s Congress and Vice President of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry. While he frequently traveled to and from Taiwan under the guise of tourism and business, he was in reality the commander-in-chief of an espionage network in Taiwan operated by the Nanning Workstation of the Liaison Bureau under the Central Military Commission Political Work Department of the CCP.

As prosecutors and investigative agencies cracked the case, people were shocked to realize that this was by no means a simple case of death due to illness during imprisonment. In this espionage case that shook Taiwan, three core handler-level figures who held the most crucial backend secrets and were capable of exposing the broader organization died in rapid succession within a short span of just 11 months. First, in March 2025, He Shengying, a core cadre responsible for cultivating ties in Taiwan, died of illness. Soon after, in September, Zhang Zhiwei, a personal assistant who controlled financial transactions and key contact lists, also died in the hospital. By February 2026, the commander-in-chief, Ding Xiaohu, ultimately passed away while out on medical parole.

All three top-tier handlers experienced “natural deaths” before their trials could commence, while those who survived to be sentenced were exclusively low-level Taiwanese operatives recruited on the ground. Such a highly concentrated coincidence led legal experts and intelligence analysts to widely point toward a brutal truth: this was extremely likely a strategy of “decisive abandonment” and silence-by-elimination executed by the intelligence organization to prevent investigators from pulling on threads and exposing an even larger, unrevealed sleeper network.

Even more chilling is just how deep this network reached and how far it extended. Ding Xiaohu’s team poured in tens of millions of New Taiwan Dollars, infiltrating layer by layer through underground money exchanges. Their tactics encompassed not only traditional military domains but also cross-sector extensions into high-tech defense lines.

Catering to individual interests, Ding Xiaohu worked his way into religious circles, first making contact with relatives of senior officials in the national security system, and subsequently leveraging these connections to enter high-level social circles.

Riding on the networks of retired military officers, he successively recruited multiple active-duty lieutenant colonels and majors in the Army and Air Force (such as Wang Wenhao, Tan Junming, Qiu Hanlin, Yang Qianhui, and Yang Bozhi). Operatives even secretly uploaded classified data from military computers to cloud storage when colleagues stepped away from their desks, and recruits were instructed to incite subordinates toward “passive non-resistance” should war break out.

Upon decrypting Ding Xiaohu’s digital files, investigators discovered that the tentacles of infiltration even sought to extend into key semiconductor industries—planning to headhunt technical talent and steal critical confidential documents in an attempt to help mainland China build out its supply chains.

This case is by no means an isolated intelligence battle across the Taiwan Strait. The infiltration model and operational logic it exposed demonstrate a appalling level of pervasiveness and brutality.

There is a famous deduction in biology: when you spot one cockroach in the open, hundreds or thousands have already gathered in the dark. The unraveling of this espionage ring occurred not because Taiwanese counterintelligence agencies had already grasped the full picture, but simply because military internal checks accidentally uncovered a major behaving abnormally, which allowed investigators to pull the thread and drag out the entire line. This means that the case exposed today is likely just the tip of the iceberg; no one knows how many sleeper networks remain unexposed without a trace.

From religious indoctrination and emotional manipulation, to military secrets and high-tech semiconductors, and further to extremely covert online financial flows via WeChat and Alipay tipping codes to secretly fund self-media and public opinion outlets with specific political stances—this infiltration operates without a bottom line, nor is it limited to military means. At an extremely low cost and with high stealth, it comprehensively erodes the defense mechanisms of democratic systems from the societal fabric and economic lifelines to ideology and public opinion.

Everything happening in Taiwan today serves as a tactical template for the CCP’s rehearsals against global democracies. Whether it is the infiltration of political advisors in Europe, academic and commercial theft in North America’s high-tech sectors, or the financial manipulation of global Chinese-language communities and media spheres, the underlying logic is identical to that of the espionage case in Taiwan: exploiting the openness and freedom of democratic societies to locate human weaknesses and institutional loopholes, executing a quiet and imperceptible “hollowing out.”

Taiwan stands on the frontlines of this silent war, and this bizarre espionage case has sounded an alarm for the entire world. If the free world fails to recognize the cruel nature of this “pervasive” infiltration and construct strict, cross-border, and cross-sector lines of defense, the threat Taiwan faces today will become an unbearable burden for every democratic nation tomorrow.

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Kong Xiangqing Translator: Shen Meihua

《在野党》杂志中国人权观察简报第39期(2026年8月14日)

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作者:张维清  

本期介绍被迫害人士:沈爱斌,1973年10月出生,江苏无锡人,退伍军人、前中共党员及公务员、维权公民、公民记者。原无锡市锡山区城市管理局城管大队长(曾任副大队长、法制科科长)。

最新近况:

沈爱斌出狱后仍面临常态化的暴力袭扰与司法限制:

1. 2025年10月: 前往派出所交涉时,遭副所长指使人员围殴,导致双侧鼻骨骨折(轻伤二级)及头部外伤昏迷,无锡警方反将其以涉嫌“寻衅滋事”刑事拘留并转监视居住。

2.2026年5月: 官方变更为取保候审,但其十数次申请外出就医均被警方无理拒绝。

3.2026年8月: 8月4日遭广益派出所警察强行抄家,扣押多部手机及硬盘,并以违反监督管理规定(出城看病)为由行政拘留5天。8月9日拘留期满获释当天,在拘留所门口再度被警方无缝拦截传讯,目前仍处于严密监控中 。

一、个人简历

1991年参军入伍,考取军校成为部队军官。2002年转业至无锡市城管系统。在职期间,他因其法制科长的专业背景与正义感,长期无偿为全国弱势访民提供法律援助。他多次参与曝光、营救被地方维稳部门非法拘禁在宾馆、农家乐的访民(即民间“黑监狱”),触怒了地方利益集团,随后遭政治报复被开除党籍、开除公职。

二、政治立场

1.坚定捍卫宪法与公民基本权利。高度强调《中国宪法》赋予公民的言论自由、人身自由和控告权。主张一个国家只有真正落实法治,保障公民基本人权,社会才能获得公平。

2.反对非法维稳与黑恶化执法。强烈抵制和谴责地方政府对访民实施的截访、跟踪、软禁及法外“黑监狱”等黑恶化执法手段。

三、被捕与判刑经历

沈爱斌因长期参与维权和声援访民,曾三次被构陷判刑:

1.第一次判刑(2013年-2015年): 因参与营救被非法关押的访民,被无锡市滨湖区法院以“故意毁坏财物罪”判刑1年6个月。

2.第二次判刑(2016年-2019年): 因出狱后坚持维权并在网络揭露地方腐败,被以“寻衅滋事罪”判处有期徒刑2年6个月。

3.第三次判刑(2022年-2025年): 因声援访民毛黎惠之死并要求追责,于2023年9月被以“寻衅滋事罪”判刑3年,服刑期间自述遭受隔离及电磁辐射等严重迫害,至2025年4月30日刑满出狱。

四、社会评价、国际评价

1.社会与民间评价:他被誉为“无锡维权领袖”和“底层访民的保护伞”。他是体制内法治良心的代表、无私无畏的孤勇者,其命运是中国基层维稳体制黑恶化的受害者缩影。

2.国际与人权界评价:国际人权组织长期将其列入中国良心犯重点监测名单。国际社会高度评价他为捍卫公民迁徙自由、反酷刑所做的和平抗争。其长达十余年的遭遇,被视为中国基层司法失灵、“寻衅滋事罪”口袋罪被滥用至极点的法治倒退铁证。2026年4月其跨国求救信曝光后,引发国际社会对中国政治犯“出狱后生存与医疗权被剥夺”现象的强烈谴责。

五、《在野党》杂志人权观察部呼吁

1. 立即停止系统性政治迫害,恢复其人身自由。呼吁中国当局遵守宪法承诺,立即撤销针对沈爱斌的政治控罪,解除取保候审与变相软禁,彻底恢复其公民自由。

2. 停止剥夺生命健康权,保障其无条件就医的基本人权。谴责地方警方利用限制就医作为政治惩罚的非人道行径。必须保障其前往专业医疗机构治疗鼻骨骨折与旧疾的基本生存权。

3.呼吁国际社会及联合国人权机构紧急介入关注:紧急呼吁联合国人权机构及国际正义力量持续发声,共同抵制和谴责中国地方政府针对人权捍卫者实施的系统性迫害。

编辑:李晶  校对:孔祥庆 翻译:沈美花

Opposition Party Magazine — China Human Rights Watch Brief, Issue No. 39 (August 14, 2026)

Author: Zhang Weiqing

Featured Persecuted Individual: Shen Aibin, born in October 1973, native of Wuxi, Jiangsu Province. Military veteran, former CCP member, former civil servant, human rights defender, and citizen journalist. Formerly the Brigade Commander of the Urban Management Bureau in Xishan District, Wuxi City (previously served as Deputy Brigade Commander and Chief of the Legal Affairs Section).

Latest Status:

Following his release from prison, Shen Aibin continues to face normalized physical violence, harassment, and judicial restrictions:

1. October 2025: When he went to the local police station to negotiate, he was gang-beaten by individuals instructed by the deputy police chief, resulting in bilateral nasal bone fractures (classified as Second-Degree Minor Injury) and head trauma that caused him to lose consciousness. Instead of investigating the attackers, Wuxi police criminally detained him on suspicion of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” and subsequently placed him under residential surveillance.

2. May 2026: Authorities officially changed his measure to release on bail pending trial (guaranty pending trial), yet police unreasonably rejected his applications to seek outside medical treatment more than ten times.

3. August 2026: On August 4, police from the Guangyi Police Station forcibly raided his home, confiscating multiple mobile phones and hard drives. They subsequently placed him under a 5-day administrative detention on charges of violating administrative supervision rules (leaving the city to seek medical treatment). On August 9, upon his release at the expiration of his administrative detention, he was seamlessly intercepted and summoned by police right at the gate of the detention center. He currently remains under strict surveillance.

I. Personal Biography

In 1991, he enlisted in the military and successfully passed the military academy entrance examination to become an officer. In 2002, he was transferred from military service to the municipal urban management system in Wuxi. During his tenure, drawing on his professional background as the Chief of the Legal Affairs Section and his strong sense of justice, he provided free, long-term legal aid to vulnerable petitioners across the nation. He repeatedly participated in exposing and rescuing petitioners unlawfully detained by local state-security forces in hotels and farmhouses (known informally as “black jails”). His actions angered local interest groups, resulting in political retaliation: he was expelled from the Communist Party and dismissed from public office.

II. Political Stance

1. Firm Defender of the Constitution and Fundamental Civil Rights. He strongly emphasizes the freedom of speech, personal freedom, and the right to lodge complaints guaranteed to citizens under the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China. He advocates that only when a nation truly implements the rule of law and safeguards fundamental human rights can society achieve true fairness.

2. Opponent of Unlawful “Stability Maintenance” and Gang-Style Law Enforcement. He strongly resists and condemns local government practices of intercepting, tracking, house-arresting, and placing petitioners in extrajudicial “black jails,” characterizing these as gang-style law enforcement measures.

III. Arrests and Sentencing History

Due to his long-term engagement in human rights defense and his support for petitioners, Shen Aibin has been framed and sentenced three times:

1. First Sentence (2013–2015): For participating in the rescue of unlawfully detained petitioners, he was sentenced to 1 year and 6 months in prison by the Binhu District People’s Court of Wuxi City on the charge of “intentionally destroying property.”

2. Second Sentence (2016–2019): After his release, because he persisted in defending rights and exposing local corruption online, he was sentenced to 2 years and 6 months in prison on the charge of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

3. Third Sentence (2022–2025): For voicing support following the death of petitioner Mao Lihui and demanding accountability, he was sentenced in September 2023 to 3 years in prison for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” During his imprisonment, he reported experiencing severe persecution, including solitary isolation and electromagnetic radiation exposure, until his release upon completion of his sentence on April 30, 2025.

IV. Social and International Assessments

1. Social and Grassroots Assessment: He is hailed as the “leader of Wuxi’s human rights defense movement” and a “protective umbrella for grassroots petitioners.” He represents the conscience of the rule of law from within the establishment—a selfless and fearless solitary fighter whose fate serves as a microcosm of the criminalization and degradation of China’s grassroots stability-maintenance apparatus.

2. International and Human Rights Community Assessment: International human rights organizations have long included him on key monitoring lists for prisoners of conscience in China. The international community highly commends his peaceful struggle to defend citizens’ freedom of movement and oppose torture. His plight over more than a decade is viewed as concrete proof of the breakdown of China’s grassroots judiciary and the regression of the rule of law through the extreme abuse of the catch-all charge “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” After his international letter for help was exposed in April 2026, it sparked strong condemnation from the international community regarding the phenomenon where Chinese political prisoners are “deprived of basic survival and medical rights after release.”

V. Appeals by the Human Rights Watch Department of Opposition Party Magazine

1. Immediately stop systemic political persecution and restore his personal freedom. We call on the Chinese authorities to abide by their constitutional commitments, immediately revoke all political charges against Shen Aibin, lift the bail conditions and disguised house arrest, and fully restore his civil liberties.

2. Cease the deprivation of the right to life and health, and guarantee his fundamental human right to unconditional medical treatment. We condemn the inhumane practice of local police utilizing restrictions on medical care as political punishment. The authorities must guarantee his fundamental right to survival, allowing him to seek treatment at professional medical institutions for his nasal fractures and pre-existing medical conditions.

3. Urget the international community and United Nations human rights bodies to urgently intervene and take action: We urgently call on United Nations human rights bodies and international forces of justice to continuously speak out, jointly resist, and condemn the systemic persecution executed by local Chinese authorities against human rights defenders.

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Kong Xiangqing Translator: Shen Meihua

记加州自由雕塑公园“第802次茉莉花行动”

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作者:唐鑫  

时间: 2026年8月8日地点: 加利福尼亚州耶莫·自由雕塑公园(37570 Yermo Rd, Yermo, CA)参会团体: 中国民主党、中国民主人权联盟、民主中国阵线(民阵)、中国民主党全委会等【导读】2026年8月8日,南加州莫哈维沙漠的气温飙升至摄氏四十度以上,滚滚热浪将地表烤得发烫。这一天,正是被誉为“中国良心”的著名维权律师高智晟被中共当局强迫失踪整整九周年的日子。

在中国民主党全委会洛杉矶地委发起的“第802次茉莉花行动”号召下,中国民主党、中国民主人权联盟、民阵等多个民主团体的成员,与高智晟的妻子耿和女士、“六四”幸存者及民阵主席方政先生,以及关注中国人权状况的各界人士约50余人(其中包括多位同情中国民主事业的美国朋友),不约而同地驱车奔赴荒漠,在高智晟雕塑《仰望星空》前共同声援抗议。

一、 驱车赴荒漠:多方力量汇聚《仰望星空》前。8月8日中午,作为中国民主党、中国民主人权联盟及民主中国阵线(民阵)的一员,我驱车两个多小时,沿着15号州际公路穿越无垠的莫哈维沙漠,赶赴位于耶莫(Yermo)的自由雕塑公园。

一下车,热浪便如重拳般袭来。然而荒漠中的气氛却无比肃穆而坚定。公园内耸立着巨大的“64”数字纪念碑、重型坦克雕塑与天安门城楼模型。而在公园的一角,便是由著名雕塑家陈维明先生创作的纪念雕塑《仰望星空——高智晟》。

这座大型雕塑呈塔形结构,塔基由粗粝的石块砌成,中层正面雕刻着高智晟的著作以及手持利剑与天平的正义女神,两侧浮雕呈现着与高智晟维权经历相关的受害者群体;雕塑顶端,则是高智晟仰头凝望天空的巨型头像。

高智晟律师的妻子耿和女士,以及身处轮椅依然远道而来、坚守荒漠现场的方政先生均来到了雕塑前。对于现场的旁观者而言,这是一座感人至深的纪念碑;对于耿和来说,眼前的雕塑所呈现的是她九年无法相见的丈夫;而对于方政先生及现场同仁而言,这更是一份跨越年代、共同抗击强权的坚定誓言。

二、 酷暑下的对话:保留火种与等待历史转折。按照原定计划,纪念活动本应于下午3点30分正式开始。然而,盛夏沙漠的酷热超乎了所有人的想象。下午三四点正值一天中地表温度最高的时刻,阳光直射下,现场准备的音响设备、摄像器材以及多部手机因严重过热而相继保护性自动关机,移动网络信号也一度中断。

面对突如其来的设备故障与四十多度的高温考验,现场近50名参与者没有一个人选择退缩。组织者与各方代表现场协商,决定将正式集会推迟至傍晚7点——待太阳西落、气温回落后再行举行。

在等待的三个多小时里,大家围坐在简陋的遮阳棚下分享矿泉水与冷饮,切磋交流。期间,我也与方政先生进行了一番深入对话。我问方政先生:“为什么现在在公众视野里,几乎只有您一位‘六四’伤残人士坚持站出来发声?”方政先生坦诚而沉重地表示,这正是当前民主运动所面临的真实困境——他所认识的许多‘六四’伤残者,出于各种压力与现实考量,如今都不再愿意站出来。

“我们现在所做的一切,核心就是‘保持火种’,”方政先生深刻地指出,“现在外界对于形势有时过于乐观了。只有等到中共体制内的人士主动来找我们合作的时候,才是这个政权真正有可能垮台的历史转折点。虽然现在国内的中产阶级已经开始出现向民主力量靠拢的趋势,但这种积累还远远不够。我们必须坚持下去,无论环境多恶劣,都要把这团火种保留下去。”

这段在沙漠酷暑中的对话,字字千钧,让在场的同仁们对当前抗争的长期性、复杂性与战略定力有了更清醒、更深刻的认识。

三、 晚霞中的歌声:高唱《深渊中的守望者》,咆哮拒绝遗忘。傍晚7点,随着夕阳沉入沙漠远山之后,地表温度渐退,晚霞染红了半边天,摄像与音响设备也恢复了运作。第802次茉莉花行动在微风中正式拉开序幕。

集会现场,众人聚集在雕塑下,共同唱响了专门为高智晟律师创作的歌曲《深渊中的守望者》。耿和女士与方政先生站在雕塑前,与大家一道高唱。歌声回荡在广袤寂静的南加州荒漠之中,将现场的情感推向了最高潮:Plaintext

《深渊中的守望者》(现场合唱全文)

一盏微光,穿透黑暗
冷墙后的呼喊,在回荡
绝望中,他信念如钢
守护正义,是心中辉煌
铁窗锁不住灵魂的飞翔
烈火淬炼初心的刚强
沉默中,他的呐喊滚烫
穿越岁月,写下正义篇章
深渊无尽,他站成山岗
孤寂中燃烧的希望
信念如火,驱散寒霜
为真理他捍卫信仰
即使孤身,亦如明灯
点燃黑夜,点燃黎明晨光
为真理用生命回响

在歌声与呐喊声中,各方代表向中共当局提出了三项明确且强烈的核心诉求:第一,立刻放人! 立即交代高智晟下落,无条件恢复其人身自由。第二,停止迫害! 停止对维权律师与良心犯的非法抓捕与强迫失踪。第三,捍卫人权! 彻底终结“黑监狱”等国家恐怖主义行径。

四、 结语:只要还有人在追问,高智晟就不会被遗忘。九年的时间,整整3280多个日夜。九年足以让无数热点新闻淡出公众视野,也足以让一个名字被新的历史事件所覆盖。然而对于当天驱车来到自由雕塑公园的近50名同道而言,纪念本身就是一种最坚韧的抗争——一种拒绝遗忘的姿态。

高智晟律师当年以一己之力为弱势群体和受迫害者发声,付出了巨大的代价;当他失去自由之后,海外的家人、朋友以及各民主党派人士便成为了他的声音。

当天的纪念集会结束后,夜幕降临,人群终将散去,荒漠也重新归于寂静。然而,那座高达数米的《仰望星空》依然矗立在沙漠之中,雕塑中的高智晟依旧抬头望向天空。正如方政先生所言,只要火种不灭,只要还有人公开呼唤与追问,高智晟就不会被遗忘。那个持续了九年的声音,依然在莫哈维沙漠与千千万万追求自由的人心中回响:“高智晟,你在哪里?!”

编辑:李晶  校对:孔祥庆 翻译:沈美花

A Record of the “802nd Jasmine Action” at Liberty Sculpture Park, California

Author: Tang Xin

Date: August 8, 2026

Location: Liberty Sculpture Park, Yermo, California (37570 Yermo Rd, Yermo, CA)

Participating Organizations: China Democracy Party, Chinese Democracy & Human Rights Alliance, Federation for a Democratic China (FDC), National Committee of the China Democracy Party, among others.

【Editor’s Note】

On August 8, 2026, temperatures in the Mojave Desert of Southern California surged above 40 degrees Celsius (104°F), as rolling heat waves scorched the desert ground. This day marked exactly nine years since the enforced disappearance of Gao Zhisheng, a renowned human rights lawyer widely hailed as the “Conscience of China,” at the hands of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) authorities.

Responding to the call of the “802nd Jasmine Action” organized by the Los Angeles Committee of the National Committee of the China Democracy Party, around 50 individuals—including members of democratic organizations such as the China Democracy Party, the Chinese Democracy & Human Rights Alliance, and the FDC, alongside Gao Zhisheng’s wife, Ms. Geng He, June 4th survivor and FDC President Mr. Fang Zheng, concerned members of the public, and several American friends sympathetic to the cause of Chinese democracy—drove across the desert to gather in front of the Gao Zhisheng commemorative sculpture, Look Up at the Starry Sky, to jointly show support and voice their protest.

I. Driving into the Desert: Diverse Forces Converge Before Look Up at the Starry Sky

At noon on August 8, as a member of the China Democracy Party, the Chinese Democracy & Human Rights Alliance, and the Federation for a Democratic China (FDC), I drove for over two hours along Interstate 15 across the vast Mojave Desert to reach Liberty Sculpture Park in Yermo.

The moment I stepped out of the car, the heat wave struck like a heavy punch. Yet, the atmosphere in the desert was solemn and resolute. Standing inside the park were giant monuments: the “64” numerical memorial, a heavy tank sculpture, and a replica model of the Tiananmen Gatehouse. Tucked in one corner of the park stood Look Up at the Starry Sky — Gao Zhisheng, a commemorative sculpture created by the famous sculptor Mr. Chen Weiming.

This large tower-like sculpture features a base built from rugged stone blocks. The central front side displays Gao Zhisheng’s writings alongside Lady Justice holding a sword and scales, while bas-reliefs on both sides depict groups of victims associated with Gao’s human rights advocacy. At the peak of the sculpture sits a giant bust of Gao Zhisheng, lifting his head to gaze toward the sky.

Ms. Geng He, wife of Lawyer Gao Zhisheng, and Mr. Fang Zheng, who traveled a long distance in his wheelchair to stand firm in the desert heat, both arrived before the sculpture. For onlookers, this was a deeply moving monument; for Geng He, the sculpture before her eyes represented the husband she had been unable to see for nine years; and for Mr. Fang Zheng and the colleagues present, it served as a firm oath spanning generations to jointly resist authoritarian power.

II. Dialogue Under the Scorching Sun: Preserving the Sparks and Awaiting a Historic Turning Point

According to the original plan, the commemorative gathering was scheduled to officially begin at 3:30 PM. However, the midsummer desert heat far exceeded everyone’s expectations. As three to four o’clock in the afternoon is the hottest period of the day for ground surface temperatures, the direct sunlight caused the on-site audio equipment, camera gear, and multiple mobile phones to automatically shut down one after another due to severe overheating. Mobile network signals were also temporarily lost.

Faced with unexpected equipment failures and the test of temperatures exceeding 40°C, not a single one of the nearly 50 participants chose to back down. Organizers and representatives from various groups consulted on site and decided to postpone the official rally to 7:00 PM—holding it after the sun set and temperatures cooled.

During the three-hour wait, everyone gathered under crude shade canopies, sharing bottled water and cold drinks while exchanging ideas. During this time, I had an in-depth conversation with Mr. Fang Zheng.I asked Mr. Fang Zheng: “Why is it that in the public eye today, you are almost the only victim disabled in the June 4th Massacre who still stands up and continues to speak out?”Mr. Fang Zheng replied candidly and gravely that this reflects the actual dilemma currently facing the democracy movement—many disabled survivors of June 4th whom he knows have chosen not to step forward anymore due to various pressures and realistic considerations.”What we are doing now is essentially ‘preserving the sparks,'” Mr. Fang Zheng pointed out profoundly. “Right now, the outside world is sometimes overly optimistic about the situation. The real historic turning point—when this regime might actually collapse—will only come when insiders within the CCP regime proactively seek us out to cooperate. Although urban middle-class citizens in China are beginning to align with democratic forces, this momentum is still far from sufficient. We must persevere. No matter how harsh the environment is, we must keep this spark alive.”

This conversation in the scorching desert carried immense weight, leaving all the colleagues present with a clearer and deeper understanding of the long-term nature, complexity, and strategic resolve required for the current struggle.

III. Singing in the Sunset Glow: Belting Out The Watcher in the Abyss and Roaring a Refusal to Forget

At 7:00 PM, as the sunset sank behind the distant desert mountains, the ground temperature gradually subsided, and the evening glow dyed half the sky red. The camera and audio equipment resumed operation. The 802nd Jasmine Action officially commenced in the cool breeze.

At the rally site, everyone gathered beneath the sculpture and sang together The Watcher in the Abyss, a song specially composed for Lawyer Gao Zhisheng. Ms. Geng He and Mr. Fang Zheng stood in front of the sculpture, singing along with the crowd. The sound of singing echoed across the vast, quiet Southern California desert, pushing the emotion of the event to its climax:

The Watcher in the Abyss (Full Text of Live Choral Performance)

A tiny beam of light pierces through the dark,

Shouts behind cold walls echo in the park.

Amidst despair, his conviction stands like steel,

To guard justice is the glory he can feel.

Iron bars cannot trap the soul’s soaring flight,

Fiery trials temper original resolve with might.

In silence, his outcry runs scalding hot,

Crossing through the years, writing justice on the spot.

Boundless is the abyss, yet he stands as a ridge,

Burning hope in solitude, building freedom’s bridge.

Conviction like fire melts away the frost,

For truth and faith, his life is the cost.

Even if alone, he shines like a beacon bright,

Lighting up the dark night, lighting up the dawn’s light.

For truth, his life echoes far and wide.

Amidst the singing and shouts, representatives from various groups put forward three clear and forceful core demands to the CCP authorities:

1. Release him immediately! Immediately account for Gao Zhisheng’s whereabouts and restore his personal freedom unconditionally.

2. Stop the persecution! Stop the illegal arrests and enforced disappearances of human rights lawyers and prisoners of conscience.

3. Defend human rights! Completely end state-sponsored terrorism tactics such as “black jails” (extralegal detention centers).

IV. Conclusion: As Long as Someone Keeps Asking, Gao Zhisheng Will Never Be Forgotten

Nine years—more than 3,280 days and nights. Nine years is long enough for countless trending news stories to fade from public view, and long enough for a name to be buried by new historical events. Yet for the nearly 50 companions who drove to Liberty Sculpture Park that day, remembering itself is a form of the most resilient resistance—a stance of refusing to forget.

Lawyer Gao Zhisheng once spoke out for vulnerable groups and the persecuted by his own solitary efforts, paying a tremendous price; after he lost his freedom, his family overseas, friends, and members of various democratic parties became his voice.

After the commemorative rally concluded that evening, night fell, the crowd eventually dispersed, and the desert returned to silence. However, the several-meter-tall Look Up at the Starry Sky sculpture still stands firmly in the desert, with Gao Zhisheng in the sculpture continuing to raise his head toward the sky.

Just as Mr. Fang Zheng said, as long as the spark is not extinguished, and as long as there are people publicly calling out and demanding answers, Gao Zhisheng will never be forgotten. That voice that has persisted for nine years continues to echo across the Mojave Desert and in the hearts of thousands upon thousands of people pursuing freedom:

“Gao Zhisheng, where are you?!”

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Kong Xiangqing Translator: Shen Meihua

高智晟失踪九周年 旧金山各界中领馆前追问:

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高智晟在哪里? 立即释放高智晟

高智晟失踪九周年 旧金山各界中领馆前追问:

2026年8月13日,各界人士在中国驻旧金山总领事馆前举行高智晟被强迫失踪九周年抗议活动。(本文照片由关永杰提供)

作者:吕小静

【旧金山讯】2026年8月13日下午,旧金山中国总领事馆前再次响起要求公布中国维权律师高智晟下落的呼声。 当天是中国维权律师高智晟再次被强迫失踪九周年。中国民主党旧金山党部、中国民主教育基金会发起抗议活动,高智晟妻子耿和,以及多名民运人士、人权律师、法轮功学员和关注中国人权的人士来到现场,要求中共当局立即公布高智晟的真实下落和身体状况,停止对高智晟及其家人的迫害,并立即恢复其人身自由。

九年过去 “这件事情仍然没有结束”

本次活动策划及主持人李小林在开场时表示,2017年8月13日之后,高智晟再次被强迫失踪。九年过去,他的家人不知道他在哪里,外界也无法获知他的真实处境和身体状况。

“九年,对于一个家庭来说太漫长,对于一个被剥夺自由的人来说更是如此。” 李小林表示,大家当天站在这里,“不是为了纪念一个已经结束的故事,而是因为这件事情仍然没有结束。”

他代表现场人士再次向中共当局追问:“高智晟在哪里?”并要求公布其真实下落和身体状况、恢复其人身自由、停止对其本人及家人的迫害与株连。

“九年了,这个问题必须得到回答。”

高智晟妻子耿和在活动现场发言

耿和:让歌声穿透黑夜和高墙

高智晟妻子耿和在现场表示,当天是丈夫被强迫失踪九周年。她感谢大家在百忙之中放下工作和生活来到现场,也感谢多年来始终没有忘记高智晟的人们。同时也感谢旧金山的同道伙伴创作并演唱《深渊的守望者》。耿和表示,这首歌献给高智晟,也献给所有依然身处黑暗,却仍仰望自由、坚持为真理和人权发声的人。 耿和已将这首歌公开发布在推特。她希望,这首歌能够“穿透黑夜和高墙,让真相被看见,让希望永不熄灭”。

九年的意义,远不只是一个时间数字。对于高智晟的家人而言,它意味着一个妻子九年来不知道丈夫身在何处,也意味着一个家庭始终等待着最基本的答案:他在哪里?是否平安?什么时候能够回家?

照片中右侧手持话筒发言者为中国民主党旧金山党部主席方政

方政:中共害怕的是高智晟所代表的勇气

中国民主党旧金山党部主席方政表示,旧金山中共领事馆是中共政权在海外的一个象征,大家当天来到这里,就是要在高智晟失踪九周年之际,向中共当局“要一个真相”。

方政认为,中共之所以惧怕高智晟,是因为高智晟所展现的勇气、坚持和抗争精神能够鼓舞更多中国民众。当越来越多的人摆脱恐惧、开始觉醒并勇敢发声时,专制统治赖以维系的恐惧也会被打破。

“高智晟是我们心目中的英雄。”方政表示,他们将继续与耿和一起追问高智晟的下落,并呼吁全世界更多有良知的人共同关注,希望高智晟早日获得自由,与家人团圆。

陈闯创:他的坚持与信仰分不开

人权律师陈闯创表示,他当天主要想谈两个问题:中共为什么长期打压高智晟,以及在人们等待高智晟获得自由的过程中还能够做些什么。

陈闯创认为,高智晟二十多年来的坚持与其基督教信仰密不可分。他曾为法轮功学员以及其他遭受迫害的人发声。即使经历酷刑、长期与家人分离,家人也为此付出沉重代价,他仍然没有选择沉默。

陈闯创提到,高智晟2014年出狱后虽然表面获得自由,却仍受到严密控制。在这种情况下,他继续写作,并完成《2017年,起来中国》。陈闯创认为,正因为高智晟没有停止思考和发声,中共害怕他的思想、信仰和勇气产生更广泛的社会影响。

他呼吁,在高智晟真正获得自由之前,人们仍可以写公开信、刊登广告、阅读和推广《2017年,起来中国》,让更多人知道高智晟的名字和遭遇,并继续为那些仍身处黑暗、失去自由的人发声。

现场多名参与者也分别表达了对高智晟及其家人的支持。

中国民主党党员刘静涛表示,高智晟曾为蒙冤者伸张正义,为受迫害者提供法律援助,却因此付出了失去自由的沉重代价,他的家人同样承受着巨大的痛苦,尤其妻子耿和九年来也从未停止寻找丈夫和为他发声。他呼吁中共当局释放所有被关押的良心人士,让高智晟早日回家!

周君红律师表示,作为一名同样遭受过中共迫害的律师,她对高智晟家人九年来所经历的等待和煎熬感同身受。 她特别向高智晟家人表示:“你们不是一个人在等待。”大家会继续记住高智晟、继续为他发声,直到真相大白。

旧金山党部副秘书长任梦醒则向中共当局提出一个最基本的要求:如果高智晟有罪,就应依法公开审判,让事实接受公众检验;如果他没有罪,就应该立即释放他,让他恢复自由。她强调,高智晟已经失踪九年,当局不能继续保持沉默,必须对他的下落和处境作出明确交代。

民主党党员李树青在现场表示,高智晟律师被强迫失踪已经九年,外界至今没有得到关于其下落的明确消息,因此必须继续追问真相。 他表示,高智晟长期为普通百姓维权,为维护民众的权利和尊严付出了自己的自由和人身安全。他批评中共当局打压维权人士、漠视普通民众的基本权利,并要求当局立即公布高智晟的真实下落,给家属和公众一个明确交代,让高智晟重新获得自由。

李树青强调,只要高智晟一天没有消息,他们就一天不会停止追问,将继续要求中共当局为高智晟遭受的迫害承担责任。他最后表达了反对中共专制统治、结束共产党统治的强烈诉求。

旧金山党部Fremont支部副主任吕小静则表示,我们应该学习高智晟敢于发声的勇气,这是中共最惧怕的,她说:高律师,你不是一个人在奋斗,你身后有千千万万个支持你的人,我们和你在一起。吕小静同时呼吁关注高智晟的下落,继续抗议和发声,直到高智晟恢复自由、平安回家。

李进:九年过去 对真相的要求不会消失

法轮功学员、希望之声广播电台主持人李进表示,高智晟只是做了一名律师应该做的事情——“为弱者说话,为受冤屈的人发声,为被践踏的良知留下记录。” 李进提到,在法轮功学员遭受迫害和中共宣传抹黑之际,高智晟曾深入了解、访问法轮功学员,并公开为他们发声。此后,高智晟遭遇吊销律师执照、监控、拘禁及酷刑等迫害。

“九年过去了,我们的追问不会消失,我们的记忆不会消失,我们对真相的要求更不会消失。”李进表示,中共必须给高智晟的家人和公众一个交代。 他还表示,希望之声广播电台将继续与耿和及关注中国人权的人士站在一起,通过面向中国大陆的短波广播传播资讯,并希望大家有机会将相关收听渠道告诉大陆亲友。

《每一道光》献给高智晟和所有良心犯

活动现场,旧金山党部秘书长郑云女士与卢占强先生共同朗诵诗歌《每一道光》,献给高智晟,也献给所有与他一样因坚持信仰、良知与正义而失去自由的良心犯,同时向那些长期等待、陪伴和守护他们的家人致敬。

诗歌写到,有的人用生命写下名字,有的人用自由交换真相;而在每一道光的背后,也有另一束默默守护的光。

朗诵者借诗歌呼吁,当世界沉默时,仍要坚持说出应该说的话。也许每个人无法成为高山,却可以成为一粒火种,让勇气与信念继续传递。

“只要还有人仰望星空,只要还有人相信真理,光,就不会熄灭。”

九枝玫瑰 九年的等待与守望

随后,现场举行了“九年守望”献花环节。

主办方准备了九枝玫瑰,象征高智晟被强迫失踪的九年。与此同时,每一枝玫瑰也代表着一种不愿被放弃的信念: 真相、自由、平安、尊严、勇气、良知、守望、希望、归来。 随着九枝玫瑰被依次献上,现场再次回望高智晟失去自由的九年。 九枝花,是九年的等待,也是九年的守望。最后一枝花所代表的“归来”,更寄托着这个家庭最朴素、也最漫长的愿望——有一天,高智晟能够平安回到妻子和家人身边。

三项诉求:公布下落、恢复自由、停止迫害

活动接近尾声时,李小林代表现场参与者正式向中共当局宣读三项诉求:

第一,立即公布高智晟先生的真实下落和身体状况;

第二,立即恢复高智晟先生的人身自由;

第三,立即停止对高智晟先生及其家人的迫害与株连。

李小林表示,这些“不是过分的要求”,而是一个人和一个家庭最基本的权利。 “九年已经太久。我们要真相,我们要自由,我们要高智晟先生平安回家。”

发起“TTT真相行动”:沉默不能带来自由

在宣读三项诉求之后,李小林现场宣布发起新的行动——“TTT Action——真相行动(Tell the Truth)”。

他表示,之所以将行动命名为“Tell the Truth”,是因为太多人的遭遇被掩盖,太多事实被扭曲,太多应该被听见的声音被迫沉默。 “而我们能做的第一件事,就是把真相说出来。” 李小林表示,面对谎言,更需要坚持用真相回应,因为独裁者最害怕的就是真相。 他强调:“沉默不能带来自由,发声才能改变未来。”

随后,他带领现场参与者再次大声追问:“高智晟在哪里?” “九年已经太久”

活动最后,现场人士面向中共驻旧金山总领事馆,集体高喊中英文口号: “高智晟在哪里?WHERE IS GAO ZHISHENG?”

“立即释放高智晟!FREE GAO ZHISHENG NOW!”

“停止强迫失踪!STOP ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES!”

“高智晟在哪里!立即释放高智晟!九年已经太久!”

九年,可以让一个孩子长大,也足以改变一个家庭的人生轨迹。然而九年过去,高智晟的妻子和家人仍在等待几个最基本的问题得到回答:他在哪里?身体状况如何?什么时候能够回家?

强迫失踪带来的伤害,从来不只是一个人的自由被剥夺。当一个人的下落长期不明,家人无法确认他的处境与安危,等待本身便成为一种漫长的煎熬。

当天的活动中,从耿和九年的守望,到律师同行的声援;从《深渊的守望者》到《每一道光》;从象征九年等待的九枝玫瑰,到一句“你们不是一个人在等待”;最终,所有声音都汇聚到领事馆前一遍又一遍的追问:

高智晟在哪里?

九年过去,这个最简单的问题仍然没有得到公开、可信的回答。

而对于现场的人们来说,纪念九周年并不是为了回望一件已经过去的事情,而是为了提醒外界:一个人的自由仍未归来,一个家庭的等待仍未结束。

九枝玫瑰中的最后一枝叫做“归来”。 这或许也是当天所有诉求最终指向的那个最简单的愿望:

公布真相,停止迫害,立即释放高智晟。 让高智晟回家。

活动采访发言及现场剪影。

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:戈冰

Gao Zhisheng’s 9th Anniversary of Disappearance: Various Circles in San Francisco Demand Answers in Front of the Chinese Consulate:

Where Is Gao Zhisheng? Immediately Release Gao Zhisheng

高智晟失踪九周年 旧金山各界中领馆前追问:

On August 13, 2026, people from all walks of life held a protest in front of the Consulate General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco to mark the ninth anniversary of Gao Zhisheng’s enforced disappearance. (Photos in this article provided by Guan Yongjie)

By Lyu Xiaojing

[San Francisco] On the afternoon of August 13, 2026, calls demanding the revelation of the whereabouts of Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng resounded once again in front of the Chinese Consulate General in San Francisco. That day marked the ninth anniversary of Chinese human rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng’s enforced disappearance once again. The San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party and the Chinese Democracy Education Foundation initiated the protest event. Gao Zhisheng’s wife Geng He, along with numerous pro-democracy activists, human rights lawyers, Falun Gong practitioners, and individuals concerned with human rights in China, arrived at the scene to demand that the CCP authorities immediately disclose Gao Zhisheng’s actual whereabouts and physical condition, cease the persecution of Gao Zhisheng and his family, and immediately restore his personal freedom.

Nine Years Have Passed, “This Matter Is Still Not Over”

Li Xiaolin, the planner and host of this event, stated in his opening remarks that after August 13, 2017, Gao Zhisheng was subjected to enforced disappearance once again. Nine years have passed, and his family does not know where he is, nor can the outside world learn about his actual situation and physical condition.

“Nine years is far too long for a family, and even more so for a person deprived of freedom.” Li Xiaolin stated that everyone standing here today is “not to commemorate a story that has already ended, but because this matter is still not over.”

On behalf of those present, he once again demanded answers from the CCP authorities: “Where is Gao Zhisheng?” He also demanded the disclosure of his actual whereabouts and physical condition, the restoration of his personal freedom, and an immediate end to the persecution and collective punishment targeting him and his family.

“Nine years have passed; this question must be answered.”

Gao Zhisheng’s wife Geng He spoke at the event site

Geng He: Let the song penetrate the dark night and high walls

Gao Zhisheng’s wife Geng He stated at the scene that today marks the ninth anniversary of her husband’s enforced disappearance. She thanked everyone for setting aside their work and personal lives to come to the scene despite their busy schedules, and expressed gratitude to those who have never forgotten Gao Zhisheng over the years. She also thanked fellow companions in San Francisco for composing and performing the song “Watchman of the Abyss.” Geng He stated that this song is dedicated to Gao Zhisheng, as well as to all those who remain in darkness yet still look up toward freedom and persevere in speaking out for truth and human rights. Geng He has publicly released this song on Twitter. She hopes that this song can “penetrate the dark night and high walls, allowing the truth to be seen and hope to never be extinguished.”

The significance of nine years is far more than just a number of time. For Gao Zhisheng’s family, it means that a wife has not known her husband’s whereabouts for nine years, and it also means that a family has been continuously waiting for the most fundamental answers: Where is he? Is he safe? When will he be able to return home?

The speaker holding the microphone on the right in the photo is Fang Zheng, Chairman of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party

Fang Zheng: What the CCP Fears Is the Courage Represented by Gao Zhisheng

Fang Zheng, Chairman of the San Francisco Branch of the China Democracy Party, stated that the CCP Consulate in San Francisco is a symbol of the CCP regime overseas, and everyone came here today precisely to “demand the truth” from the CCP authorities on the occasion of the ninth anniversary of Gao Zhisheng’s disappearance.

Fang Zheng believes that the reason why the CCP fears Gao Zhisheng is because the courage, perseverance, and spirit of resistance displayed by Gao Zhisheng can inspire more Chinese people. When more and more people break free from fear, begin to awaken, and courageously speak out, the very fear upon which authoritarian rule relies for its survival will also be shattered.

“Gao Zhisheng is a hero in our hearts.” Fang Zheng stated that they will continue, alongside Geng He, to demand answers regarding Gao Zhisheng’s whereabouts, and he called upon more people of conscience throughout the world to pay attention together, hoping that Gao Zhisheng will regain his freedom soon and be reunited with his family.

Chen Chuangchuang: His Perseverance Is Inseparable from His Faith

Human rights lawyer Chen Chuangchuang stated that he mainly wanted to discuss two issues today: why the CCP has long suppressed Gao Zhisheng, and what people can still do while waiting for Gao Zhisheng to regain his freedom.

Chen Chuangchuang believes that Gao Zhisheng’s perseverance over the past twenty-plus years is inextricably linked to his Christian faith. He once spoke out for Falun Gong practitioners and other persecuted individuals. Even after enduring torture and long-term separation from his family, with his family also paying a heavy price for it, he still did not choose to remain silent.

Chen Chuangchuang mentioned that although Gao Zhisheng appeared to regain his freedom after his release from prison in 2014, he remained under strict control. Under these circumstances, he continued to write and completed “Stand Up China 2017.” Chen Chuangchuang believes that precisely because Gao Zhisheng never ceased thinking and speaking out, the CCP fears that his ideas, faith, and courage will exert a broader social impact.

He called on people to continue writing open letters, publishing advertisements, reading and promoting “Stand Up China 2017” before Gao Zhisheng truly regains his freedom, so that more people will know Gao Zhisheng’s name and plight, and to continue speaking out for those who remain in darkness and have lost their freedom.

Multiple participants at the scene also individually expressed their support for Gao Zhisheng and his family.

Liu Jingtao, a member of the China Democracy Party, stated that Gao Zhisheng once sought justice for the wronged and provided legal aid to the persecuted, yet for this he paid the heavy price of losing his freedom. His family has likewise endured immense suffering, especially his wife Geng He, who over the past nine years has never ceased searching for her husband and speaking out on his behalf. He called upon the CCP authorities to release all detained prisoners of conscience, so that Gao Zhisheng may return home at an early date!

Lawyer Zhou Junhong stated that as an attorney who has similarly suffered persecution by the CCP, she deeply empathizes with the waiting and torment experienced by Gao Zhisheng’s family over the past nine years. She expressed specifically to Gao Zhisheng’s family: “You are not waiting alone.” Everyone will continue to remember Gao Zhisheng and continue to speak out for him until the truth comes to light.

Ren Mengxing, Deputy Secretary-General of the San Francisco Branch, put forward a most fundamental demand to the CCP authorities: If Gao Zhisheng is guilty, he should be tried publicly according to law, allowing the facts to be subjected to public scrutiny; if he is not guilty, he should be released immediately and his freedom restored. She emphasized that Gao Zhisheng has been missing for nine years, and the authorities cannot continue to remain silent, but must provide a clear accounting of his whereabouts and situation.

Li Shuqing, a member of the Democracy Party, stated at the scene that lawyer Gao Zhisheng has been subject to enforced disappearance for nine years, and the outside world has still not received clear news regarding his whereabouts; therefore, the truth must continue to be demanded. He stated that Gao Zhisheng has long defended rights for ordinary citizens, sacrificing his own freedom and personal safety to safeguard the rights and dignity of the people. He criticized the CCP authorities for suppressing rights defenders and disregarding the fundamental rights of ordinary citizens, demanding that the authorities immediately disclose Gao Zhisheng’s true whereabouts, provide a clear accounting to his family and the public, and allow Gao Zhisheng to regain his freedom.

Li Shuqing emphasized that as long as there is no news of Gao Zhisheng for even a single day, they will not stop demanding answers for a single day, and will continue to demand that the CCP authorities take responsibility for the persecution Gao Zhisheng has suffered. Finally, he expressed a strong demand to oppose CCP authoritarian rule and end Communist Party rule.

Lyu Xiaojing, Deputy Director of the Fremont Branch of the San Francisco Branch, stated that we should learn from Gao Zhisheng’s courage to dare to speak out, which is what the CCP fears the most. She said: Lawyer Gao, you are not fighting alone; behind you are thousands upon thousands of people supporting you, and we are with you. Lyu Xiaojing simultaneously called for attention to Gao Zhisheng’s whereabouts and for continued protests and speaking out until Gao Zhisheng regains his freedom and returns home safely.

Li Jin: Nine Years Have Passed; the Demand for Truth Will Not Disappear

Li Jin, a Falun Gong practitioner and host at Sound of Hope Radio Network, stated that Gao Zhisheng was merely doing what a lawyer ought to do—“speaking up for the vulnerable, voicing concerns for those who were wronged, and leaving a record for trampled conscience.” Li Jin mentioned that when Falun Gong practitioners were suffering persecution and smear campaigns by the CCP, Gao Zhisheng conducted in-depth investigations and interviewed Falun Gong practitioners, publicly speaking out on their behalf. Following this, Gao Zhisheng endured persecution including the revocation of his law license, surveillance, detention, and torture.

“Nine years have passed; our questioning will not disappear, our memory will not disappear, and our demand for the truth will vanish even less.” Li Jin stated that the CCP must provide an accounting to Gao Zhisheng’s family and the public. He also expressed that Sound of Hope Radio Network will continue to stand alongside Geng He and individuals concerned with human rights in China, broadcasting information toward mainland China via shortwave radio, and expressed his hope that everyone would share these tuning channels with relatives and friends in the mainland when opportunities arise.

“Every Ray of Light” Dedicated to Gao Zhisheng and All Prisoners of Conscience

At the event site, Ms. Zheng Yun, Secretary-General of the San Francisco Branch, and Mr. Lu Zhanqiang jointly recited the poem “Every Ray of Light,” dedicated to Gao Zhisheng and to all prisoners of conscience who, like him, lost their freedom for upholding their faith, conscience, and justice, while also paying tribute to those family members who have long waited, accompanied, and guarded them.

The poem reads that some write their names with their lives, while others exchange their freedom for the truth; and behind every ray of light, there is also another ray of light silently guarding it.

Through the poem, the reciters called upon people to persist in speaking the words that should be said when the world remains silent. Perhaps not everyone can become a high mountain, but one can become a spark, allowing courage and conviction to continue to be passed on.

“As long as there are still people looking up at the starry sky, as long as there are still people who believe in truth, the light will not be extinguished.”

Nine Roses, Nine Years of Waiting and Watching

Subsequently, the event held a flower-offering segment titled “Nine Years of Watching.”

The organizers prepared nine roses, symbolizing the nine years of Gao Zhisheng’s enforced disappearance. At the same time, each rose also represented a conviction that refuses to be abandoned: truth, freedom, peace, dignity, courage, conscience, watching, hope, and return. As the nine roses were offered one by one, those present once again reflected upon the nine years Gao Zhisheng lost his freedom. Nine flowers represent nine years of waiting, as well as nine years of watching. The “return” represented by the last flower embodies the most simple and yet most prolonged wish of this family—that one day, Gao Zhisheng can safely return to his wife and family.

Three Demands: Disclose Whereabouts, Restore Freedom, Stop Persecution

As the event neared its conclusion, Li Xiaolin formally read out three demands to the CCP authorities on behalf of the participants at the scene:

First, immediately disclose Mr. Gao Zhisheng’s actual whereabouts and physical condition;

Second, immediately restore Mr. Gao Zhisheng’s personal freedom;

Third, immediately stop the persecution and collective punishment targeting Mr. Gao Zhisheng and his family.

Li Xiaolin stated that these are “not excessive demands,” but the most fundamental rights of a person and a family. “Nine years is already too long. We want the truth, we want freedom, and we want Mr. Gao Zhisheng to return home safely.”

Launching the “TTT Truth Action”: Silence Cannot Bring Freedom

After reading out the three demands, Li Xiaolin announced on site the launch of a new initiative—”TTT Action—Tell the Truth.”

He stated that the reason the action was named “Tell the Truth” is that the experiences of far too many people have been covered up, far too many facts distorted, and far too many voices that ought to be heard forced into silence. “And the very first thing we can do is to speak out the truth.” Li Xiaolin stated that in the face of lies, there is an even greater need to persist in responding with truth, because what dictators fear most is the truth. He emphasized: “Silence cannot bring freedom; only speaking out can change the future.”

Subsequently, he led the on-site participants to demand answers aloud once more: “Where is Gao Zhisheng?” “Nine years is already too long.”

At the end of the event, those present faced the Consulate General of the PRC in San Francisco and collectively shouted slogans in Chinese and English: “Where is Gao Zhisheng? WHERE IS GAO ZHISHENG?”

“Immediately release Gao Zhisheng! FREE GAO ZHISHENG NOW!”

“Stop enforced disappearances! STOP ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCES!”

“Where is Gao Zhisheng! Immediately release Gao Zhisheng! Nine years is already too long!”

Nine years can allow a child to grow up, and is enough to alter the life trajectory of a family. Yet nine years have passed, and Gao Zhisheng’s wife and family are still waiting for a few most fundamental questions to be answered: Where is he? How is his physical condition? When will he be able to return home?

The harm brought by enforced disappearances is never merely the deprivation of one person’s freedom. When a person’s whereabouts remain unknown for a long time, and family members cannot verify his condition and safety, the waiting itself becomes a prolonged torment.

In the day’s event, from Geng He’s nine years of watching, to the solidarity of fellow lawyers; from “Watchman of the Abyss” to “Every Ray of Light”; from the nine roses symbolizing nine years of waiting, to the words “you are not waiting alone”; ultimately, all voices converged in front of the consulate into question after question repeated over and over:

Where is Gao Zhisheng?

Nine years have passed, and this simplest of questions has still not received an open, credible answer.

And for the people at the scene, commemorating the ninth anniversary was not to look back at something that had already passed, but to remind the outside world: one person’s freedom has yet to return, and a family’s waiting has yet to end.

The last rose among the nine roses is called “Return.” This is perhaps also the simplest wish to which all demands of that day ultimately pointed:

Disclose the truth, stop the persecution, immediately release Gao Zhisheng. Let Gao Zhisheng return home.

Interviews, speeches, and scene silhouettes from the event.

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Ge Bing

二十块钱到香港

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从“热爱家乡”到“偷渡客”

作者:黄维克

记得那时候的深圳罗湖桥破破烂烂,我提着大包小包走到中线,非常犹豫地迈步去对面,那毕竟是国境线。回首一看桥头上的对联:“热爱祖国、保卫家乡”。

一位穿着草绿色军装的解放军战士呵斥我,叫我赶快离开,他的衣服显得很寒碜, 态度也十分不耐烦。桥这边站了一位身穿黑色呢子制服的女警察,她朝我微笑然后手指着我应该走的路线。

我手上握着一张有着中英文的“通行证”,还有那好久不见的繁体字,可以说从小到大没看过那么厚实的纸张。等候入境的大厅里坐满了人,他们来自全国各地,中午每人还发一份盒饭,感觉人家都要下班了还没轮到我。

原来广播里早就叫了我的名字很多次,因为他们说的是广东话,我感觉“那个人”与自己毫无关系。

好不容易登上了去九龙红磡的火车,那时候的列车还是客货混载,有那种运货的闷罐车,也有运牲畜和蔬菜的。在一个位置坐下来四处打量,这一切对我来讲都是那么新鲜。

对面坐了一个四十多岁、和蔼可亲的中年妇女,她主动与我打招呼,普通话比我说得标准,表示可以帮我提行李。我当时“阶级斗争的那根弦”绷得很紧,很坚决地拒绝了。

记得那时的人不会有今天的旅行箱,箱子下面也绝对没有轮子,整个火车上就我一个人最“论尽”(广东话),感觉到谁都想要帮我。还是那位女士提出来给我一百港币作为押金……

到了九龙总站,多亏有她的帮助。我像傻瓜一样站在大厅中间不知道做什么好,手上紧紧地握着那张写有名字电话地址的纸条,还有就是那仅有的二十块钱港币。还是她给我从来没见过面的外祖父打了一个电话。

他们讲的都是广东话,内容大概是说,我的钱可能不够支付出租车费,我又拒绝任何金钱的帮助。当年过海隧道收费每程五块钱(还得收来回),要去的地方是铜锣湾,大概叫我外祖父在楼下拿着钱等我。

就这样,我离开了九龙半岛到达了香港岛。

以前有人说,大陆和香港的差别,就像黑白电视与彩色电视的差别。 我感受到更多的是“文化冲击”。

的士飞快地穿过海底隧道,司机大佬透过倒后镜打量我,仿佛在想:哪里来了一位“不会讲话”的人?他明显兜圈子了,本来应该够的车资,结果成了我倒欠他十几块钱。

我把仅有的二十港元交到他手上,他抓住我的衣领,高喊要报警抓人,惩罚这位坐霸王车的“偷渡客”。外祖父在哪里?我怎么一来就闯祸?

外祖父原来等的地方是“双黄线”,的士不可以停靠。他们争吵的广东话我也听不懂,大概是本来就是港岛车,不应该收双份的隧道费(每程五块)。

仅有的二十块钱就这样没了,那可是我跑了好几天,好几个不同的部门,盖了好几个红印章才换来的,我还记得汇率是0.26人民币等于1港币。

那时候出行前,关心我的人都来送行,听说人民币在香港没有用,有人给了我全国粮票,还有的人说可能要国际粮票。我也搞不清楚,香港需不需要用粮票。

我的全副身家还剩下一把可以套现的德国小提琴。小提琴的指板和旋钮上还镶有贝壳花,即使没人碰它,它也是一件非常漂亮的艺术品。那是花了父母的半辈子储蓄(当时在上海价值一千人民币)。

我的老师是上海电影乐团的小提琴首席,他一半广东人一半德国人。当时他家有栋很大的洋房在出售,别人给两万八千,三个兄妹都不同意,说不好分执意要三万 ,这样三家人都成为“万元户”。

做父母的不容易,担心儿子在香港人生地不熟,可能潦倒到连饭都吃不饱。最坏的情形都能想到,酒吧混一晚饭吃做一个“洋琴鬼”,或者街边拉琴求人帮助,过路人总会扔一些零钱在提琴盒子里 。

因为“文革”早期,上海邻居儿子“阿六头”,刚刚从香港回来,头发留得比女人还长,听说他就是在酒吧里打鼓的。里弄干部告诉他不可以唱外国歌,结果他唱《东方红》都带着鼓点,成了非常特别的摇滚版本。

他与祖父经常聚在一起用英文聊天,什么内容好像都要保密。就是因为他说在香港有一技之长,很容易混口饭吃,就这样我也成了“音乐人”。

父亲说实在混不下去,卖掉这把小提琴,买张机票回来吧。一路火车周折,加上繁琐的过关,我时时刻刻把这“宝贝”搂在怀里。

不仅是价值还有一份感情,有时候孤独了还想搂着睡觉,怎么会舍得卖掉呢?毕竟她是陪我从大陆到香港,再远渡重洋来到加拿大。

编辑:周志刚 校对:熊辩 翻译:戈冰

Twenty Yuan to Hong Kong

From “Loving the Homeland” to “Illegal Immigrant”

Author: Huang Weike

Abstract: This article recounts the author’s early experience of moving to live in Hong Kong. The author suffered a massive culture shock in Hong Kong and was referred to as an “illegal immigrant” by a taxi driver.

I remember back then the Luohu Bridge in Shenzhen was dilapidated and run-down. Carrying bags and bundles of all sizes, I walked to the midpoint line and stepped across to the opposite side with great hesitation—that was, after all, a national border line. Looking back, I saw the couplet on the bridge tower: “Love the Motherland, Defend the Homeland.”

A People’s Liberation Army soldier wearing a grass-green uniform yelled at me, telling me to hurry up and leave. His uniform looked quite shabby, and his attitude was extremely impatient. Standing on this side of the bridge was a female police officer wearing a black wool tunic uniform; she smiled at me and pointed with her finger to the path I should take.

In my hand, I held a “Two-Way Permit” printed in both Chinese and English, featuring traditional Chinese characters that I had not seen in a long time. It can be said that from childhood to adulthood, I had never seen such thick, sturdy paper. The immigration waiting hall was packed with people who had come from all over the country. At noon, everyone was issued a boxed lunch. I felt as though the staff were about to off work, yet my turn still had not come.

It turned out that my name had long been called over the loudspeaker many times. Because they were speaking Cantonese, I felt that “that person” had absolutely nothing to do with me.

With great difficulty, I boarded the train bound for Hung Hom, Kowloon. Back then, the train still carried both passengers and cargo mixed together; there were boxcars used for freight, as well as those for livestock and vegetables. Sitting down in a seat, I looked around in every direction; to me, all of this was so fresh and novel.

Sitting opposite me was an amiable, friendly middle-aged woman in her forties. She took the initiative to greet me, speaking Standard Mandarin even better than I did, and offered to help carry my luggage. At that time, “the string of class struggle” in my mind was pulled extremely tight, and I firmly refused her.

I remember people back then did not have today’s suitcases, and there were absolutely no wheels on the bottom of boxes. On the entire train, I was the most “lún jùn” (cantankerous and awkward in Cantonese), feeling as though everyone wanted to help me. That lady still proposed giving me one hundred Hong Kong dollars as a deposit…

Arriving at the Kowloon Terminus, it was all thanks to her help. Standing in the middle of the hall like an idiot, I did not know what to do, tightly holding in my hand that slip of paper written with a name, telephone number, and address, along with those mere twenty Hong Kong dollars I possessed. She was the one who placed a phone call to my maternal grandfather, whom I had never met before.

They were both speaking Cantonese. The general content was that my money might not be enough to pay for the taxi fare, and I refused any financial assistance. In those days, the Cross-Harbour Tunnel toll was five dollars per trip (and they even collected for the round trip). The destination I was going to was Causeway Bay, so she essentially asked my maternal grandfather to wait for me downstairs with money in hand.

Just like that, I left the Kowloon Peninsula and arrived on Hong Kong Island.

Previously, people said that the difference between Mainland China and Hong Kong was like the difference between black-and-white television and color television. What I felt even more was “culture shock.”

The taxi sped through the Cross-Harbour Tunnel, and the driver looked me over through the rearview mirror, as if thinking: Where did this person who “doesn’t know how to speak” come from? He was clearly taking a circuitous route; what should have been an adequate fare ended up leaving me owing him over a dozen dollars.

I handed the only twenty Hong Kong dollars I had over to him, and he grabbed my collar, shouting that he would call the police to arrest me and punish this “illegal immigrant” riding a taxi without paying the fare. Where was my maternal grandfather? How had I gotten into trouble the moment I arrived?

It turned out the place where my maternal grandfather was waiting was a “double yellow line,” where taxis were not allowed to stop. I could not understand the Cantonese they were arguing in either, but it was roughly that since it was originally an Island taxi, it should not collect double the tunnel toll (five dollars each way).

My only twenty dollars was gone just like that. That was money I had obtained only after running around for several days, visiting several different departments, and getting several red official stamps stamped; I still remember the exchange rate was 0.26 RMB to 1 HKD.

Before setting out back then, people who cared about me all came to see me off. Hearing that RMB was useless in Hong Kong, some gave me national grain coupons, while others said international grain coupons might be needed. I could not figure it out either—whether Hong Kong needed grain coupons or not.

My total family wealth left was a German violin that could be cashed in. Shell floral patterns were even inlaid on the violin’s fingerboard and tuning pegs; even if no one touched it, it was a very beautiful piece of artwork. That had cost half my parents’ life savings (valued at one thousand RMB in Shanghai at the time).

My teacher was the concertmaster of the Shanghai Film Orchestra, half Cantonese and half German. At that time, his family had a large Western-style house for sale; someone offered twenty-eight thousand, but the three siblings all disagreed, saying it was hard to split and insisting on thirty thousand, so that all three families could become “ten-thousand-yuan households.”

It is not easy being parents; they worried that their son, unfamiliar with the people and places in Hong Kong, might be down and out to the point of not even having enough to eat. They could think of even the worst-case scenario: hanging around bars to get a meal as a “foreign-violin ghost” (a foreign instrument musician), or playing the violin on the street corner to beg for help, where passersby would always throw some spare change into the violin case.

Because in the early days of the “Cultural Revolution,” “A-Liu-Tou,” the son of a Shanghai neighbor, had just returned from Hong Kong with hair grown even longer than a woman’s; I heard he played drums in bars. The lane committee cadres told him he could not sing foreign songs, so he ended up singing “The East Is Red” with a drumbeat rhythm, making it a very peculiar rock-and-roll version.

He and my grandfather often gathered together to chat in English, and whatever the content was seemed to require secrecy. Precisely because he said that having a technical skill in Hong Kong made it very easy to earn a living, I became a “musician” just like that.

My father said if I really could not make a living, I should sell this violin and buy an airplane ticket to come back. Through all the twists and turns on the train journey, plus the tedious customs clearances, I held this “precious baby” in my arms at every moment.

It was not only the value, but also an emotional bond; sometimes when I felt lonely, I even wanted to hold it to sleep, so how could I bear to sell it? After all, she accompanied me from Mainland China to Hong Kong, and then crossed the vast ocean to come to Canada.

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Ge Bing

当单亲妈妈凌晨出门挣钱,谁来照顾孩子

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作者:杨长兵

8月15日,贵州黔东南丹寨发生了一幕让人揪心的事情。

天还没亮,一个孩子不知什么时候醒来,发现妈妈不在身边,竟然爬到了窗台附近,最后被卡在窗户栏杆上,哇哇大哭。家里当时没有其他人,幸亏一名男子及时发现,徒手爬上防盗网,把孩子稳稳托住,一直坚持到警察赶来,孩子才最终脱险。这位见义勇为的好心人,当然值得感谢。但在庆幸孩子平安的同时,我觉得我们还应该问一句:为什么这样的危险会发生?

后来了解到,孩子的妈妈是一名单亲母亲。为了挣钱养家,她天还没亮就出门接单,没想到孩子醒来之后找不到妈妈,自己爬到了窗台上。

看到这里,很多人的第一反应可能是:“妈妈怎么能把这么小的孩子一个人留在家里?”这句话不能说完全没有道理。孩子的安全当然需要成年人负责。

但如果我们只停留在责备母亲,就很容易忽略另一个更加现实的问题:一个独自抚养孩子、又必须靠劳动维持家庭生活的母亲,到底还能怎么办?她不出去工作,家里的房租、吃饭、奶粉、衣服和各种生活开支怎么办?她出去工作,孩子又由谁照顾?

如果一个社会要求一名单亲母亲既必须全职挣钱养家,又必须全天候照顾孩子,同时还没有足够的托育服务、家庭支持和社会保障,那么所谓的“选择”,其实很可能根本不是选择。这也是为什么,一个社会的文明程度,不能只看GDP有多高,也不能只看经济总量排在世界第几。真正值得我们关注的是:当一个普通人跌到生活的最低处时,社会有没有一张能够接住他的安全网?尤其是那些没有能力保护自己的孩子。

孩子没有选择自己的家庭,也没有能力决定父母的收入,更无法理解为什么妈妈必须凌晨出去工作。他们不应该因为出生在单亲家庭、低收入家庭,就承担更多本不该由他们承担的风险。所以,我们既应该感谢那个伸手救下孩子的人,也应该思考,怎样才能让这样的“英雄救援”越来越少发生。

这背后涉及的,其实不仅仅是一个家庭,而是托育、儿童福利、就业保障和社会救助等一系列问题。比如,低收入家庭能不能获得更加可负担的托育服务?单亲父母在最困难的时候,能不能获得足够的临时照护支持?儿童福利能不能更加精准地覆盖真正有需要的家庭?一个人因为暂时失去收入、家庭结构发生变化时,能不能得到基本的生活保障?

这些问题,看起来都是冷冰冰的政策问题,但最终对应的,却是一个个具体的人。是那个凌晨出门接单、为了孩子拼命挣钱的母亲。是那个天还没亮就醒来,因为找不到妈妈而爬上窗台的孩子。也是那个恰好路过、伸手托住孩子的普通人。一个真正成熟的社会,不应该只在悲剧发生以后,依靠好心人的勇敢去挽救个体。更理想的状态,是在危险发生之前,就已经有足够完善的制度,把那些最困难的人接住。

经济发展当然重要,GDP当然重要。但GDP最终应该转化成什么?应该转化成孩子更安全的成长环境,转化成普通家庭面对风险时的底气,也应该让一个辛苦工作的母亲,不必在“养活孩子”和“照顾孩子”之间被迫做一道残酷的选择题。所以,这件事最值得我们记住的,不只是那个徒手爬上防盗网救孩子的英雄。

我们更应该记住的是:一个社会真正的文明,不是看它有没有英雄,而是看它能不能让普通人少一点不得不冒险求生的时刻。愿每一个孩子,都能在需要的时候有人照看;愿每一个努力生活的父母,都不必独自扛下所有风险。而这,或许才是社会保障真正应该存在的意义。

编辑:冯仍   校对:冯仍 翻译:沈美花

When a Single Mother Leaves Home in the Early Hours to Earn a Living, Who Looks After the Child?

Author: Yang Zhangbing

On August 15, a heartbreaking scene occurred in Danzhai, Qiandongnan, Guizhou.

Before dawn, a child woke up at an unknown hour and, finding their mother absent, unexpectedly climbed toward the window sill. The child ultimately became stuck in the window grilles, crying out desperately. There was no one else at home. Fortunately, a passerby noticed in time, climbed up the security cage with his bare hands, and securely held the child up, holding on until the police arrived to rescue the child from danger. This good Samaritan who acted courageously is, of course, worthy of our gratitude. However, while feeling relieved that the child is safe, I believe we should also ask: Why did such a hazard occur in the first place?

It was later learned that the child’s mother is a single mother. To earn money to support the household, she went out before dawn to take gig orders. She never expected that after the child woke up and could not find her, the child would climb onto the window sill alone.

Seeing this, many people’s first reaction might be: “How could a mother leave such a young child home alone?” This statement is not entirely without reason. An adult must indeed be responsible for a child’s safety.

However, if we stop at blaming the mother, it becomes easy to overlook another far more real question: For a mother raising a child alone who must also rely on her own labor to maintain the household, what else can she possibly do? If she does not go out to work, how will she pay for rent, food, milk powder, clothes, and various living expenses? If she goes out to work, who will look after the child?

If a society requires a single mother to work full-time to support her family while simultaneously demanding that she provide round-the-clock child care—without offering adequate childcare services, family support, or social guarantees—then the so-called “choice” is, in reality, likely no choice at all. This is also why the degree of civilization of a society cannot be measured solely by how high its GDP is, nor by where its economic aggregate ranks in the world. What truly deserves our attention is: When an ordinary person falls to the lowest point of life, does the society possess a safety net capable of catching them? Especially for those children who have no capacity to protect themselves.

Children do not choose their families, nor do they have the ability to determine their parents’ income, let alone comprehend why their mother must leave for work in the early morning. They should not have to bear additional risks that they ought not to bear simply because they were born into a single-parent or low-income family. Therefore, while we ought to thank the person who reached out to save the child, we should also reflect on how to make such “heroic rescues” happen less and less frequently.

What lies behind this issue actually involves not just a single family, but a series of matters including childcare, child welfare, employment security, and social assistance. For example, can low-income families gain access to more affordable childcare services? Can single parents receive sufficient temporary care support in their moments of greatest hardship? Can child welfare precisely cover the families that genuinely need it? When an individual temporarily loses income or experiences a change in family structure, can they obtain basic livelihood support?

These questions may appear to be cold policy issues, but ultimately, they correspond to concrete, real individuals. It is that mother who leaves home in the early morning to accept orders, striving desperately to make a living for her child. It is that child who wakes up before dawn and climbs onto the window sill because they cannot find their mother. And it is that ordinary person who happened to pass by and reached out to hold up the child. A truly mature society should not rely on the courage of good Samaritans to save individuals only after a tragedy occurs. A more ideal state is one where sufficiently sound institutions already exist before danger strikes to catch those who are in the greatest difficulty.

Economic development is certainly important, and GDP is certainly important. But what should GDP ultimately translate into? It should translate into a safer environment for children to grow up in, into the confidence of ordinary families when facing risks, and into allowing a hard-working mother to avoid being forced to make a cruel choice between “feeding her child” and “caring for her child.” Therefore, the most memorable part of this incident should not merely be the hero who climbed the security cage with his bare hands to save the child.

What we ought to remember even more is this: The true civilization of a society is measured not by whether it produces heroes, but by whether it can reduce the moments in which ordinary people are forced to risk their lives to survive. May every child have someone to look after them when needed; may every parent who works hard to live not have to shoulder all risks entirely alone. And this, perhaps, is the true meaning of why social security ought to exist.

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Shen Meihua