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浅谈制度与人民

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浅谈制度与人民

作者:周恒
编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:侯改英 校对:程筱筱 翻译:彭小梅

到底是人民选择了制度,还是制度塑造了人民?这是一个经典的问题。2024年诺贝尔经济学奖获得者的观点是:国家的繁荣主要取决于其社会制度。我的观点是制度和人民就是国家的两条腿,它们相互依存相互影响,国家拥有健康的双脚才能持久繁荣。我们先来看看被很多悲观人士形容为“盐碱地”的中国现状。

浅谈制度与人民

2000多年以来,中国这片土地上最大的悲哀在于逆淘汰。真正有灵魂、有血性的人都会在一次又一次的政治清洗与杀戮中被消灭。这个族群早已失去骨气和勇气。能够活下来的,都是胆小怕事、虚伪狡诈的庸众。而今中国人都是庸人、怂人的后代,这样的人民是赤色共产主义滋生的温床,发展的沃土。

近代一百年来,中共集苏共和德国纳粹洗脑手段之精华,利用国家机器将中国人思维方式和价值观彻底摧毁。本来被视为耻辱的欺骗,在高压与宣传体系下逐渐被视为“生存智慧”;批评政府本应是公民责任,但在宣传体系下被混淆为“攻击国家”;中共和人民没有共同利益,但被洗脑的人民却相信他们和中共有共同的敌人,那就是国内的资本家和西方反华势力。

季羡林说:“在中国公有制的体系里,每个单位都是小人的天下。正直的人总是少数,且无权势。群众的眼睛是瞎的、势力的,他们大部分时间不会站在君子一边。坏人是不会变好的,因为他们不认为自己是坏的……”这些话虽然带有时代情绪,但反映出不少知识分子的共同观察。

陈丹青更是说:“在中国,如果你没有背景,还要选择做一个好人,200%会落入社会底层。哪怕你才华横溢,哪怕你有真知灼见,社会的筛子会把你过滤掉。越是循规蹈矩、刚正不阿、天性善良的人,越容易被淘汰。你所有的优点都会成为竞争中的劣势。”可见在制度性的激励结构中,清白与善良不能带来制度回报,是因为中共一直在故意让社会道德沦丧、是非颠倒。他们指鹿为马,他们让好人不得好报,让坑蒙拐骗横行,让无底限作恶者得到嘉奖和重用。中共这么做的目的:一是对内分化底层,让底层无凝聚力呈原子化,便于维稳统治;二是对外败坏中国人的形象,让外国人认为中国人素质低,不值得拯救,不要去“干涉中国内政”,这也利于中共长期独裁统治;三是让中国人强化意识得出结论:中国人素质低,中国不能搞西方民主,一搞就乱。中国只能由中共这样强力的中央集权的政党执政,中国才能稳定并且逐步走向富强。

中共和他们的喉舌宣传的这种论调极其荒谬,经不起推敲。试问如果中国人民素质低下不适合搞西方民主制度,那为什么中国人可以实行他们所谓的“更加先进的社会主义制度”?难道是社会主义对人民的素质要求不高?还是社会主义不如资本主义民主?

一般来说,国家制度分两种:①专制暴政,②民主法治;人民也分为两种:A:野蛮、奴性、盲从集体;B:理性、独立思考、个人负责。国家制度和人民两两组合,共有四种情况:

第一种情况①+A:专制暴政洗脑让人民更加愚昧,愚昧的人民默许服从,让专制暴政更加稳固。中国大陆就是这种情况。这种情况下的国家制度和人民,像看似稳定的两只脚,实则是病态的,走不长久。它一定会从内部瓦解或者被外力改变。转换成其他三种情况之一。

第二种情况①+B:要么理性人民推翻专制暴政,要么专制暴政驯化奴化理性的人民。这种情况下的国家制度和人民,像两只不同步的脚,不能行走。他一定会快速转变为第一种情况,或者是第四种情况。

第三种情况②+A:要么民主法治制度启蒙教育转化奴性的人民,要么奴性的人民推翻民主法治制度。这种情况下的国家制度和人民像不同步的两只脚,依然不能行走。他一定会快速转变为第一种情况,或者是第四种情况。

第四种情况②+B。这种情况下的国家制度和人民,是真正和谐稳定步调一致的两只脚。即使偶尔有重大错误也能及时自我纠错、自我纠偏,回到正轨。而其它三种情况最终都将转变成这种情况,正所谓“天下大势,浩浩汤汤”,历史潮流滚滚向前谁也无法阻挡。

推翻中共再造共和是所有民运人士的理想。当这一天真正来临时,我们不得不提防民主倒退和专制复辟,所以在重建民主法治制度的同时,也要加强对人民的逻辑和反思教育——让理性回归人民,让人民学会独立思考。因为只有这样的人民才能保护民主制度有效运行,这样的民主制度才能让全体人民得到平等的权利和尊严。这样制度下的中国才能摆脱被专制反复奴役的历史往复,才能变得真正文明和繁荣。

需要警醒的是,长期专制奴役在现代实际中形成的思维方式,不可能一代人就完全消失,要迎接那个时候的来临,需要至少两代人努力彻底地文化隔绝。这是中共执政事实下的必然代价。就像摩西带领以色列人出埃及后,在旷野里走40年,让奴性思维的人全部死去才带领剩余的人进入上帝应许的迦南地。希望那个时代能够善待他们。他们是我们的弟兄姊妹,他们只是中共统治的受害者。

A Brief Discussion on Institutions and the People

Author: Zhou Heng
Editor: Feng Reng Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator:Xiaomei Peng

Abstract:

This article examines the mutually shaping relationship between political institutions and the people. It argues that the CCP uses brainwashing and reverse selection to cultivate a submissive populace, creating a vicious cycle of authoritarianism. Only by rebuilding democratic institutions and renewing rational thinking among the people can China escape the “historical cycle” and move toward genuine freedom and prosperity.

Are institutions chosen by the people, or are the people shaped by institutions? This is a classic question. The 2024 Nobel Prize in Economics asserts that a nation’s prosperity depends primarily on its social institutions. My view is that institutions and the people are like the two legs of a nation—interdependent and mutually reinforcing. A country can prosper sustainably only when both legs are healthy.

Let us first look at the current situation in China, which many pessimists describe as a “barren land” for civic development.

For over two millennia, the greatest tragedy on this land has been reverse selection. Individuals with soul, integrity, and courage have been repeatedly eliminated through waves of political purges and killings. The Chinese people have long been stripped of their backbone and bravery. Those who survived are often the timid, the cunning, and the mediocre. Today’s Chinese are largely the descendants of the timid and compliant—fertile soil for the growth of red totalitarianism.

Over the past century, the CCP has absorbed and refined the propaganda and brainwashing techniques of the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, using the machinery of the state to completely destroy Chinese modes of thinking and systems of values. Behaviors once considered shameful—deception and manipulation—have, under high-pressure propaganda, been redefined as “survival skills.” Criticizing the government, originally a civic duty, is now framed as “attacking the nation.”

Although the CCP and the people share no common interests, indoctrinated citizens are convinced that they and the CCP face the same enemies—domestic entrepreneurs and the anti-China force of the West.

Writer Ji Xianlin once said: “Under China’s public-ownership system, every workplace is ruled by petty men. The upright is always the minority and hold no power. The masses are blind and opportunistic; most of the time, they do not stand with the upright. Bad people will not become good, for they do not think they are bad.” Though tinted with the emotions of his era, his words reflect a common observation among many intellectuals. Artist Chen Danqing put it more bluntly:

“In China, if you have no background and still choose to be a good person, you will certainly fall to the bottom of society—even if you are talented, even if you possess real insight. Society’s sieve filters you out. The more honest, upright, and kind you are, the more likely you are to be eliminated.” In a system where morality is deliberately inverted, goodness yields no institutional reward. The CCP ensures moral degradation and universal confusion: calling a deer a horse, punishing the righteous, rewarding the deceitful, and promoting the utterly shameless. Why?

1. To atomize the lower classes, preventing solidarity and making authoritarian control easier.

2. To tarnish the global image of the Chinese people, so foreigners conclude China is not worth helping—thus reducing pressure on CCP dictatorship.

3. To reinforce the narrative that “Chinese people are not suited for democracy,” so that only a centralized authoritarian party can maintain “stability and prosperity.”

This narrative collapses under the slightest scrutiny. If Chinese people supposedly lack the “quality” for Western democracy, how can they implement the CCP’s so-called “more advanced socialist system”? Does socialism require lower civic quality? Or is socialism simply inferior to democratic capitalism?

Broadly, national systems fall into two categories:

① Authoritarian tyranny

② Democratic rule of law

Likewise, people can be divided into two types:

A. Submissive, collectivist, and easily manipulated

B. Rational, independent thinkers who take personal responsibility

This yields four combinations:

1. Authoritarian + Submissive (① + A)

Authoritarian rule produces an even more submissive populace, and submissive people reinforce authoritarianism. Mainland China represents this model. Such a state appears stable, but is fundamentally unhealthy and unsustainable. It will eventually collapse from within or be transformed by external forces.

2. Authoritarian + Rational (① + B)

Either rational citizens overthrow the regime, or the regime forcibly reshapes citizens into obedience. This combination cannot last long; it quickly shifts to either the first or the fourth scenario.

3. Democracy + Submissive (② + A)

Either democratic institutions enlighten the people, or the submissive people dismantle democracy. Again, this combination is unstable.

4. Democracy + Rational (② + B)

This is the truly stable combination. Even when serious mistakes occur, the system can self-correct and return to the right path. All other combinations eventually evolve into this one, because the tide of history flows irreversibly toward rationality and democracy.

To overthrow the CCP and rebuild a republic is the ideal of all democracy activists. When that day comes, the greatest danger will be democratic backsliding or authoritarian relapse. Therefore, rebuilding democratic institutions must go hand in hand with strengthening the logical and reflective capacity of the people—restoring rationality and cultivating independent thought. Only rational citizens can safeguard democratic institutions; only democratic institutions can protect the equal rights and dignity of the people. Only then can China escape the endless cycle of authoritarian relapse and rise as a truly civilized and prosperous nation.

One must remain sober: the mental frameworks shaped by long-term authoritarian rule cannot disappear in a single generation. To fully transition, at least two generations of cultural renewal will be required. Just as Moses led the Israelites through the wilderness for forty years—allowing the generation enslaved in Egypt to pass away before entering the Promised Land—China will need time to let old mindsets fade. May the coming era treat its people kindly.They are our brothers and sisters—victims of CCP rule, not its accomplices.

洛杉矶 11月23日 《全球觉醒》第四十八期 白纸运动三周年纪念

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洛杉矶 11月23日 《全球觉醒》第四十八期 白纸运动三周年纪念
洛杉矶 11月23日 《全球觉醒》第四十八期 白纸运动三周年纪念

《全球覺醒》第四十八期

民主不滅 良知長存 推翻暴政 重建自由中國

【活動主題】白紙運動三周年 悼亡者、問罪者、呼自由

我們再次站在這裡,站在自由空氣之中,站在無人能夠奪走我們聲音的土地上,紀念三年前那場震撼世界的公民覺醒白紙運動。

2022 年 11 月的深夜,一張張空白的紙被舉起。那紙上沒有文字,卻寫滿了憤怒、悲傷與反抗;那是一代人對謊言的審判,是對國家暴力的控訴,是對一個基本事實的吶喊:人民有權活著,有權說話,有權拒絕荒謬。

烏魯木齊那場本不該發生的死亡,把無數沉默的人推向街頭。年輕人、學生、普通工人、母親與父親,他們沒有武器,卻用最簡單的白紙,劃破了恐懼、撕開了審查,也告訴世界:哪怕面對極權,人的尊嚴依然可以堅定站立。

三年過去了,我們依然記得那些被捕的青年,那些被學校威脅的學生,那些消失至今、仍在黑暗中承受壓力的人們。

我們不僅是在紀念,更是在抗議。我們抗議謊言、抗議封鎖、抗議對真相者的追捕;我們抗議國家用審查遮住過去,也試圖遮住未來;我們抗議讓人民噤聲、讓社會沉默、讓年輕人付出代價的暴政邏輯。

但我們也在宣告白紙從未白費。三年前被點燃的火種,並沒有隨著封控的結束而熄滅;它散落在世界各地,散落在每一位今天來到這裡的你們心中。我們在自由裡發聲,是為了那些仍不能說話的人。我們在光明中站立,是為了那些仍在黑暗中的人。

讓我們一起紀念、一起追問、一起堅持。因為白紙的故事沒有結束,它仍在寫著未來。

為真相發聲,為自由舉紙!

白紙是力量,不是犯罪!

釋放所有白紙運動被捕者!

讓世界記住白紙的光!

時間:2025年11月23日(星期日)3:30PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:廖軍/劉廣賢

活動規劃:孫曄/周蘭英

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

胡月明4806536918/于越 6266498381

王尊福 6269773679 /陳斌9093780791

趙書廣6268663344 /張維清 6265068741

活動義工:于海龍/王彪/劉樂園 /呂峰/邢倫基/ 陈锦波/高孟霞

攝影:Ji Luo/陸敏健/王永/張允密

主辦單位:

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

纽约 时代广场 11月22日 抗议中共暴政活动

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纽约 时代广场 11月22日 抗议中共暴政活动
纽约 时代广场 11月22日 抗议中共暴政活动

中国民主党第765次茉莉花抗议中共暴政活动 — 活动预告

日期:2025年11月22日(周六)

时间:晚9:00

地点:纽约 · 时代广场(Times Square)

活动发起组织:中国民主党全委会纽约

活动总指挥:崔永

活动主持人:刘川

暴政声明宣读:侯改英

中国民主党将举行第765次茉莉花抗议中共暴政集会。我们将继续以和平、公开、非暴力的方式发声,呼吁国际社会关注中国正在发生的专制压迫、人权迫害与言论打压。

本次活动重点声援:

•被中共长期监禁、失踪、软禁的异议人士与维权律师

•受迫害的宗教群体、良心犯与政治难民

•因追求自由、捍卫人权而遭受压制的普通中国公民

现场将由中国民主党成员宣读抗暴宣言表达我们对中共迫害的民主和人权斗士的不懈支持和坚定声援,致敬所有为中国自由付出的人们。

欢迎所有关心民主、人权、自由的朋友加入我们。

你的站立,就是力量。

中国民主党

2025年11月20日

Jasmine Protest Against CCP Tyranny — Event Notice

(The 765th Weekly Protest by the China Democratic Party)

Date: Saturday, November 22,2025

Time: 9:00 PM

Location: Times Square, New York City

Organized by: China Democratic Party National Committee – New York

Event Commander: Cui Yong

Event Host: Liu Chuan

Declaration Reader: Hou Gaiying

The China Democratic Party will hold its 765th Jasmine Protest Against CCP Tyranny. We continue to speak out through peaceful, public, and nonviolent action, calling on the international community to pay close attention to the ongoing authoritarian oppression, human rights violations, and suppression of free expression in China.

This event will highlight solidarity with:

•Dissidents and human rights lawyers who have been imprisoned, disappeared, or placed under house arrest by the CCP

•Persecuted religious groups, prisoners of conscience, and political refugees

•Ordinary Chinese citizens who suffer repression simply for pursuing freedom and defending human rights

At the event, CDP members will deliver an Anti-Tyranny Declaration, share testimonies, and conduct the symbolic “Jasmine Candlelight Action” in honor of all those who have sacrificed for freedom in China.

We welcome everyone who cares about democracy, human rights, and freedom to join us.

Your presence is power.

China Democratic Party

November 20, 2025

旧金山 11月22日 中国民主党 支持日本协防台湾

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旧金山 11月22日 中国民主党 支持日本协防台湾
旧金山 11月22日 中国民主党 支持日本协防台湾

公告

支持日本协防台湾 共同守护民主世界的和平与文明

在当今国际局势风云变幻的大时代,我们郑重发出如下宣示:

坚定支持高市早苗首相与日本政府协防台湾

我们完全支持日本首相高市早苗女士明确提出的战略立场:

台湾有事即日本有事,台湾有事即民主世界有事。

中共一旦入侵台湾,即等同向整个民主世界宣战。日本的安全、亚洲的稳定、全球的和平都将因此受到巨大威胁。

日本在二战后,在美国与麦克阿瑟将军推动的宪政改革下,早已从军国主义阴影中走出,成为自由、民主、和平与法治的典范国家。

因此,我们赞赏日本积极承担国际责任,支持日本与台湾共同守护第一岛链的战略安全,共同守护印太地区的自由航行与和平稳定。

台湾问题不是中共的“内政” 而是全球文明的对决

今天的台湾问题,早已不是中共虚构的“内政”问题。

守住台湾,就是守住全球民主体系的第一道防线。

保护台湾,就是保护整个自由世界未来的方向。

中共是威胁世界和平的极权政权

中共以极权之力绑架十三亿中国人民,把人民当作统治的工具、当作人质、当作炮灰;

对内专制压榨,对外战狼挑衅,是当今世界最大的不稳定因素。在其威胁下,中国人民深受暴政之害,台湾面临武力恐吓,日本与亚洲各民主国家安全蒙受危险,国际秩序不断遭到破坏。

因此,反对中共的战狼外交,是维护世界和平的必要步骤。

民主世界必须承担起共同的道义责任

面对一个以暴力统治人民、以谎言欺骗世界、以战争威胁邻国的极权政权,民主世界必须团结一致:

支持台湾保卫民主

支持日本协防台湾、巩固第一岛链

支持民主国家对抗极权扩张

支持中国人民争取自由,摆脱中共暴政

推翻中共非法政权,不仅是中国人民的解放之路,更是维护世界和平、阻止战争爆发的必要条件。

我们的立场

我们严正宣布:

支持高市早苗首相!支持日本协防台湾!

台湾有事即日本有事、即民主世界有事!

坚决反对中共的战狼外交与对台湾的军事威胁!

呼吁民主国家共同制止中共侵略扩张!

呼吁国际社会与中国人民携手终结中共极权,重建一个自由、民主的中国!

守卫台湾,就是守卫世界文明。

守卫自由,就是守卫全人类的未来。

主办单位:中国民主党旧金山党部

召集人:缪青,胡丕政

发起人:陈森峰,李凯,高应芬

负责人:李树青, 卫仁喜, 高俊影, 陈怀罗,庄帆,刘静涛

活动时间

2025年11月22日(周六)

12:00am – 14:00pm

活动地点

旧金山中国领事馆前

Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China in San Francisco

洛杉矶 11月22日 中国民主党全委会河南工委声援河南宗教人士

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洛杉矶 11月22日 中国民主党全委会河南工委声援河南宗教人士
洛杉矶 11月22日 中国民主党全委会河南工委声援河南宗教人士

发起组织:全能基督灭共阵线

中国民主党全委会河南省工委中国民主党全委会西科维纳支部

活动时间:2025年11月22日12:30pm

活动地点:中国驻洛杉矶领事馆

发起人:赵杰赵叶高晗 曹梅梅

活动负责人:张倩 赵贵玲 陈雨娟

策划:牟宗强刘敖

统纂:蔡晓爾

代祷:蔡森

活动主持:姚庆古朱晓娜

摄影:黄娟 王小飞

摄像:杨肌

活动义工:张跃 何兴强 周伟

谁才是分裂中国的反华势力?

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谁才是分裂中国的反华势力?

作者:赵杰
编辑:钟然 责任编辑:刘芳 校对:冯仍 翻译:吕峰

2025年11月12日,新华社发布消息,福建省泉州市公安局悬赏征集台湾网红温子渝(“八炯”)、陈柏源(“闽南狼”)的所谓“违法犯罪线索”。公告中指控他们“煽动分裂国家”“攻击大陆政策”“倚美谋独”。

谁才是分裂中国的反华势力?

然而,究竟谁在制造分裂?谁又真正破坏着中国人的共同未来?

公告指控温子渝与陈柏源发表“抗中保台”“倚美谋独”等言论。然而在任何民主社会,政治立场本应属于言论自由范畴。“台湾未来由台湾人民自己决定”这不仅是一种政治主张更是现代民主的基本原则。

当表达不同政治观点就被定性为“分裂”“犯罪”,问题根源就已经十分清晰:那是一个对政治极度缺乏安全感的政权,它把自身与国家等同,一旦有人不认同政权,就被视作对国家的威胁。历史反复证明,真正让国家走向撕裂的,从来不是意见的多元,而是独裁者对不同意见的禁止。

我曾在洛杉矶六四纪念馆值班时接待过温子渝先生,后来又在自由雕塑公园与他见面交谈。

我告诉他:“我是中华民国的支持者,但我不反感台湾独立。中华民国不仅属于台湾,也是属于我们这些被遗留在大陆、渴望民主的人。”他对此表示认同。

他此行到美国,是受邀参观六四纪念馆并参加中国民主党和自由雕塑公园共同举办的天安门六四36周年纪念活动。他希望联合海内外所有反对独裁的力量,共同对抗中共,中共不是台湾人的唯一敌人,而是所有追求民主、自由的中国人的共敌。

我还向他展示了自己曾在中共洛杉矶领事馆前组织的声援台湾、宣誓只承认中华民国、反抗中共的集会照片和视频。我始终相信:台湾的未来应由台湾人民自己决定——这是最能避免冲突、最尊重人民意志、也最符合现代文明价值的选择。

而我个人心中也有一个愿望:有一天,中华民国的国旗能够重新飘扬在中国大陆的天空。这不是“分裂”,而是对一个真正民主中国的向往。

从毛泽东到习近平,历史与现实早已无数次证明:独裁制度必然产生独裁者,而独裁者必然依靠制造敌意来维持统治。当不同意见被视为威胁,当政权被等同于国家时,社会的裂缝便不是自然形成,而是被刻意制造出来的。

真正让中国撕裂的,从来不是人民之间的意见差异,而是独裁制度本身;真正破坏中华民族共同未来、制造人民彼此敌视的——不是台湾,也不是海外追求自由的人,而是那些将国家与政权混为一谈、靠压制自由延续权力的独裁者。

Who Are the Real Anti-China Forces Splitting the Country?

Author: Zhao Jie
Editor: Zhong Ran Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Lv Feng

Abstract:The Fujian police’s decision to place Wen Ziyu and Chen Baiyuan on a wanted list has sparked controversy. In a democratic society, political speech must be protected; it is authoritarian systems—not differing opinions—that truly create division. This is a common conviction shared by all who pursue democracy and freedom.

On November 12, 2025, Xinhua News Agency reported that the Quanzhou Public Security Bureau in Fujian Province issued a reward notice seeking so-called “criminal leads” on Taiwanese internet personalities Wen Ziyu (“Bajiong”) and Chen Baiyuan (“Minnan Wolf”). The announcement accused them of “inciting secession,” “attacking mainland policies,” and “colluding with the United States to seek independence.”

谁才是分裂中国的反华势力?

Yet who, exactly, is creating division? And who is truly undermining the shared future of the Chinese people?

The notice accuses Wen Ziyu and Chen Baiyuan of making statements such as “resist China, protect Taiwan” and “rely on the United States to seek independence.” Yet in any democratic society, political positions fall squarely within the realm of free speech. “Taiwan’s future shall be decided by the Taiwanese people” is not only a political stance but a fundamental principle of modern democracy.

When the expression of differing political views is labeled “separatism” or “criminal behavior,” the root of the problem becomes unmistakably clear: it is a regime deeply insecure about politics, one that equates itself with the nation. Anyone who does not endorse the regime is treated as a threat to the country. History repeatedly shows that what truly fractures a nation is never the plurality of opinions, but the dictator’s prohibition of dissent.

During my volunteer shift at the June Fourth Memorial Museum in Los Angeles, I once received Mr. Wen Ziyu. Later, I met and spoke with him again at the Liberty Sculpture Park.

I told him: “I am a supporter of the Republic of China, but I am not opposed to Taiwan independence. The Republic of China belongs not only to Taiwan, but also to those of us left behind on the mainland who long for democracy.” He expressed agreement.

His visit to the United States was at the invitation of the June Fourth Memorial Museum, and he participated in the joint commemoration of the 36th anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre, co-hosted by the China Democracy Party and Liberty Sculpture Park. He hopes to unite all forces—both inside and outside China—that oppose dictatorship. The Chinese Communist Party is not the sole enemy of the Taiwanese; it is the common enemy of all Chinese people who strive for democracy and freedom.

I also showed him photos and videos of the rallies I had organized in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles—events held to support Taiwan, to declare recognition only of the Republic of China, and to oppose the Chinese Communist Party. I have always believed that Taiwan’s future must be determined by the Taiwanese people themselves—this is the choice that best avoids conflict, most respects popular will, and most aligns with the values of modern civilization.

I also carry a personal hope: that one day, the national flag of the Republic of China may once again fly over the skies of mainland China. This is not “division,” but a vision for a truly democratic China.

From Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping, history and reality have demonstrated time and again that dictatorship inevitably produces dictators, and dictators rely on manufacturing hostility to sustain their rule. When differing opinions are treated as threats, when a regime is equated with the nation, the fractures within society do not emerge naturally—they are deliberately engineered.

What truly tears China apart has never been the differences of opinion among the people, but the authoritarian system itself. What truly undermines the shared future of the Chinese nation and fosters hostility among its citizens is not Taiwan, nor those abroad who pursue freedom, but the dictators who conflate the state with the regime and cling to power by suppressing liberty.

记“跑龙套”的民运斗士

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——范子良先生

作者:司空先让 (来自杭州)
编辑:张宇 责任编辑:侯改英 校对:程筱筱 翻译:刘芳

我与范子良先生认识是在二十四年前,一个噩梦般的地方——浙江十里坪劳教所。

浙江十里坪劳教所位于与江西交界的衢州龙游县湖镇。

该劳教所主要是一个以压榨劳教劳动力换取出口创汇产品的地方,这里生产名牌“新力”羊毛衫,还做打火机、皮包、闹钟、玩具等运往义乌、宁波等中国著名出口地。因此劳教人员被迫每天强制劳役13小时左右,若遇出口任务加重,订单紧迫时还要连续每日加班二、三个小时。个人连续多日如完不成劳动产量就会遭受严厉惩罚。

我亲历过很惨烈的一次:一名规定时间未完成任务的劳教人员,被当众用手铐铐在工场窗户的铁栅栏上,大冬天的用冷水泼其全身再用电警棍电击其下身……他的凄厉惨叫声仿佛是从地狱里传来的!我至今想起来还是不寒而栗!

同牢房一位人称“汤圆儿”的杭州人,老汤曾打人致重伤被判刑劳改6年。刑满释放后,染上毒瘾被送到这十里坪劳教三年,大家都叫他“汤圆儿”。老汤的真名大家记不得了。我与老汤都是杭州人,聊天也比较多一点,他告诉我,“宁坐10年劳改,也不坐3年劳教”。老汤说,劳改多少还有点章法,没有这么长时间的劳作也很少这样明目张胆地毒打责罚犯人的。可见劳教是多么的恐怖!

当年我以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”被判劳教的,与范子良先生关在同一个劳教队,只是不同一个小队,不过小队与小队之间是紧挨着的。起初我不认识范子良先生,但在放风时从这么多的老年囚徒中我发觉这老人气质举止不同于其他老人囚徒,他举止从容、气质沉稳,在人群中非常显眼。于是我就特别关注这位老人,时值寒冬我进劳教所正好是一月份冬季,十里坪冬季又特别冷,一天我目睹“笼头”(劳教所里的犯人管理头目)秉承管教的旨意在惩罚这位老人,让他赤着双脚站在冰冷的水泥地上强制面壁思过(这里已算“轻罚”了,重的足以让噩梦终身)。

过后我向“笼头”打听这位老人的来历,“笼头”说他是“法轮功”,后来我才知道,“笼头”们有意或无意把我们这些人都叫“法轮功”,“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”这么一串词,对“笼头”来说,可能不理解或是嫌麻烦,干脆就叫我们法轮功了。之后我慢慢向“笼头”解释,“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的来龙去脉,“笼头”才有所悟,逐渐分辨我们的所谓“罪名”。

不过当时我确实以为这老人是法轮功,因为那时这个劳教所关的大多数是法轮功和吸毒人员……

真正让我了解范老先生身份的,某天在操场放风时,这位老人左右环顾了一下,然后悄悄地问我,你知道王有才吗?随后又提到一些当时比较有影响的异见人士。我一听马上就明白了,这位老人他与我一样,是政治犯,而不是所谓的的“法轮功”,是和我同样的罪名进来的。他的名字叫——范子良。也在那一牢牢记在心里。从此我们就成了忘年交和亦师亦友的挚友了!

在十里坪劳教所那段黑暗的日子里,范子良先生不仅是我的忘年挚友,更是我的精神支柱。因为有共同的政见和价值观,随后我们相谈甚欢,更是在艰难的牢狱生活中相互鼓励和帮扶。甚至在“六四”这天我们会不约而同地绝食一天来纪念“六四”,从此他成为了我的挚友更是在精神上成为引领我的老师……

范子良先生是浙江湖州菱湖人,曾供职于上海铁路局(后退休),他为人真诚正直,不阿权贵。早年曾因独持已见,仗义执言深受中共极左派迫害。“六四”期间,范子良先生在一次集会上公开宣布退党并焚毁党证。从此,范子良先生转身投入中国政治变革推进与民主运动。他积极撰写文章,并在当时信息传播工具十分有限的艰苦条件下,不辞辛劳亲自誊写抄录几百份境外媒体文稿发放寄送给朋友和读者。同时范子良先生还主动承担起与境外媒体人卢思清、洪哲胜等的联络工作——在当年互联网不发达的背景下,能及时将国内异议人士遭迫害的信息向境外传递出去是一件非常不易和担风险的事情。

范子良先生亦多次参与声援行动,积极参与签名呼吁关注受当局迫害的民运人士行动……

范先生为推动社会进步,以一介平民之身,甘尽「社会进步,匹夫之责」的信念。这其中仅仅因为捍卫传播民主价值理念,竟先后十多次遭到當地公安机关的非法传訊与抄家,个人财产,财产损失仅电脑就被当地国保前后抄走8台至今未还。他也从一个曾是退伍军人、中共党员的人变成了一位为全民争取自由民主的斗士,即便如此范子良先生依然谦逊得称自己只是给民运事业“跑龙套”的。他曾在个人博客里这样写道:“

古装舞台戏时常常看到主角(元帅、将军)出场前有 4 个(或多个,一般应该是双数)人扛着大旗,口中吆喝着绕舞台一周,然后站在两边,等待主角亮相。主角亮相完毕,坐在太师椅上,这几位抗大旗的就站到主角身后。他们自始至终没有一句台词,也没有一点面部表情。如果说他们无足轻重可有可无那也不见得,因为真的少了他们这出戏就不热闹了,元帅将军们没有气魄威风了。我想,要演好这出民主大戏同样也少不了千百个跑龙套的,像我这样的年龄、能力最适合担当“跑龙套”的角色。”

由于范子良先生在监狱里受到种种身心的折磨,吃的都是存放好几年之久的“战备粮”,霉变得连猪都不吃的米,拿来给我们这些“犯人”吃。

范子良先生出狱后先后得过两次大病,一次是胃癌,一次是皮肤癌。

很显然这些病与监狱里的非人待遇有直接和间接的关系……

然而,由于他曾在中共监狱中遭受过蓄意非人的摧残,被迫食用霉变“战备粮”,劣质到连猪都不吃。出狱后先后患上胃癌与皮肤癌,这些疾病显然与监狱中的身心摧残有间接乃至直接的关系。

值得庆幸的是,范子良先生勇敢地挺过了牢狱之灾,也躲过了病魔带来的厄运!

前几天,我到湖州看望了范子良先生,先生面色红润,精神矍铄,我由衷地感到欣慰!

如今,范子良老先生虽已89岁的高龄了,却依然关注着中国民运事业的发展。

范子良先生已是耄耋之年,先生最大的愿望,就是在有生之年能看到自由民主在中国实现!

在此谨向在为民运事业默默无闻“跑龙套”的范子良老先生致敬!

杭州 司空先让

2025年10月23日

In Memory of a “Supporting Actor” in the Democracy Movement — Mr. Fan Ziliang

Author: Sikong Xianrang (from Hangzhou)
Editor: Zhang Yu Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying Proofreading: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: This article records how the author, Sikong Xianrang, met Mr. Fan Ziliang in Zhejiang and recounts Fan’s lifelong dedication to the Chinese democracy movement.

I first met Mr. Fan Ziliang twenty-four years ago, in a nightmare-like place—the Shiliping Re-education-through-Labor Camp in Zhejiang Province.

Shiliping Camp sat in Lake Town, Longyou County, near the border between Zhejiang and Jiangxi.It was essentially a factory that exploited detainees to produce export goods: the well-known “Xinli” wool sweaters, as well as lighters, bags, alarm clocks, toys, and other products shipped to Yiwu, Ningbo, and other major export hubs. Detainees were forced to work approximately thirteen hours a day. When export orders piled up, the daily hours extended by another two or three. Anyone who failed to meet the quota for several consecutive days would be brutally punished.

I once witnessed a horrifying scene: A man who didn’t meet his quota was handcuffed to iron bars on a workshop window. In the freezing winter cold, guards poured cold water over him and shocked him with electric batons on his genitals. His screams were like something torn out of hell. To this day, the memory chills me to the bone.

In my cell lived a man nicknamed “Tangyuan,” from Hangzhou. He once severely injured someone and served six years in prison. After release, he fell into drug addiction and was sent to Shiliping for another three years of re-education. Everyone simply called him “Tangyuan.” He once told me, “I’d rather serve ten years of prison than three years of re-education-through-labor.” He said prison, for all its cruelty, still had some rules; it did not enforce such endless labor, nor did it beat people so openly and savagely. His words revealed just how terrifying the laojiao system truly was.

I was sent to Shiliping for the so-called crime of “inciting subversion of state power.” Mr. Fan and I were held in the same labor brigade, though not the same small squad. At first, I didn’t know him. But during the short breaks outdoors, among so many elderly detainees, he stood out immediately—calm, dignified, unbowed. His manner was unlike the others. One bitterly cold day, I saw a “cage head” (a prisoner-appointed overseer acting on the guards’ orders) force this elderly man to stand barefoot on freezing concrete, facing the wall—considered a “light punishment.” The heavier ones were unspeakable.

Later I asked the cage head who he was. “He’s Falun Gong,” the overseer answered. But I later realized that the overseers called all political detainees “Falun Gong,” because the term “inciting subversion of state power” was too long, too obscure, and too bothersome for them to remember.

One day during the outdoor break, the elderly man glanced around cautiously, then quietly asked me, “Do you know Wang Youcai?” He went on to mention several other well-known dissidents of the time. The moment I heard this, I understood—this man was not Falun Gong, but a political prisoner like me. His name was Fan Ziliang. From that moment on, his name was engraved in my memory. We became not only friends across generations, but also comrades-in-spirit.

During those dark days in Shiliping, Mr. Fan became my emotional anchor. Sharing the same political ideals, we encouraged each other. On every anniversary of June Fourth, we would silently conduct a one-day hunger strike inside the camp to honor the victims of Tiananmen. Over time, he became both my close friend and my mentor.

Mr. Fan was born in Linghu, Huzhou, Zhejiang. He once worked for the Shanghai Railway Bureau and later retired. Honest, upright, and never deferential to power, he was persecuted by ultra-left authorities in earlier decades simply for speaking his mind. During the 1989 Tiananmen movement, he publicly announced his resignation from the Chinese Communist Party at a rally and burned his Party membership card. From then on, he devoted himself fully to advocating for political reform and democracy in China. He wrote extensively and tirelessly copied and mailed hundreds of essays from overseas media to friends and readers at a time when information transmission inside China was nearly impossible. He also served as a volunteer liaison with overseas activists such as Lu Siching and Hong Zheshen—an extremely risky task before the age of the internet.

Mr. Fan also participated in numerous signature campaigns and public appeals to support persecuted democracy activists.

He bore the burden of social responsibility with the conviction that “every citizen shares responsibility for the progress of society.” For promoting democratic values, he was interrogated and had his home raided more than ten times. Among the items confiscated by state security were eight computers, none of which were ever returned. He went from a former PLA soldier and Party member to a democracy activist working for the rights of all citizens. Yet he always described himself humbly as merely someone “running supporting roles” in the democracy movement. He once wrote on his blog:

“In traditional Chinese opera, before the general or marshal enters the stage, four (sometimes more) men carry large flags, shouting as they circle the stage. They then stand behind the lead actor. They have no lines, no expression. But without them, the scene would lose its grandeur. The democracy movement also needs hundreds and thousands of such ‘supporting actors.’ At my age and with my abilities, I am best suited to carrying those flags.”

Because of the torture and subhuman treatment in the labor camp, detainees were fed years-old military “reserve grain”—rice so moldy that even pigs would refuse it. After his release, Mr. Fan suffered two major illnesses: stomach cancer and then skin cancer. There is no doubt that these were linked—directly or indirectly—to the abuse he endured in custody.

Fortunately, Mr. Fan survived both imprisonment and illness.

Just days ago, I traveled to Huzhou to visit him. He looked energetic and healthy. My heart filled with relief and gratitude.

Now 89 years old, Mr. Fan still follows the progress of China’s democracy movement with unwavering commitment.

His greatest wish—the wish of a lifetime—is to see freedom and democracy realized in China.

Here, I offer my deepest respect to Mr. Fan Ziliang, one of the countless “supporting actors” who have silently carried the flags of the democracy movement.

HangzhouSikong XianrangOctober 23, 2025

洛杉矶 11月22日 第765次茉莉花行动 白纸运动三周年纪念

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洛杉矶 11月22日 第765次茉莉花行动 白纸运动三周年纪念
洛杉矶 11月22日 第765次茉莉花行动 白纸运动三周年纪念

第765次茉莉花行动

時間:2025年11月22日周六下午2点

地址:中国洛杉矶领事馆

白纸运动三周年纪念

——白纸未言 心声已传

纪念不是停留 而是继续前行

三年过去,白纸依然洁白。

那张无字的纸,写满了沉默与勇气。

我们记得——那一刻,无数人走上街头,

举起白纸,不为喧嚣,只为发声。

那是一代人心中的觉醒,是光穿透黑夜的瞬间。

他们不是英雄,只是拒绝再沉默的普通人。

他们的脚步被风吹散,但留下的勇气,从未消失。

每一个记得的人,都是火种。

当真相仍需被说出,当良知仍需被捍卫,

那张白纸,就在我们心中燃烧。

纪念不是停留,而是继续前行。

为了言语能再度自由,为了光能照亮每一个人。

活动发起人:袁崛 程虹 程筱筱

活动负责人:倪世成 杨皓

策划:程虹、彭小梅、蔡晓丽 牟宗强、韩震

组织:柴松 张晓丽 程筱筱 赵贵玲,黄娟 黄春远

物资物料:郑洲

安保秩序:陳信男 李延龙 王乐

媒体 新闻稿:刘芳

设计:王灵

活动主持人:曾群兰,赵杰

主办:中国民主党全委会/ 中国洛杉矶民主平台

活动协办单位:民主党社团部/ 民主党女权部/ 民主党河南工委

殉道者的背影:我所敬佩的刘晓波先生

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殉道者的背影:我所敬佩的刘晓波先生

作者:卢超
编辑:胡景 责任编辑:侯改英 校对:程筱筱

众所周知,刘晓波先生是诺贝尔和平奖得主,是《零八宪章》的主要起草人之一。可是对我而言,他更是一位特殊的同乡,一位人生的榜样。

我和他同是来自吉林,但真正的“认识”他,却是从我学会“翻墙”开始的。翻到墙外后,我第一次读到了《零八宪章》。那些关于民主、自由、宪政的文字,犹如一道光,瞬间揭穿了我在国内受教育中被灌输的种种谎言。这份震撼,只有一个在封闭环境中长大的人才能深刻体会。

殉道者的背影:我所敬佩的刘晓波先生

从他身上,我看到了知识的力量,看到了文明的曙光。然而真正让我敬佩他的,是他“89.64”之后的所作所为。他曾因参与天安门请愿抗议而被捕入狱。他并非没有机会远走他乡逃离迫害和苦难,而是毅然选择了留下,选择了在这片他深爱的土地上,做一个说真话的“知识分子”。他放弃安逸,选择条最艰难的道路——做民主中国的殉道者。之后的几十年里,他一次次入狱,出来后又一次次的发声。他本可以沉默,但他拒绝沉默;他本可以妥协,但他妥协。他献出了自己的生命,展现了一个民主人士的气节。

他所坚持的,是和平、理性、非暴力的力量。他始终相信,中国的变革不应该靠仇恨和暴力,而是靠理性的对话和渐进的改良。这份坚持,使他在那个充满戾气和犬儒主义的环境中,显得格格不入,也正因为如此,才又显得如此珍贵。他就像“房间里的大象”那个故事中说真话的孩子,以一己之力,维护着一个民族的良知底线。

他最令人敬佩的,莫过于发起了《零八宪章》。这不是一次激进的革命宣言,而是一份温和、理性的宪政蓝图。他试图为中国的未来,寻找一条代价最小、共识最大的和平转型之路。然而,即使是这样卑微的请求,也是中共所无法容忍的,他刺痛了当局脆弱的神经。为此他被重判11年,直至在狱中罹患癌症去世,付出了生命的代价。

在最后的法庭陈述中,他留下了“我没有敌人”的旷世之言。这句话曾让许多人不解,甚至质疑。直到后来,我才逐渐明白,这不是懦弱,而是一种更深沉的勇气和更博大的胸怀。他要通过自己的所言所行,来消弥统治阶级和人民的对立和对抗,从而弥补社会分裂,实现社会和解。他想消解的是那个与民争利和压制人性的制度,而非对抗某个具体的人。他的心中没有仇恨,只有对同胞和这片土地的至深大爱。这种超越个人恩怨的政治信念,正是他作为一个思想者和殉道者的伟大之处。

如今,我身在自由之地,终于可以公开地纪念他。在加州圣莫妮卡海滩的纪念活动中,当海风吹拂着那把象征他荣誉与苦难的“空椅子”,我与众多同道站在一起,缅怀他,纪念他,不仅是缅怀一个逝去的生命,更是在用行动宣告一种精神的传承:我们没有忘记,我们仍在坚持,为在中国实现民主和宪政而奋斗。

刘晓波先生用他的一生为我们铺路。作为他的同乡,我倍感荣幸,也更觉责任重大。他的精神,成为我辈前行的不竭动力,时时刻刻激励着我,激励着我们,为那片我们共同深爱着的土地,尽我们的一份绵薄之力。

The Silhouette of a Martyr: The Man I Admire, Liu Xiaobo

Abstract:Together with many companions who share the same convictions, the author pays tribute to Liu Xiaobo. This is not merely an act of mourning for a departed life, but an affirmation of the continuity of a spiritual legacy: we have not forgotten, and we continue to persevere in the struggle for democracy and constitutionalism in China.

Author: Lu Chao
Editor: Hu Jing Executive Editor: Hou Gaiying Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao

It is well known that Liu Xiaobo was a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and one of the principal drafters of Charter 08. Yet, for me, he represents something more personal—he was not only a distinguished figure but also a fellow native of Jilin, and a model whose life has guided my own.

We both came from Jilin, but my true “encounter” with him began only after I learned how to “scale the firewall.” Beyond that barrier, I read Charter 08 for the first time. Its words—on democracy, freedom, and constitutional governance—struck me like a beam of light, instantly piercing through the many lies instilled in me through domestic education. The shock of that moment is something only someone raised in a closed environment can fully grasp.

殉道者的背影:我所敬佩的刘晓波先生

From him, I came to understand the power of knowledge and to glimpse the dawn of a more civilized future. Yet what truly earned my respect were his actions after “89.64.” He was arrested for participating in the Tiananmen petition and protest. He was not without opportunities to go abroad, to escape persecution and suffering. Instead, he chose to stay. He chose to remain on the land he loved, to be an intellectual who still dared to speak the truth. He gave up comfort and chose the hardest path—becoming a martyr for a democratic China.

In the decades that followed, he was imprisoned again and again, and each time he emerged, he raised his voice once more. He could have chosen silence for the sake of safety, but he refused to be silent; he could have compromised in exchange for survival, but he never compromised. He gave his life, embodying the moral integrity of a democrat.

What he upheld was the power of peace, reason, and nonviolence. He consistently believed that China’s transformation must not rely on hatred or violence, but on rational dialogue and gradual reform. This commitment made him stand out—almost out of place—in an environment filled with hostility and cynicism; and for precisely this reason, his presence was all the more precious. He was like the child in the story of “the elephant in the room,” the lone voice who continued to speak the truth and guard the moral baseline of an entire nation.

Perhaps most admirable was his initiative in launching Charter 08. It was not a radical revolutionary manifesto but a moderate, rational blueprint for constitutionalism. He sought a path for China’s future that would achieve peaceful transition with the least cost and the greatest consensus. Yet even such a humble request was intolerable to the Chinese Communist Party. He struck a nerve—one so fragile that the authorities reacted with fear and severity. For this, he was sentenced to eleven years, and eventually died of cancer while still in custody, paying with his life.

In his final statement to the court, he left behind the immortal words: “I have no enemies.” Many were puzzled, even skeptical. Only later did I gradually understand: this was not weakness, but a deeper courage and a broader magnanimity. Through his words and actions, he sought to dissolve the antagonism between rulers and the ruled, to repair social fractures and enable reconciliation. What he opposed was a system that exploits the people and suppresses human dignity—not any particular individual. There was no hatred in his heart, only profound love for his compatriots and his homeland. This political conviction—one that transcends personal grievances—is precisely what made him great, both as a thinker and as a martyr.

Now, living in a land of freedom, I can finally commemorate him openly. At the memorial event on Santa Monica Beach in California, as the sea breeze brushed against the “empty chair” symbolizing both his honor and his suffering, I stood together with many companions who share the same convictions. We mourned him and remembered him—not only to honor a life that has passed, but to declare through our actions the continuation of a spiritual legacy: we have not forgotten, and we continue to persevere in the struggle for democracy and constitutionalism in China.

Liu Xiaobo devoted his entire life to paving the way for us. As his fellow native of Jilin, I feel deeply honored—and all the more burdened with responsibility. His spirit has become an inexhaustible source of strength for our generation, inspiring me, inspiring all of us, to contribute what little we can to the land we all love so profoundly.