作者：陈森锋

        1989年的六四民主运动，是中国近代史上最重要、也最惨痛的历史转折之一。

        那一年，中国本来有机会走向更开放、更文明、更接近现代民主政治的道路。学生走上街头，市民走上街头，他们提出的不是暴力对抗，也不是颠覆国家，而是反腐败、要自由、要新闻开放、要政治改革，要求政府正面回应人民的声音。

        面对这些手无寸铁的学生和市民，中共最高实际掌权者邓小平没有选择对话，没有选择尊重民意，而是把和平请愿定性为“动乱”，最后用军队、坦克和实弹，把中国人追求自由民主的希望碾碎在北京街头。

        这就是邓小平在六四中的历史角色：他不是旁观者，不是被蒙蔽者，不是事后才知道的人，而是最高政治拍板者，是武力镇压的最高责任人

  胡耀邦去世后，学生自发悼念，很快发展成全国性的民主诉求。学生要求反腐败、反官倒、新闻自由、政治改革。这些要求放在任何正常国家，都是政府应该认真面对的问题。可是中共政权面对人民最基本的政治诉求，第一反应不是反省，而是恐惧。

        4月25日前后，李鹏、杨尚昆等人向邓小平汇报学生运动情况。邓小平没有把学生看成国家未来的一代青年，没有把民众的愤怒看成社会矛盾的警钟，而是把这场运动上升到所谓“反党反社会主义”的高度。随后，《人民日报》发表“四二六社论”，把学生运动定性为“动乱”。

        这一步极其关键。

        一旦把学生说成“动乱”，就等于为下一步镇压制造政治借口。中共最惯用的手法，就是先在舆论上把人民污名化，再在行动上对人民下重手。邓小平在六四问题上的第一大罪，就是亲手推动了这种政治定性，把一场爱国、反腐、要求民主改革的群众运动，污蔑成威胁政权的敌对行动。

        这不是简单的判断失误，这是独裁者面对人民觉醒时的本能反应。

        到了5月，学生绝食，天安门广场聚集大量学生、市民和声援者。北京街头不是暴乱现场，而是一个民族在沉默多年后终于发出的政治呐喊。很多人并不是为了个人利益，而是希望中国不要继续在专制、腐败、特权和谎言中沉沦。

        当时中共内部并非没有另一种选择。赵紫阳主张缓和局势，主张对话，反对用暴力解决问题。可是邓小平不接受这条路。作为中共最高实际掌权者，他最终选择站在强硬派一边，选择戒严，选择调动军队，选择用枪口对准人民。

        5月17日前后，关于是否戒严、是否调军队进京的决定，在邓小平等中共元老主导下形成。5月20日，北京正式戒严。这个决定标志着中共已经不再把学生和市民当作可以沟通的人民，而是当作必须压服的对象。

        戒严之后，军队第一次进京受阻。大量北京市民拦住军车，给士兵送水、讲道理，劝他们不要镇压学生。那一幕说明，当时站出来的不只是学生，而是整个城市的良知。北京市民用身体挡住军队，不是为了制造动乱，而是为了保护学生，为了阻止国家机器对人民开枪。

        可是邓小平没有因此回头。

        他没有问一句：为什么这么多市民愿意冒险保护学生？

        他没有问一句：中国人民为什么会如此不满？

        他没有问一句：一个执政党如果要靠军队才能面对青年学生，这个政权到底出了什么问题？

        他选择的是继续调兵，继续加压，继续把事情推向流血结局。

        6月2日前后，清场的最后决定形成。随后，大批戒严部队向北京城内推进。6月3日晚到6月4日凌晨，枪声响起，坦克开进城市，军队向手无寸铁的学生和市民开火。长安街、木樨地、西单、天安门周边，许多普通人倒在枪口之下。有人只是围观，有人只是劝阻，有人只是想救人，有人只是站在街头表达自己的政治立场。

        他们面对的是国家军队，是本应保卫人民的军队。可是那一夜，人民解放军成了镇压人民的工具。枪口没有对准外敌，而是对准自己的学生、市民和纳税人。

        这是六四最大的罪恶。

        更可耻的是，六四之后，邓小平没有认错，没有道歉，没有追责镇压者，反而公开接见戒严部队，称他们经受住了“考验”，继续把人民的抗争污蔑为“反革命暴乱”。他悼念的是执行镇压的一方，而不是被打死、被碾压、被追捕、被判刑的普通中国人。

        这说明邓小平不是一时误判，而是从头到尾都站在独裁政权一边。他关心的不是人民生命，不是国家未来，不是中国是否能走向民主文明，而是中共政权是否能继续稳固。

        有人说邓小平推动了改革开放，因此不能仅以六四评价其历史地位。这种说法回避了最根本的问题：经济改革不能抵消屠杀人民的罪行。一个人即使推动过经济发展，也没有权力下令军队镇压学生和市民。高速公路、工厂、外资、GDP，都不能洗白天安门前后的血。

        邓小平所谓“让一部分人先富起来”，从制度结果看，本身就是一个巨大的陷阱。在一党专政、没有民主监督、没有新闻自由、没有司法独立的体制下，最容易先富起来的不是普通百姓，而是掌握政策、资源、土地、金融和审批权的权贵集团。所谓“先富带后富”，最后变成了权贵先富、官商勾结、红色家族和白手套转移财富，普通百姓却长期承受高房价、低工资、债务、失业和社会保障不足的压力。

        更根本的问题在于，邓小平先用坦克镇压人民争取民主的权利，再用经济发展给人民画饼：你们不要政治权利，只要安心赚钱就行。可是人民没有政治权利，怎么保障自己的财富权利？没有选票，没有新闻自由，没有独立法院，没有真正的宪政法治，人民所谓的财产随时可能被权力夺走。独裁体制下，人的生命都不真正属于自己，财富又怎么可能真正属于自己？

        所以，邓小平留下的不是自由市场，而是党国控制下的权贵资本主义；不是共同富裕，而是特权集团先富、普通人民被收割；不是现代文明国家的道路，而是用经济增长掩盖政治奴役的专制模式。

        六四不只是一次屠杀，也是一场历史路线的终结。

        邓小平毁掉的，不只是1989年那一代学生的生命和命运，也毁掉了中国和平转型的重大机会。如果当时中共选择对话、选择让步、选择政治改革，中国完全可能走向另一条道路：新闻可以逐步开放，权力可以逐步受到监督，腐败可以被制度约束，人民可以有真正的政治参与。

        可是邓小平选择了坦克。

        他用枪声告诉中国人：共产党可以改革经济，但绝不允许人民分享政治权力；共产党可以谈开放，但权力一旦受到挑战，就会毫不犹豫地杀人。

        这就是邓小平留给中国的真正政治遗产。

        六四之后，中共用谎言封锁真相，用审查删除记忆，用监控压制纪念，用恐惧迫使人民沉默。遇难者家属几十年不能公开悼念，幸存者长期被监控，流亡者无法回国，年轻一代在墙内甚至不知道1989年北京发生过什么。

        一个政权连死难者名字都害怕，说明它知道自己有罪。一个政府连蜡烛、鲜花、纪念日都要封杀，说明它的统治建立在血债和谎言之上。

        邓小平在六四中的罪责，不能因为时间流逝而被淡化，也不能因为中共宣传机器长期洗地而被改写。他不是所谓“伟人晚年犯错”，而是在关键历史时刻选择用军队镇压人民的独裁者。他亲手把中国从可能的政治改革道路上拖回专制轨道，把学生和市民的和平诉求变成血流成河的国家罪案。

        对手无寸铁的学生和市民开枪，是不可饶恕的罪。

        用坦克碾碎人民追求自由的希望，是不可饶恕的罪。

        事后继续污蔑死难者、赞扬镇压者，更是不可饶恕的罪。

        六四是中共永远洗不掉的血债。邓小平作为最高拍板者，必须被钉在历史的耻辱柱上。

        他不是中国民主的改革者，而是中国民主机会的毁灭者。

        他不是所谓民族功臣，而是镇压人民的民族败类。

        他不是值得纪念的伟人，而是六四屠夫、千古罪人。

        历史可以被中共暂时封锁，但不可能永远被埋葬。死难者的名字终有一天会被公开记住，屠杀者的责任终有一天会被追究。六四不是过去式，而是中国人必须面对的真相。

        忘记六四，就是纵容屠杀。

        美化邓小平，就是侮辱死难者。

        只要天安门的血债没有追责，邓小平“六四屠夫”的历史定性就永远不能改变。

编辑：钟然

校对：王滨

翻译：沈美花

Never Forget the 37th Anniversary of June Fourth:Deng Xiaoping — Butcher of June Fourth and Sinner Before History

Author: Chen Senfeng

Abstract: This article reviews the June Fourth Democracy Movement of 1989 and the subsequent crackdown, analyzes Deng Xiaoping’s role in the decision-making process, criticizes his choice to end a historic opportunity for political reform through military force, and examines the profound impact of the June Fourth Incident on China’s political development.

The June Fourth Democracy Movement of 1989 was one of the most important—and most tragic—turning points in modern Chinese history.

That year, China had an opportunity to move toward a path that was more open, more civilized, and closer to modern democratic politics. Students took to the streets. Citizens took to the streets. What they demanded was not violent confrontation, nor the overthrow of the state. They called for an end to corruption, for freedom, for greater press openness, and for political reform. They asked the government to respond seriously to the voices of the people.

Faced with these unarmed students and citizens, Deng Xiaoping, the highest de facto ruler of the Chinese Communist Party, chose neither dialogue nor respect for public opinion. Instead, he labeled the peaceful petition movement as “turmoil” and ultimately used troops, tanks, and live ammunition to crush the Chinese people’s hopes for freedom and democracy on the streets of Beijing.

This was Deng Xiaoping’s historical role in June Fourth: he was not a bystander, not someone who had been misled, nor someone who learned of events only afterward. He was the highest political decision-maker and the person bearing ultimate responsibility for the military suppression.

After the death of Hu Yaobang, students began spontaneous memorial activities, which soon developed into a nationwide movement advocating democratic reform. The students called for anti-corruption measures, opposition to official profiteering, freedom of the press, and political reform. In any normal country, such demands would have been issues the government should have addressed seriously. Yet when faced with the most basic political demands of the people, the Communist regime’s first reaction was not self-reflection, but fear.

Around April 25, Li Peng and Yang Shangkun reported the situation of the student movement to Deng Xiaoping. Deng did not view the students as the future generation of the nation, nor did he regard public anger as a warning sign of social contradictions. Instead, he elevated the movement to the level of what he called an “anti-Party and anti-socialist” challenge. Soon afterward, the April 26 People’s Daily Editorial labeled the student movement as “turmoil.”

This step was critically important.

Once the students were branded as perpetrators of “turmoil,” a political justification for subsequent repression had effectively been created. One of the Chinese Communist Party’s most frequently used methods has been to first stigmatize the people through propaganda and then deal harshly with them through action. Deng Xiaoping’s first major crime in the June Fourth crisis was personally advancing this political characterization, transforming a patriotic mass movement demanding anti-corruption measures and democratic reform into what was portrayed as a hostile threat to the regime.

This was not merely a mistake in judgment. It was the instinctive reaction of a dictator confronted by an awakening people.

By May, students had begun a hunger strike, and Tiananmen Square was filled with students, citizens, and supporters. The streets of Beijing were not scenes of riot and chaos; they were the stage for a nation finally giving voice to its political aspirations after years of silence. Many participants were not acting for personal gain. They hoped only that China would not continue sinking into authoritarianism, corruption, privilege, and deception.

At the time, there was not only one possible course of action within the Communist Party leadership. Zhao Ziyang advocated easing tensions, pursuing dialogue, and opposing the use of violence to resolve the crisis. But Deng Xiaoping rejected this path. As China’s highest de facto ruler, he ultimately sided with the hardliners. He chose martial law. He chose to mobilize the military. He chose to point the guns at the people.

Around May 17, under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping and other Party elders, decisions regarding martial law and troop deployment into Beijing took shape. On May 20, martial law was formally declared in Beijing. This decision marked the point at which the Communist Party no longer viewed students and citizens as people with whom dialogue was possible, but as subjects that had to be subdued.

After martial law was imposed, the military’s first attempt to enter Beijing was blocked. Large numbers of Beijing residents stopped military vehicles, brought water to soldiers, reasoned with them, and urged them not to suppress the students. That scene demonstrated that it was not only students who had stood up, but the conscience of an entire city. The citizens of Beijing used their own bodies to block the military—not to create turmoil, but to protect the students and prevent the machinery of the state from opening fire on its own people.

But Deng Xiaoping did not turn back.

He did not ask:Why were so many citizens willing to risk themselves to protect the students?

He did not ask:Why were the Chinese people so dissatisfied?

He did not ask:If a ruling party must rely on the military to confront university students, what has gone wrong with that regime?

Instead, he chose to send more troops, apply greater pressure, and push events toward a bloody conclusion.

Around June 2, the final decision to clear the square was made. Soon afterward, large numbers of martial-law troops advanced into central Beijing. On the night of June 3 and into the early hours of June 4, gunfire erupted, tanks rolled into the city, and the military opened fire on unarmed students and civilians. Along Chang’an Avenue, at Muxidi, Xidan, and in areas surrounding Tiananmen, many ordinary people fell before the guns.

Some were merely bystanders.Some were trying to persuade the troops to stop.Some were attempting to rescue the wounded.Some were simply standing in the streets expressing their political views.

What they faced was the national army—the very army that was supposed to protect the people.

Yet on that night, the People’s Liberation Army became an instrument for suppressing the people. Its guns were not aimed at foreign enemies, but at its own students, citizens, and taxpayers.

This was the greatest crime of June Fourth.

Even more disgraceful was what followed. After June Fourth, Deng Xiaoping neither admitted fault, apologized, nor held those responsible for the crackdown accountable. Instead, he publicly met with the martial-law troops, praised them for having withstood the “test,” and continued to label the people’s resistance as a “counterrevolutionary riot.”

He mourned and honored those who carried out the suppression, not the ordinary Chinese people who had been shot, crushed, hunted down, imprisoned, or sentenced.

This demonstrates that Deng Xiaoping’s actions were not the result of a momentary misjudgment. From beginning to end, he stood on the side of authoritarian rule.

What concerned him was not the lives of the people, not the future of the nation, and not whether China could move toward democracy and civilization. What concerned him was whether the Chinese Communist Party could continue to maintain its hold on power.

Some argue that Deng Xiaoping promoted Reform and Opening-Up and therefore his historical legacy should not be judged solely by June Fourth.

Such an argument avoids the most fundamental issue: economic reform cannot erase the crime of killing one’s own people.

Even if a person contributed to economic development, that does not give him the right to order the military to suppress students and civilians.

Highways, factories, foreign investment, and GDP growth cannot wash away the blood spilled in and around Tiananmen.

Deng Xiaoping’s famous policy of “letting some people get rich first,” viewed from the perspective of its institutional consequences, became a massive trap.

Under a one-party dictatorship lacking democratic oversight, freedom of the press, and judicial independence, those most likely to become rich first were not ordinary citizens, but those who controlled policies, resources, land, finance, and administrative approval powers.

What was supposed to be “some getting rich first in order to help others become prosperous later” ultimately became a system in which political elites accumulated wealth first. Collusion between officials and business interests flourished. Families connected to the revolutionary elite and their intermediaries transferred enormous amounts of wealth, while ordinary people endured high housing prices, low wages, debt burdens, unemployment, and inadequate social welfare protections.

More fundamentally, Deng Xiaoping first used tanks to suppress the people’s struggle for democratic rights and then offered economic development as compensation, effectively saying:

You do not need political rights; you only need to focus on making money.

But without political rights, how can people protect their property rights?

Without elections, freedom of the press, independent courts, and genuine constitutional rule of law, the property of ordinary citizens can be taken away by power at any time.

In an authoritarian system, if people’s lives do not truly belong to themselves, how can their wealth truly belong to them?

Thus, what Deng Xiaoping left behind was not a free market, but crony capitalism operating under a Party-state system.

It was not common prosperity, but a system in which privileged groups became wealthy first while ordinary people were exploited.

It was not a path toward a modern and civilized nation, but an authoritarian model that used economic growth to conceal political oppression.

June Fourth was not merely a massacre.

It was also the end of an alternative historical path.

What Deng Xiaoping destroyed was not only the lives and destinies of the students of 1989.

He also destroyed one of China’s greatest opportunities for a peaceful political transformation.

Had the Communist Party chosen dialogue, compromise, and political reform, China might have followed a different path.

The press could gradually have become more open.

Political power could gradually have become subject to oversight.

Corruption could have been constrained by institutions.

Citizens could have gained genuine political participation.

But Deng Xiaoping chose tanks.

Through gunfire, he sent a message to the Chinese people:

The Communist Party may reform the economy, but it will never allow the people to share political power.

The Communist Party may speak of openness, but once its power is challenged, it will not hesitate to kill.

This, according to the author, is Deng Xiaoping’s true political legacy.

After June Fourth, the Chinese Communist Party used falsehoods to conceal the truth, censorship to erase memory, surveillance to suppress commemoration, and fear to force people into silence.

For decades, the families of those who died have been unable to mourn publicly.

Survivors have lived under long-term surveillance.

Exiles have been unable to return home.

Within China’s internet censorship system, many members of the younger generation do not even know what happened in Beijing in 1989.

A regime that fears even the names of the dead knows that it is guilty.

A government that bans candles, flowers, and commemorative dates demonstrates that its rule rests upon blood debt and lies.

Deng Xiaoping’s responsibility for June Fourth cannot be diminished by the passage of time, nor can it be rewritten through the long-term efforts of the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda machinery.

He was not merely a “great leader who made mistakes in his later years.”

Rather, at a critical moment in history, he chose to use the military to suppress his own people.

He personally dragged China away from a possible path of political reform and back onto the track of authoritarian rule.

He transformed the peaceful demands of students and citizens into a national tragedy marked by bloodshed.

Opening fire on unarmed students and civilians is an unforgivable crime.

Using tanks to crush the people’s hope for freedom is an unforgivable crime.

Afterward, continuing to vilify the victims and praise those who carried out the suppression is an even more unforgivable crime.

June Fourth is a blood debt that the Chinese Communist Party can never wash away.

As the ultimate decision-maker, Deng Xiaoping must be nailed to the pillar of historical shame.

He was not a reformer of Chinese democracy.

He was the destroyer of China’s opportunity for democracy.

He was not a national hero.

He was, according to the author’s judgment, a betrayer of the nation who suppressed his own people.

He was not a great man worthy of commemoration.

He was the Butcher of June Fourth and a sinner before history.

History may be temporarily concealed by the Chinese Communist Party, but it can never be buried forever.

One day, the names of those who died will be openly remembered.

One day, responsibility for the killings will be pursued.

June Fourth is not merely a matter of the past.

It is a truth that the Chinese people must still confront.

To forget June Fourth is to tolerate massacre.

To glorify Deng Xiaoping is to insult the dead.

So long as responsibility for the bloodshed at Tiananmen has not been established, the historical judgment of Deng Xiaoping as the “Butcher of June Fourth” can never be changed.

Editor: Zhong Ran

Proofreader: Wang Bin

Translator: Shen Meihua

作者：漠北孤侠

我的五月三十五日
天安门广场的血和母亲们的泪
依旧未干
维园的烛光和自由女神像前的标语
依然斑驳
任谁秀口一吐
整个盛唐 尽毁
但我不 我偏诗行孤岛角落

视频中被老师塞到角落里的孩子孤苦伶仃的坐着，当班里其他所有同学都兴奋地举起手中六一节学校送的礼物时，我的心一阵阵剧烈抽搐，整个人崩溃。

这分明是我的孩子一一当年我刚刚青春期高中一年级的孩子，就是这样被班主任朱老师塞到挨着圾圾柜的角落座位里；而且其他所有同学都有“同桌的你”，就他一个人。该老师还组织全班同学尤其是坐在孩子周围前后左右的四个女同学欺凌孩子。孩子做好作业交给四个组长都被拒收、作业都交不上去。

孩子拼命展视自己的优秀和对班级荣誉的维护以换取同学们的认可。校运会勇敢参与比赛项目，没有一位同学围观，更无一人喝彩，须知他平时连最简单的运动和动作都做不来。

孩子到今天尚留下极重心理隐患，怕别人负面评价、怕别人拒绝，形成了极度的讨好型人格，至今不敢接触女生。

这视频也再次重击了我心里的旧伤，40多年了！我少年时遭遇的校长儿子带领全班同学霸凌我、甚至成年了还变着法子欺侮我的往事,翻江倒海般翻腾出来。

初中一年级时年幼小、身体更孱弱，无法适应远离父母一人独立读书、生活，被迫放弃当时所谓的地区重点学校尖子班学位，回到我一天没上过的家乡小学。从上学第一天开始全班同学以侮辱的外号称我,连自小村子里一起长大的玩伴也孤立我。我当时百思不得其解，整天笼罩在恐惧中，只能用拼命的学习来躲避同学们异样的眼光和闲言碎语，用考试成绩的优秀来证明自己。直到最近些年或许年岁渐大，年少时的往事不知不觉的会在脑海里回放，也找不出当年班上的同学集体一致的霸凌我的原因。只是透过回忆追溯才有所发现，成年后直至几年前，同班同学以当年那几位带头和组织霸凌我的，仍组织班上同学搞“统一战线”孤立、排挤和欺辱我，一个例证就是10年前原初一班同学30周年同学会刻意不通知我。原因无他，就是我一直比他们优秀！

此时我心如刀绞，为视频中孩子、为我的孩子、为我自己，为当下千千万万曝光和未曝光出来的被霸凌的孩子与家庭。

前后跨越40年三代人，不变的霸凌与欺辱！我不会是孤例！

40年过去了，这土地一丝也没有改良，千年盐碱依旧，甚至酱缸味更浓，芸芸韭菜己经被压榨一次又一次,血泪干枯。 此刻窗外,阴雨连绵，一个多小时后又是五月三十五日了,何日是尽头？！

2026年5月35日于东山下烟雨小木屋

编辑：李晶 校对：王滨 翻译：戈冰

My May 35th

Author: Mobei Guxia (The Lonely Knight of Mobei)

My May 35th,
The blood on Tiananmen Square and the tears of the mothers
Have still not dried.
The candlelight in Victoria Park and the slogans before the Goddess of Democracy
Remain mottled and faded.
No matter who opens their elegant mouth to spit a word,
The entire High Tang Dynasty is utterly destroyed.
But not I. I choose instead to anchor my lines of poetry in the corner of an isolated island.

In the video, the child, shoved into a corner by the teacher, sits all alone. As all the other classmates in the room excitedly raise the Children’s Day gifts given by the school, my heart convulses in violent waves of pain, and I break down completely.

This is clearly my own child—my child years ago, who had just entered adolescence in the first year of high school, and was shoved exactly like this by the homeroom teacher, Teacher Zhu, into a corner seat right next to the trash bin. What’s more, every other student had a “desk-mate of their own,” while he was left entirely alone.

This teacher even organized the entire class, especially the four female students sitting directly around him—in front, behind, to his left, and to his right—to bully the child. When the child finished his homework and tried to hand it to the four group leaders, it was rejected every time; he could not even submit his schoolwork.

The child desperately tried to display his excellence and his defense of the class’s honor in exchange for his classmates’ recognition.

He bravely took part in events during the school sports meet, yet not a single classmate came to watch, let alone cheer for him—even though, ordinarily, he could not even manage the simplest sports or physical movements.

To this day, the child is left with severe psychological trauma: he fears negative evaluations from others, dreads rejection, has developed an extreme people-pleasing personality, and still does not dare to interact with girls.

This video has once again struck the old wounds in my heart—it has been over 40 years! The past, where the principal’s son led the entire class to bully me during my youth, and even found twisted ways to humiliate me into my adulthood, has come roaring back like churning, tempestuous seas.

During my first year of junior high, I was young and physically weak. Unable to adapt to living and studying independently far away from my parents, I was forced to give up my spot in the elite class of a so-called regional key school, and return to my hometown’s primary school—a place I had never attended for a single day.

From my very first day of school, the entire class called me by insulting nicknames, and even the childhood playmates I grew up with in the village isolated me.

At the time, no matter how hard I thought, I could not understand why. Enveloped in fear all day long, I could only study frantically to escape my classmates’ strange stares and gossiping tongues, using my excellent exam scores to prove my worth.

Only in recent years, perhaps as I grow older, the events of my youth have begun to replay involuntarily in my mind, yet I still cannot find the reason why the classmates back then collectively and unanimously bullied me.

It is only by tracing back through my memories that I discovered something: into adulthood and up until a few years ago, those same former classmates who took the lead in organizing the bullying still organized the class to form a “United Front” to isolate, ostracize, and humiliate me. A clear example of this is that ten years ago, during the 30th anniversary reunion of our original first-year junior high class, they deliberately chose not to notify me. The reason was none other than this: I have always been more excellent than them!

At this moment, my heart feels as if it is being pierced by knives—for the child in the video, for my own child, for myself, and for the thousands upon thousands of bullied children and families today, both those who have been brought to light and those who remain unseen.

Spanning 40 years across three generations, the bullying and humiliation remain unchanged! I am surely not an isolated case!

Forty years have passed, and this land has not improved in the slightest. The millennium-old saline-alkali soil remains as it was, and the stench of the culture’s soy sauce vat has grown even thicker. The masses of “leeks” have been squeezed and harvested time and time again, until their blood and tears have run dry.

At this moment outside my window, the gloomy rain falls incessantly. In a little over an hour, it will once again be May 35th. When will this ever end?!

May 35th, 2026, in a misty and rainy small wooden cabin at the foot of the Eastern Mountain.

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Ge Bing

作者：吕小静

抗议中共六四大屠杀的巨大横幅及大合照

【旧金山讯】1989年春夏之交，中国爆发席卷全国的民主运动。数百万学生、市民与知识分子走上街头，呼吁反腐败、新闻自由与政治改革。然而1989年6月4日凌晨，中共当局出动军队与坦克，对北京天安门广场及周边地区展开血腥镇压，造成大量平民伤亡。三十七年过去，“六四”在中国大陆依旧被封锁，但在海外，仍有人坚持纪念历史、守护真相。

民众驻足观看六四历史图片展

2026年5月24日，六四三十七周年前夕，旧金山中国城花园角广场（Portsmouth Square）举行“民主女神像清洗活动暨六四历史图片展”。多位八九民运人士、海外民主活动人士、青年团体成员及社区民众到场参与。活动现场，许多人认真擦洗民主女神像，也有不少民众驻足观看六四历史图片展，在一张张历史照片前沉默阅读、低声交流。

广场上，民主女神像在阳光下格外醒目。现场同时展出大量六四历史图片

与文字资料，从学生绝食、市民游行，到坦克进入长安街的画面，令不少路过民众停下脚步久久凝视。

方政：希望民主女神像终有一天回到中国

中国民主党旧金山党部主席方政，前排中间

八九学运领袖方政在现场发言。1989年六四镇压期间，方政在撤离天安门途中遭坦克碾压失去双腿，成为六四惨案的重要亲历者之一。三十多年来，他始终坚持推动六四纪念与中国民主运动。

方政首先特别感谢此次“清洗民主女神像”活动的长期发起人、前“人道中国”主席葛洵。他表示，自2010年以来，葛洵每年都会提前准备清洗用品与活动物资，让这一纪念活动能够持续至今。

方政表示，旧金山民主女神像不仅是一座雕像，更是一代海外华人共同守护的历史记忆。

“每年六四前，我们来到这里清洗民主女神像，不只是擦去灰尘，更是在提醒大家，不能忘记六四，不能忘记那些为自由付出生命的人。”

他说，这座建立于1994年六四五周年期间的民主女神像，是美国西海岸极具象征意义的民主地标，也承载着无数中国人对自由与民主的希望。

方政表示，希望民主女神像所代表的自由精神，能够继续在海外华人心中传承下去。

“我们最终还是希望，有一天民主女神像能够回到中国，让中国人民能够公开纪念六四，真正拥有民主与自由。”

现场响起长时间掌声。

葛洵：让六四记忆继续被看见

清洗民主女神像活动主要发起人葛洵（左一）

活动发起人葛洵表示，自己1989年时已在美国留学，当年积极参与声援中国学生民主运动，之后长期投入海外六四纪念活动。

他回忆，2010年前后，有人提出在六四前清洗民主女神像，此后大家决定将活动持续下来。十多年来，无论天气如何变化，这项活动始终没有中断。

葛洵表示，希望通过持续纪念，让更多人知道六四历史，也让仍在中国坚持争取自由与人权的人看到希望。

周锋锁：六四是一场永久无法被抹去的历史记忆

中国人权执行主任周锋锁

中国民主运动海外联席会议主席周锋锁则从历史、现实与未来三个层面，回顾了1989年民主运动的意义。

周锋锁是1989年北京学生运动的重要领袖之一，也是天安门广场绝食团成员。六四后，他遭中共通缉，后流亡海外，长期推动中国民主与人权运动。

“六四是一场永久的纪念”

周锋锁表示，六四并不仅仅是一场学生运动，而是一场整个中国社会对于民主与自由的觉醒。

“1989年，北京有上百万人走上街头，全国三百多个城市都有人声援。这是中国人民第一次如此大规模、和平地争取民主自由。”

他说，中共最终却以坦克、机枪与屠杀回应人民的呼声。

“那些人是手无寸铁的普通人。死难者里，有九岁的孩子，也有八十岁的老人。直到今天，外界仍无法知道，那场屠杀究竟死了多少人。”

周锋锁表示，正因为历史被封锁，人们才更需要继续纪念六四。

“六四已经不只是中国的历史，它已经成为全世界反抗专制、追求自由的重要象征。”

“柏林墙倒塌，也受到六四精神影响”

周锋锁回忆，曾有参与推倒柏林墙的人亲口告诉他，1989年北京学生争取民主自由、不怕牺牲的精神，给了东欧人民巨大的鼓舞。

“他们告诉我，北京学生站出来反抗专制，让很多东欧人第一次真正意识到：人民也可以站出来争取自由。”

他说，自由与民主并不是某一个国家独有的价值，而是全世界共同追求的理想。

“无论在中国、东欧，还是世界任何地方，只要有人争取自由，这种精神就会彼此影响、彼此点燃。”

“从被嘲笑到越来越壮大”

周锋锁还回忆，早年海外纪念六四时，参与人数非常少，甚至经常遭到冷嘲热讽。

“二十多年前，我们刚开始在旧金山公开纪念六四时，很多人觉得没有意义，还有人嘲笑我们，说不会再有人记得六四。”

但他表示，即使最困难的时候，仍然有人坚持站出来。

如今，越来越多年轻人开始主动了解六四历史，民运队伍也在不断扩大。

“中共一直希望人们遗忘六四，但实际上，每一年都有新的年轻人开始认识真相。只要还有人愿意了解历史，中国就一定还有希望。”

华语青年挺藏会会长段荆棘到场声援

华语青年挺藏会会长段荆棘（右一）、年轻艺术爱好者Ruty手绘坦克图像（中）、中国民主党组织部部长周云龙（中）

华语青年挺藏会会长段荆棘（右一）、年轻艺术爱好者Ruty手绘坦克图像（中）、中国民主党组织部部长周云龙（中）

活动当天，华语青年挺藏会会长段荆棘也到场参与，并分享长期推动汉藏交流与人权倡议的理念。

她表示，中共长期利用恐惧与分化制造不同群体之间的隔阂，而真正的敌人并不是彼此，而是制造压迫与恐惧的极权制度。

段荆棘展示了一面仿制旗帜。她表示，原型来自1989年一位藏族学生在天安门民主运动期间所持旗帜，希望借此提醒世人：1989年的民主抗争，并不仅仅发生在北京。

她说，希望自己能够成为汉人与藏人之间的桥梁，让更多华人了解西藏历史与现实处境。

“如果说真话的人越来越少，人们就会完全活在谎言里，这是非常可怕的事情。”

为良心犯徐光募捐：让坚持自由的人感受到温暖

活动现场还举行了“一人一美金”募捐活动，专门为中国国内因争取民主自由而遭受迫害的良心犯及家属筹集援助资金。

此次募捐重点声援刚刚出狱的民主人士徐光。

徐光是1989年杭州学生运动的重要参与者，也是中国民主党早期成员之一。多年来，他持续公开纪念六四并推动民主理念，因此多次遭到中共打压。2022年，徐光再次因纪念六四及发表言论被捕，后被判刑四年。

在狱中，徐光长期绝食抗议，以表达对政治迫害的不满。近期出狱后，他公开表示：

“为了纪念六四，无怨无悔。”

这句话也令现场许多人深受触动。

方政在现场表示，当天活动所售出的文化衫收入，将全部捐赠给徐光，希望让所有为中国争取自由的人士感受到海外华人的温暖与关心。

“我们不能只享受自由，却忘记那些仍在黑暗中坚持的人。”

组织者表示，本次募款将通过“在野党”账户转交至徐光本人手中，希望能够为其提供实际帮助，也让更多良心犯感受到外界仍在关注他们。

活动最后，现场民众共同高喊“勿忘六四”“自由中国”“结束专制”等口号。

阳光下，民主女神像静静矗立。而围绕雕像的人群，也让人再次看到：即使三十七年过去，仍有人坚持守护历史、守护真相，也守护着中国未来走向自由的希望。

编辑：张娜

校对：冯仍

翻译：戈冰

San Francisco’s Garden Corner Plaza held a statue of democracy cleaning event to commemorate the 37th anniversary of June 4th

Author: Lyu Xiaojing

Huge banner and photo protesting the June 4th Massacre by the Chinese Communist Party

【San Francisco News】 At the turn of spring and summer in 1989, a democratic movement swept across China. Millions of students, citizens and intellectuals took to the streets to call for anti-corruption, press freedom and political reform. However, in the early morning of June 4, 1989, the Chinese Communist Party authorities dispatched troops and tanks to launch a bloody crackdown on Tiananmen Square and surrounding areas in Beijing, causing heavy civilian casualties. Thirty-seven years have passed, and “June 4th” is still blocked in mainland China, but overseas, some people still insist on commemorating history and protecting the truth.

In the square, the Statue of Democracy stands out in the sunlight. A large number of June 4th historical pictures were exhibited at the scene

With written materials, from the students’ hunger strike, the citizens’ march, to the scene of tanks entering Chang’an Avenue, many passers-by stopped and stared for a long time.

Fang Zheng: I hope the Statue of Democracy will return to China one day

Fang Zheng, Chairman of the San Francisco branch of the China Democratic Party, front row, center

Fang Zheng, leader of the 1989 student movement, spoke on the spot. During the June 4th crackdown in 1989, Fang Zheng lost both legs when he was run over by a tank while evacuating Tiananmen Square, becoming one of the important eyewitnesses of the June 4th Massacre. For more than three decades, he has consistently promoted the June 4th commemoration and the Chinese democracy movement.

Fang Zheng first of all particularly thanked Ge Xun, the long-term initiator of this “cleansing of the Statue of Democracy” event and former chairman of “Humanitarian China”. He said that since 2010, Ge Xun has prepared cleaning supplies and event supplies in advance every year, so that this commemorative activity can continue to this day.

Fang Zheng said that the Statue of Democracy in San Francisco is not only a statue, but also a historical memory that is jointly protected by a generation of overseas Chinese.

“Every year before June 4th, we come here to clean the Statue of Democracy. It not only wipes away the dust, but also reminds everyone not to forget June 4th and those who gave their lives for freedom. ”

He said that the Statue of Democracy, which was built during the June 4th and 5th anniversaries in 1994, is a highly symbolic democratic landmark on the west coast of the United States and also carries the hopes of countless Chinese people for freedom and democracy.

Fang Zheng expressed the hope that the spirit of freedom represented by the Statue of Democracy can continue to be passed on in the hearts of overseas Chinese.

“Ultimately, we hope that one day the Statue of Democracy will return to China, allowing the Chinese people to publicly commemorate June 4th and truly possess democracy and freedom. ”

There was long applause from the audience.

Ge Xun: Let the memory of June 4th continue to be seen.

Ge Xun (first from left), the main initiator of the campaign to cleanse the Statue of Democracy

The initiator of the event, Ge Xun, said that he had studied in the United States in 1989 and actively participated in the movement to support Chinese student democracy that year. After that, he devoted a long time to overseas June 4th commemoration activities.

He recalled that around 2010, someone proposed to clean the Statue of Democracy before June 4th, and everyone decided to continue the activity. For more than a decade, this activity has remained uninterrupted, regardless of weather changes.

Ge Xun expressed the hope that through continued commemoration, more people will know the history of June 4th, and that those who are still fighting for freedom and human rights in China will see hope.

Zhou Fengsuo: June 4th is a historical memory that cannot be erased forever

Zhou Fengsuo, Executive Director of Human Rights of China

Zhou Fengsuo, Chairman of the Overseas Joint Conference of the Chinese Democratic Movement, reviewed the significance of the 1989 democratic movement from the perspectives of history, reality and the future.

Zhou Fengsuo was one of the important leaders of the 1989 Beijing student movement and a member of the Tiananmen Square hunger strike. After June 4, he was wanted by the Chinese Communist Party and later went into exile overseas, where he has long promoted China’s democracy and human rights movement.

“June 4th is a permanent commemoration ”

Zhou Fengsuo said that June 4th was not just a student movement, but an awakening of democracy and freedom in the entire Chinese society.

“In 1989, millions of people took to the streets in Beijing, and people in more than 300 cities across the country showed their support. This is the first time that the Chinese people have fought for democracy and freedom on such a large scale and peacefully.”

He said the CCP ultimately responded to the people’s calls with tanks, machine guns and massacres.

“Those people are ordinary, unarmed people. Among the dead were nine-year-olds and eighty-year-olds. To this day, the outside world still cannot know how many people died in that massacre.”

Zhou Fengsuo said that it is precisely because history is blocked that people need to continue commemorating June 4th.

“June 4th is no longer just China’s history; it has become an important symbol of the world’s resistance to authoritarianism and pursuit of freedom. ”

“The fall of the Berlin Wall was also influenced by the June 4th spirit”

Zhou Fengsuo recalled that someone who participated in the demolition of the Berlin Wall told him in person that the spirit of Beijing students fighting for democracy and freedom and not being afraid of sacrifice in 1989 gave great encouragement to the people of Eastern Europe.

“They told me that the fact that Beijing students stood up to authoritarianism made many Eastern Europeans truly realize for the first time that people can stand up for freedom, too. ”

He said that freedom and democracy are not values unique to any one country, but ideals pursued by the whole world.

“Whether in China, Eastern Europe, or anywhere else in the world, as long as there are people fighting for freedom, this spirit will influence and ignite each other. ”

“From being ridiculed to growing stronger”

Zhou Fengsuo also recalled that when commemorating June 4th overseas in the early years, the number of participants was very small and he was often even ridiculed.

“When we first began publicly commemorating June 4th in San Francisco over 20 years ago, many people felt it was meaningless, and some laughed at us, saying no one would remember it anymore. ”

But he said even in the most difficult times, some people still insist on coming forward.

Today, more and more young people are beginning to take the initiative to understand the history of June 4th, and the democratic movement team is also expanding.

“The CCP has always hoped that people would forget June 4th, but in fact, every year new young people begin to understand the truth. As long as there are people willing to understand history, there will definitely be hope for China.”

Duan Jingji, president of the Chinese Youth Support Association for Tibet, attended the event to show his support

Duan Jingji (first from right), president of the Chinese Youth Support for Tibet Association; Ruty, a young art enthusiast, hand-paints a tank image (center); and Zhou Yunlong, head of the Organization Department of the China Democratic Party (center)

On the day of the event, Duan Jingji, president of the Chinese Youth Support for Tibet Association, also attended the event and shared his ideas on promoting long-term Sino-Tibetan exchanges and human rights initiatives.

She said that the CCP has long used fear and differentiation to create barriers between different groups, and the real enemies are not each other, but a totalitarian system that creates oppression and fear.

Duan Thorns displayed a replica flag. She said that the prototype came from the flag held by a Tibetan student during the Tiananmen democracy movement in 1989, hoping to remind the world that the 1989 democratic struggle did not just happen in Beijing.

She said she hopes to become a bridge between Han Chinese and Tibetans, allowing more Chinese people to understand Tibet’s history and current situation.

“If fewer and fewer people tell the truth, people will completely live a lie, which is very scary. ”

Fundraising for prisoner of conscience Xu Guang: Let those who insist on freedom feel the warmth

A “one person, one US dollar” fundraising event was also held at the event to raise funds for assistance to prisoners of conscience and their families who are persecuted for their struggle for democratic freedoms in China.

The fundraising focused on supporting Xu Guang, a democrat who had just been released from prison.

Xu Guang was an important participant in the 1989 Hangzhou student movement and an early member of the China Democratic Party. Over the years, he continued to publicly commemorate June 4th and promote democratic ideas, and was therefore suppressed by the Chinese Communist Party many times. In 2022, Xu Guang was arrested again for commemorating June 4th and making remarks, and was later sentenced to four years in prison.

While in prison, Xu Guang went on a long hunger strike to express his dissatisfaction with the political persecution. After being released from prison recently, he publicly stated:

“To commemorate June 4th, no regrets. ”

This sentence also deeply touched many people on the scene.

Fang Zheng said at the scene that all the proceeds from the cultural shirts sold at the event that day will be donated to Xu Guang, hoping that all those who fight for freedom for China will feel the warmth and care of overseas Chinese.

“We cannot enjoy freedom and forget those who still cling in the darkness. ”

Organizers said that the fundraising funds will be transferred to Xu Guang himself through the “opposition party” account, hoping to provide him with practical help and let more prisoners of conscience feel that the outside world is still paying attention to them.

At the end of the event, the people on the scene jointly shouted slogans such as “Never forget June 4th ”“Free China ”“End Autocracy”.

The Statue of Democracy stands quietly in the sunshine. The crowd surrounding the statue also made people see again: even after 37 years, there are still people who insist on protecting history, protecting the truth, and protecting China’s hope for future freedom.

Editor: Zhang Na

Proofreader: Feng Ren

Translation: Ge Bing

作者：陈西

尊敬的共和国公民：

2026年6月10日第二个“文明对话国际日”即将来临，这个由中国政府提出，得到世界上80多个国家支持的“国际日”来临，作为共和国公民，我们当然得站出来，给政府点赞的同时，并支持政府本国“文明对话国际日”项目的建设！

继首届“文明对话国际日”后，今年我们推出的主题是：促进我国公务员财务公开话题。

为什么是我国，而不是外国？

我们发现国际社会绝大多数（156个）国家都早实行公务员财务公开制度了；而作为负责任大国，有5000年文明史的本国远远落后了！中国人大至今还没有通过“国家公务员财务公开法”。

据有关资料报道，我国早有有识之士在人大会议上提出，并讨论过了，该法案至今仍冰冻在人大，是什么原因呢？

当我们期盼“公务员财务公开”法尚未盼来，却等到了5月1日开始施行的《最高人民法院 最高人民检察院关于办理贪污贿赂刑事案件适用法律若干问题的解释（二）》（法释〔2026〕6号）“准贪证”的到来。

怎么良法未到，恶法却先到来呢？！

是什么原因阻止了良法的通过？！

人大在立法过程中遇到了什么难点，堵点？！

有什么卡脖子的事情，迟迟不能通过该法呢？！

良法立法受阻，恶法立法反而得到通过，这说明，单靠上层单方面立法已经成问题，我们不妨在“文明对话国际日”来讨论这些“卡脖子”的问题，全社会动员起来与上层有识之士多方互动，共同推动良法——“公务员财务公开”法案尽快落地。

故，继首届“公民对话联盟”平台活动，我们这次对话平台呼吁全社会都来对话，共同参与解决良法提案被“卡脖子”的事！  第二届“公民对话联盟”平台发起人：

贵州贵阳公民_陈西-手机号：18198281954 （社交软件同号）

浙江杭州公民-陈树庆微信号：wxid-wmhnbocidh4k22

湖南怀化公民-唐浩铭手机：13212390018，13974518171（社交软件同号）

江西赣州公民-刘少明手机：18802016201（社交软件同号）

贵州贵阳公民-徐国庆手机：13984086628（社交软件同号）

湖北潜江公民-姚立法（13339728964）（社交软件同号）

山东德州公民-陈立勇手机：18005449982（社交软件同号）

四川成都公民-陈云飞：电话16718106764微信号：cyf1989-06-04 欢迎广大共和国公民参加第二届“公民对话联盟”活动：

从公告发出之日起，凡自愿公开留下电话号码，或微信号联系方式，或转发此信息的为“公民对话联盟”发起人，“志愿服务者”；以承担起当地“文明对话国际日”服务的工作。签名按参加先后顺序自动排名。  2026年5月20日   附陈西议论文：对话——教育的目的                               笔者定义：教育是使受教育者热爱和掌握对话能力。对话是人基本的生活方式，人的各种品德和能力唯经由对话而习得而显现而巩固。对话式教育始于苏格拉底，他称自己是文明思想品德的助产士，他以对话来开拓对话者的智力；他的学生柏拉图是这种对话教育的果实，也是老师事业的继承者；所以，他的几十篇名作都以《对话》体流传下来。

造物主造万物是有限，悖论的造；或者说，万物都不可能完善，都有缺陷，是一半一半的存在；造物主规定存在者得找回对立的另一半，以弥补自己的缺陷，克服自己孤独无援无继无未来的状态。

那么，以什么为媒介？

维特根斯坦说：“语言即世界”，人类认识世界只能通过语言为媒介来掌握，人类的能力和有限性都受到语言限制。语言成为人类唯一打开自己世界天窗的钥匙；如此而来，语言会反噬人类。如何克服语言的反噬，克服被语言的禁锢、受限、孤独、贫困且自大，人天然的缺陷？

人类借助对话，或对话平台来克服不足。

哲学的本义是“爱智慧。过往最优秀的哲学家、思想家、教育家都以《对话》方式来开拓那个时代人的智性；所以，人文教育主要是经过《对话》方式来解放人的心智和培养人性。有基督教传统的国家最早扫盲启蒙教育就从读《圣经》释经的对话开始，他们的教堂区别于中土的学堂传统导致：他们没有语文课，只有对话沟通的阅读课。神学家马丁•布伯把对话看成是人克服孤独存在和原子化状态的必要条件。在他影响广泛的《我与你》一书中。他提出：对话的目的不是为了得到某种结论性东西，或表达一个人自己的观点或看法，而是在人与人之间和人与神之间建立起真正有意义生活的先决条件。

如果要定义现代民主法治国家，哈贝马斯是这样定义的：民主不是投票，而是对话讨论；法治不是讲武力，而是讲道理，人类区别于动物世界最明显的能力是讲道理。选举投票是结果，民主看重过程中的对话讨论；法治不是亮剑，法治是培养人在对话中讲道理的能力，这样就好理解法庭上“控、抗、辩”对话裁决的模式了。

但是，家文化学堂的特色认为：教育的目的不是对话，而是听话。是把受教育者驯化成听话的巨婴，懂得服从才是金。就有金句：“沉默才是金”。所以，世界给中国人一个“哑裔”的称号。

教堂与学堂的区别：一个培养人在上帝面前人人平等的对话，一个培养“君君、臣臣、父父、子子”的等级秩序。前者，在上帝面前人得认罪，承认自己的不足；方有释经、祷告、对话、交流沟通重要的过程；后者，是接受唯一正确答案，接受等级秩序的规训，顺从天命，和父母官的安排，做个“哑裔”，就不必有对话重要的过程。

学堂的传统起源于孔子。早在春秋末期，他就提出了:“以尊者为忌讳”的教育理念。他擅长祖宗崇拜，专业称为儒者，是搞祭奠业的，他十分看重社会秩序的建立。比如，在《论语》中，他也有对话，但是，他的对话是给出正确结论。他以顺从为教育目的，妄以家文化秩序的教育来解决在社会上遇到的一切问题。如，异性之间的匹配和需求都由父母官来批准配给就是一例。

他在鲁国曾是该国父母官阶层之一，其父母官思维定式认为：“秩序”是最高的社会价值。“稳定压倒一切”，社会秩序的稳定是唯一，结果，其他价值观都微不足道。而对话的教育观认为，秩序是次要，当下活着人的价值才是至高无上的，所谓秩序当是人理性对话建立起来的“自生自发秩序”。

他没有注意到：建立在“尊者”，威权家文化的秩序是一种恶性惯性的秩序。人活在这种惯性秩序中，即活在历史决定论中；人被历史决定论压迫成为了奴隶，人必然失去主体的位格；于是，导致当下活着的人失去了主角意识，只有配角意识；更无奈的意识是，它培植了人活在堕性，惯性、路径依赖中而不能自拔；最终，人因受制于惯性秩序的反噬，只能在凄凉中灭亡。

中国几千年王朝更替史是证据，当下公务员塌方式贪腐，特权者30多年都未通过“公务员财务公开”法案，并把可入罪标准提高到300万更是证据！这些证据足以证明，特权阶层已经在重蹈覆辙，陷入到历史恶性循环中，陷入到旧秩序的反噬中，等待着其自取灭亡！

大儒曾国藩就发现在“官本位”家文化下的无力感。因为，在家文化秩序下，似乎对话、讲道理、培养理性，独立思考能力都是有讳家长意志的；严重点说，都是在犯不敬不尊不孝，十恶不赦之罪。

对于巨婴来说，把一切都交给父母官搞定，有那点不好。这样，他们可省心地吃喝玩乐去旅游，可以不关心政治了!

选择题来了！

在以对话或听话为教育目的理念之间，你选择前者，还是后者？

选择前者：爱智慧、爱开放包容共和制的国家；

选择后者：爱愚蠢、爱封闭吸取性特权制国家。                   2026年5月20日

编辑：Gloria Wang  校对：周敏 翻译：沈美花

Announcement No.1:International Day of Civilizational Dialogue

Author: Chen Xi

Dear Citizens of the Republic:

The second “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” is fast approaching on June 10, 2026. As citizens of the Republic, we must certainly stand up to applaud the government and support the development of the government’s domestic “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” initiative, which was proposed by the Chinese government and has received support from more than 80 countries around the world!

Following the inaugural “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” this year’s theme is: Promoting Financial Transparency for Civil Servants in Our Country.

Why our country, and not foreign nations?

We have found that the vast majority (156) of countries in the international community have long implemented systems for financial transparency among civil servants; yet, as a responsible major power with a 5,000-year history of civilization, our country lags far behind! To date, the National People’s Congress has not passed the “National Civil Servant Financial Transparency Act.”

According to relevant reports, enlightened individuals in our country have long raised this issue at NPC sessions and discussed it, yet the bill remains frozen in the NPC. What is the reason for this?

While we were still waiting for the “Civil Servant Financial Disclosure Law,” we instead saw the arrival of the “Interpretation (II) of the Supreme People’s Court and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate on Several Issues Concerning the Application of Law in Handling Criminal Cases of Embezzlement and Bribery” (Fa Shi [2026] No. 6), which took effect on May 1—a document effectively serving as a “license to embezzle.”

How is it that a good law has not arrived, yet a bad law has come first?!

What is preventing the passage of this good law?!

What difficulties and bottlenecks has the NPC encountered in the legislative process?!

What is holding things up, preventing the passage of this law?!

The fact that the enactment of sound legislation is being obstructed while harmful legislation is being passed indicates that relying solely on unilateral legislation by the higher authorities has become problematic. Let us take this “International Day of Civilizational Dialogue” as an opportunity to discuss these “bottleneck” issues, mobilize the entire society to engage in multi-faceted interactions with enlightened figures in the higher echelons, and jointly push for the swift implementation of sound legislation—the “Public Servant Financial Disclosure” bill.

Therefore, following the inaugural “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” platform event, this dialogue platform calls on the entire society to engage in dialogue and jointly address the bottlenecks hindering the passage of sound legislative proposals! Initiators of the Second “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” Platform:

Citizen Chen Xi from Guiyang, Guizhou – Mobile: 18198281954 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Hangzhou, Zhejiang – Chen Shuqing WeChat ID: wxid-wmhnbocidh4k22

Citizen from Huaihua, Hunan – Tang Haoming Mobile: 13212390018, 13974518171 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Ganzhou, Jiangxi – Liu Shaoming Mobile: 18802016201 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Guiyang, Guizhou – Xu Guoqing Mobile: 13984086628 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Qianjiang, Hubei – Yao Lifu (13339728964) (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Dezhou, Shandong – Chen Liyong Mobile: 18005449982 (Same number on social media)

Citizen from Chengdu, Sichuan – Chen Yunfei: Phone 16718106764, WeChat ID: cyf1989-06-04 We welcome all citizens of the Republic to participate in the Second “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” event:

From the date of this announcement, anyone who voluntarily and publicly provides their phone number, WeChat ID, or shares this message is considered an initiator of the “Citizen Dialogue Alliance” and a “volunteer”; to undertake service duties for the local “International Day of Civilized Dialogue.

” Signatures will be automatically ranked in the order of participation. May 20, 2026 Attached: Chen Xi’s Essay: Dialogue—The Purpose of Education The author defines education as fostering in learners a love for and mastery of the art of dialogue. Dialogue is a fundamental way of life for humans; all human virtues and abilities are acquired, manifested, and consolidated solely through dialogue. Dialogue-based education began with Socrates, who called himself a midwife of civilized thought and virtue; he used dialogue to expand the intellect of his interlocutors. His student Plato was the fruit of this dialogue-based education and the heir to his teacher’s legacy; thus, his dozens of masterpieces have been passed down in the form of “Dialogues.”

The Creator fashioned all things in a finite, paradoxical manner; or, to put it another way, nothing can be perfect—everything has flaws and exists as a half. The Creator decreed that beings must seek out their opposite half to compensate for their own imperfections and overcome their state of loneliness, helplessness, and lack of continuity or future.

So, what serves as the medium?

Wittgenstein said, “Language is the world.” Human understanding of the world can only be grasped through language as a medium; human capabilities and limitations are both constrained by language. Language becomes the sole key for humanity to open the skylight of its own world; consequently, language may turn against humanity. How can we overcome this backlash of language—the confinement, limitations, loneliness, poverty, and arrogance that are inherent human flaws?

Humans rely on dialogue, or platforms for dialogue, to overcome these shortcomings.

The original meaning of philosophy is “love of wisdom.” The greatest philosophers, thinkers, and educators of the past all used the method of “dialogue” to expand the intellectual horizons of their contemporaries; therefore, humanities education primarily employs the method of “dialogue” to liberate the human mind and cultivate humanity. In countries with a Christian tradition, early literacy and enlightenment education began with dialogues centered on reading and interpreting the Bible. Their churches, distinct from the traditional schools of China, led to a system where there were no language classes, only reading classes focused on dialogue and communication. Theologian Martin Buber viewed dialogue as a necessary condition for humans to overcome solitary existence and atomization. In his widely influential book *I and Thou*, he argued that the purpose of dialogue is not to arrive at some conclusive outcome or to express one’s own views, but rather to establish the prerequisites for a truly meaningful life between people and between people and God.

If one were to define a modern democratic state governed by the rule of law, Habermas would define it as follows: democracy is not about voting, but about dialogue and discussion; the rule of law is not about force, but about reason—and the most distinctive ability that distinguishes humans from the animal world is the capacity for reason. Voting is the result; democracy values the process of dialogue and discussion. The rule of law is not about brandishing swords; it is about cultivating people’s ability to reason through dialogue. This explains the courtroom model of “prosecution, defense, and argument” leading to a verdict.

However, the distinctive philosophy of the “Family Culture Academy” holds that the purpose of education is not dialogue, but obedience. It is about taming the educated into obedient “giant babies,” where the true value lies in knowing how to obey. Hence the adage: “Silence is golden.” This is why the world has bestowed upon the Chinese the label of “the silent race.”

The distinction between the church and the school: one fosters dialogue based on the principle that all are equal before God, while the other cultivates a hierarchical order of “rulers ruling, subjects serving, fathers fathering, and sons sonning.

” In the former, people must confess their sins before God and acknowledge their shortcomings; only then can the vital processes of biblical interpretation, prayer, dialogue, and communication take place; the latter involves accepting a single correct answer, submitting to the discipline of a hierarchical order, conforming to the will of Heaven and the arrangements of local officials—becoming a “silent people”—thus eliminating the need for these vital processes of dialogue.

The tradition of the school originated with Confucius. As early as the late Spring and Autumn Period, he proposed the educational philosophy of “treating those of higher status with reverence and respect.” He was skilled in ancestor worship; professionally known as a Confucian scholar, he was engaged in the ritual industry and placed great emphasis on establishing social order. For instance, while there are dialogues in the *Analects*, his dialogues serve to arrive at the correct conclusion. He made obedience the goal of education, mistakenly attempting to resolve all societal problems through the educational framework of family-based cultural order. For example, the matching and needs of opposite-sex couples were approved and allocated by local officials.

While in the state of Lu, he was part of the ruling class, whose mindset held that “order” was the highest social value. “Stability trumps all else”; the stability of social order was the sole priority, rendering all other values insignificant. In contrast, the dialogical view of education holds that order is secondary, while the value of the living in the present is supreme; so-called order should be a “spontaneous order” established through rational human dialogue.

He failed to recognize that an order built upon a culture of “superiors” and authoritarianism is a vicious, inertial order. People living within this inertial order live under historical determinism; oppressed by this determinism, they become slaves and inevitably lose their status as autonomous agents; consequently, those living in the present lose their sense of being protagonists and are reduced to mere supporting roles; even more tragically, this fosters a mindset where people are trapped in a state of decline, inertia, and path dependence, unable to extricate themselves; ultimately, constrained by the backlash of this inertial order, they can only perish in desolation.

China’s millennia-long history of dynastic succession serves as evidence; the current widespread corruption among civil servants, the failure of the privileged class to pass a “civil servant financial disclosure” bill for over 30 years, and the raising of the criminal threshold to 3 million yuan are further proof! This evidence is sufficient to demonstrate that the privileged class is repeating past mistakes, trapped in a vicious historical cycle and the backlash of the old order, awaiting its self-inflicted demise!

The great Confucian scholar Zeng Guofan recognized the sense of powerlessness inherent in a “official-centered” family culture. For within this family-based order, dialogue, reasoned discourse, the cultivation of rationality, and independent thinking all seem to run counter to the will of the patriarch; to put it bluntly, they are acts of disrespect, disobedience, and disloyalty—crimes so heinous they are unforgivable.

For “giant babies,” what’s wrong with leaving everything to be handled by their “parental officials”? That way, they can live carefree lives of eating, drinking, partying, and traveling—without having to worry about politics!

Here comes the multiple-choice question!

Between educational philosophies that prioritize dialogue and those that prioritize obedience, which do you choose?

Choose the former: a nation that values wisdom, openness, and a republican system;

Choose the latter: a nation that values ignorance, isolation, and a system of privilege. May 20, 2026

Editor: Gloria Wang Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Shen Meihua

作者：陈立群

各位朋友、各位同道：今天，我们在多伦多再次聚集在一起，纪念1989年6月4日那场惨绝人寰的大屠杀，37周年。37年了。那一夜的枪声、坦克的履带声、鲜血染红的长安街，至今仍在无数人的噩梦中回响。那不是什么“平息动乱”，那是中共政权对和平请愿的大学生和市民，对要求民主、反腐、要自由的中国人，进行的血腥屠杀。它用最残忍的方式告诉全世界：这个党从来不把人民当人。我们已经很多年不再喊“平反六四”的口号了。因为中共早已彻底失去了所谓平反的资格。一个手上沾满人民鲜血的政权，没有资格审判自己，更没有资格对被它屠杀的人民“平反”。平反的前提是承认错误、承担罪责、接受正义的审判。而中共至今仍在封锁真相、抹黑死难者、监禁纪念者。它不仅不认罪，反而把屠杀包装成“伟大胜利”。这样的党，我们只剩下一个词给它——清算。37年过去，越来越多的真相从北京以外的省市浮出水面。我们看到成都、西安、武汉、长沙、广州、浙江……无数城市都发生过开枪镇压、坦克碾压、秘密处决和大规模抓捕。那些被掩埋的尸体、被消失的名单、被改写的档案，正在被幸存者、目击者和研究者一点点挖出来。这证明六四不是孤立的“北京事件”，而是一场全国性的、有预谋的屠杀运动。中共对人民的恐惧和敌视，从来不是局限于首都，而是遍及整个中国。八九年“六四”事件后，浙江省共有上百人被抓捕并被判处不同刑期的徒刑或劳动教养。其中，仅在集中关押“六四”政治犯的浙江省第四监狱（现乔司监狱），被判刑期在一年以上的政治犯就达45人。

因此，今天我们更要做的，不是空喊口号，而是系统地、顽强地搜集、整理、保存所有屠杀证据：每一颗子弹、每一份死亡名单、每一段视频、每一张照片、每一位幸存者的证词。我们要把这些证据像钉子一样钉进历史，让任何人、任何时候都无法抵赖。唯有证据充分，我们才能为未来的大清算做好最坚实的准备。那一天终将到来——不是复仇，而是正义的审判，是把加害者绳之以法、还死难者一个公道、还历史一个真相。

与此同时，我呼吁大家继续关注和支持六四纪念馆的建设，关注和支持自由雕塑公园的建设。这不是哪一个组织的纪念馆和雕塑公园，这是我们这一代人自己的记忆！它属于所有曾经在黑暗中点过蜡烛、喊过口号、失去亲友、流亡海外、坐过牢、被监控、至今仍心怀恐惧却不愿遗忘的人。它是我们对死难者的承诺，也是我们留给下一代最珍贵的遗产：记住真相、拒绝遗忘、传承抵抗。朋友们，37年不是结束，而是新的开始。中共可以封锁互联网，可以删除历史，可以继续用谎言和暴力维系统治，但它封锁不了人心，抹杀不了记忆，更阻挡不了真相像种子一样在地下生根发芽。

让我们把悲痛化为力量，把记忆化为行动。继续搜集证据，继续支持六四纪念馆，继续支持自由雕塑公园，继续把六四的火种传递下去。直到有一天，当那个作恶的政权彻底倒下，当自由、民主、法治真正降临这片土地，我们可以告慰所有六四的亡灵：

我们没有忘记。

我们一直在战斗。

我们终于等到了这一天。

我是陈立群，我在美国纽约。谢谢大家。

2026年6月 多伦多

Speech at the Chinese Democratic Party Rally in Toronto on June 4th, 2026

Author: Chen Liqun

Friends, fellow advocates: Today, we gather once again in Toronto to commemorate the 37th anniversary of that tragically cruel massacre on June 4th, 1989.

37 years have passed. The gunfire of that night, the rumbling of tank tracks, and Chang’an Avenue stained red with blood still echo in the nightmares of countless people. That was no “quelling of a counter-revolutionary riot”; that was the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime conducting a bloody slaughter against university students and citizens peacefully petitioning—against Chinese people demanding democracy, opposing corruption, and wanting freedom. It used the most brutal method to tell the entire world: this Party has never treated the people as human beings.

We have not shouted the slogan “Vindicate June 4th” for many years now. Because the CCP has long since completely lost the so-called qualification to vindicate anyone. A regime whose hands are stained with the blood of the people has no qualification to judge itself, let alone to “vindicate” the people it slaughtered. The prerequisite for vindication is admitting mistakes, bearing criminal responsibility, and accepting the judgment of justice. Yet, to this day, the CCP is still blockading the truth, smearing the victims, and imprisoning those who commemorate. Not only does it refuse to plead guilty, it instead packages the massacre as a “great victory.” For such a Party, we have only one word left—reckoning.

37 years have passed, and more and more truths are surfacing from provinces and cities outside of Beijing. We see that in Chengdu, Xi’an, Wuhan, Changsha, Guangzhou, Zhejiang… countless cities have experienced opening fire to suppress, tank crushing, secret executions, and mass arrests. Those buried corpses, vanished names, and rewritten archives are being dug out piece by piece by survivors, eyewitnesses, and researchers. This proves that June 4th was not an isolated “Beijing Incident,” but a nationwide, premeditated campaign of massacre. The CCP’s fear and hostility toward the people have never been confined to the capital, but are spread throughout the whole of China. After the “June 4th” incident in 1989, a total of over a hundred people in Zhejiang Province were arrested and sentenced to prison terms of varying lengths or to labor re-education. Among them, in the Zhejiang Province Fourth Prison (now Qiaosi Prison) alone, where “June 4th” political prisoners were centrally detained, the number of political prisoners sentenced to terms of over one year reached 45.

Therefore, what we need to do even more today is not to shout empty slogans, but to systematically and tenaciously collect, organize, and preserve all evidence of the massacre: every single bullet, every single death list, every piece of video, every photograph, and every survivor’s testimony. We must drive these evidences like nails into history, making it impossible for anyone to deny them at any time. Only with sufficient evidence can we make the most solid preparations for the future great reckoning. That day will eventually come—not for revenge, but for the judgment of justice, to bring the perpetrators to justice, return fairness to the victims, and restore truth to history.

At the same time, I call upon everyone to continue paying attention to and supporting the construction of the June 4th Memorial Museum, and to pay attention to and support the construction of the Liberty Sculpture Park. This is not the memorial museum or sculpture park of any single organization; this is the memory of our own generation! It belongs to everyone who has ever lit a candle in the darkness, shouted a slogan, lost relatives or friends, gone into exile overseas, sat in prison, been monitored, and who to this day still harbors fear yet refuses to forget. It is our promise to the victims, and it is also the most precious legacy we leave to the next generation: remember the truth, refuse to forget, and pass down the resistance.

Friends, 37 years is not the end, but a new beginning. The CCP can blockade the internet, can delete history, and can continue to maintain its rule through lies and violence, but it cannot blockade human hearts, it cannot erase memories, and it certainly cannot stop the truth from taking root and sprouting underground like seeds.

Let us transform sorrow into strength and memory into action. Continue to collect evidence, continue to support the June 4th Memorial Museum, continue to support the Liberty Sculpture Park, and continue to pass down the spark of June 4th. Until one day, when that evil regime completely collapses, and when freedom, democracy, and the rule of law truly descend upon this land, we can comfort all the departed souls of June 4th:

We have not forgotten. We have been fighting all along. We have finally waited until this day.

I am Chen Liqun, I am in New York, USA. Thank you, everyone.

June 2026, Toronto

作者：王连江

我爱我的祖国—中国，我出生在那里，成长在那里，那里有我的亲人朋友。我爱祖国的大好河山，我爱那里的美食，我爱那里勤劳善良的人民。那里也有勇士，他们坚持真理勇于担当，他们信奉普世价值观，他们渴望自由平等，渴望公平正义，譬如：任志强、王炳章、高志晟、刘晓波、许志永等等，这些人是值得我们尊重的，我深深地爱着他们。

然而自中国共产党1921年在中国成立以后，无论是暴力革命夺取政权的过程中，还是近70多年的执政中，它给人民带来的是动乱、镇压、屠杀、奴役。为了维护他们的特权，他们采取种种手段：经济上的压榨，文化上的欺骗，政治上的镇压，社会上的监管。贪腐无处不在，不公平布满各个角落。一个人，从出生，到成长教育，社会工作，买房成家立业，养儿育女，退休养老，生病住院，死后埋葬的每个环节，对大多数民众来说，都充满了愚弄、剥夺、欺凌！

中共政府的犯罪是这个国家的最大犯罪。中共的特权阶层拒绝普世价值观，拒绝保护人权，拒绝民主选举。中华人民共和国这个政权，从成立那天起就是非法政府，他们的执政权力从来没有得到人民的授予，他们的权力是抢来的，他们根本不可能代表人民群众的利益。对于这样的一个政权，人民完全有权利推翻它！

我的祖父外祖父是富农，财产在那个黑暗年代被无偿地剥夺，后半生夹着尾巴做人。在我上学的那个年代，历史书上，是没有长沙会战的，也没有缅甸远征军的，最大战役就是一个平型关大捷。八年抗战，就这一个大一点的战役，你信吗？文革十年更是文化断档，那一个时间段的历史真相彻底不提，中国人去外星了吗？政治课的课本上，反反复复有一个论断：在中国一定要坚持中国共产党的领导。并且有一次的高考题就是：为什么一定要坚持中国共产党的领导？其答案全是胡说八道，没有一点逻辑！

在我毕业后，好的工作机会更是被许多权贵、许多会钻营的人占据。无论公检法还是电力局、 烟草局，也无论央企还是国企，没有关系你能进去就职？诚实的不忍出卖良知的、不愿低头哈腰想守住做人的一点点尊严的，往往被边缘化，这是个什么世道？

儿子长大了，要成家，我在浙江湖州买的房子，各种支出130万人民币左右，建房成本多少？每平方也就4000-5000元人民币左右吧，可是房价一万多，房地产商真的暴利吗？大头真的被地产商赚取了吗？没有！我们被政府以土地出让金等各种名义剥夺了。被剥夺的这些财富用到我们百姓的福利了吗？教育，医疗，还是农民的退休金？没有，统统没有！这些财富被他们贪污了，挥霍了。房子不买行吗？你能转移户籍吗？没有户籍你有养老金吗？没有户籍你儿女能读书吗？不能，不能！他们用手中的权力，把作为一个人最基本的生活需求捆绑在他们依赖压榨人民的、由他们垄断的、价格高企的房地产上。嫌弃房子贵，你能自己在土地的一级市场买地建房吗？不能，那是非法建房，是要被强拆的，这哪有天理？房子不买也得买，贵得离谱也得买！房地产就是中共剥夺人民劳动的白手套。现在许多年轻人的绝望躺平与房地产政策有直接的关系。

我曾在上海工作，可到了高中，我儿子不能在上海读书了，不能在上海参加高考了。为什么？凭什么？上海不是中国的吗？我们不是中国人吗？中国的农民一辈子劳役，退休金几何？我父母2014年去世，一个79岁，一个83年，他们临走的时候，养老金每月才70—80人民币，这公平吗？有讲理的地方吗？能与他们讲道理吗？他们满嘴的为人民服务，其实，他们全部是欺诈，全部是强盗！中共就是依附在中国人民身上的一颗毒瘤！

我在国内的时候，2004年因抗议城管恶意执法，伤害一位老人，前去抱打不平与他们理论，结果我本人被几个城管联合围殴，摁倒在地，一顿暴打，头部遭皮鞋踢踹，出血，后又被一个领导两个壮汉带到他们办公室威胁登记。我是纳税人，他们并不创造财富，是我们的纳税养活着他们，而我们在他们面前何等卑微，何等屈辱？！

在中国我自己反抗过，也支持过同道人对不公的抗挣，然而中共是没有底线的，他们的手段极其残暴，8964就是最好的证明。来美国后，我在中共驻洛杉矶领事馆前多次抗议，也于2025年9月6日—2025年10月7日全程参与横跨整个美国的追责中共病毒、反对中共跨国镇压等活动。中共驻美国大使馆门前、联合国总部门前、美国议会访客中心，都曾经留下我的身影。

现代科技已经把这个星球实实在在地变成了一个村落，大家已是冷暖与共，福祸相依，没有一个国家的人可以置身事外。同时热爱自由的人，也不愿看到别人被奴役。我多次为乌克兰人民捐款，合计5000美金；从2025年8月开始，我在中国民主党河南工委发起并参与为乌克兰前线捐款，几个中国民主党党员每个月合计捐助100美金，一直坚持到现在。

我来自中国，我十分清楚中国的现状，在中国抗击中共揭露真相的人士及家庭，会遭到中共各种各样地围堵与打压，他们的生活异常艰难。我刚刚来美国，万事开头难，对于我这个年龄这个身体瘦弱的人而言，生活并不容易，然而想想那些行走在抗挣前线的人们，他们在为他们自己抗争的同时，其实他们也是在替我们自己抗争，也是在为我们共同的未来开路，我们的后辈以及所有中国的普通大众都是受益人。为众抱薪者当众人所养，他们是我们的希望，他们是我们的脊梁，我们应当力尽所能地帮助他们。从2025年11月份开始，到目前为止，我每月对中国政治犯都有捐助，合计大约有3000美金。还有我们的民运同道自由雕塑公园，华盛顿共产主义受难者博物馆我都有不同程度的捐助。这是对我本人过去几十年满身屈辱的一个交代，也是对我整个家族遭受不公的一个交代，也是对我未来后辈的一个交代，表明在这个混蛋黑暗的中共政府面前，我没有低头，我没有沉默，我曾经抗争过。

人，万物之灵，对于一个国家而言，国民才是最最重要的，有什么样的国民，就有什么样的社会团体、政党组织，就有什么样的政治经济文化制度。龙应台、任志强都说过：若我们渴望建立一个充满平等公平正义的社会，那么就请各位勇敢地站起来，承担起我们本就应当承担的社会责任，推翻眼前这堵墙！北京四通桥事件中的彭立法，天安门8964事件中的徐勤先，香港国安法事件中的黎智英，多个城市白纸运动中的参与者，江油事件中围观的普通民众等等，他们都是勇士，他们都是中国社会进步的参与者、推动者。这个国家是我们大家的，它需要我们大家来共同维护，这是我们每一个中国人共同的社会责任与义务。在中国实现民主宪政，普通民众获得追求富足自由尊严的道路上，每一个阶层，甚至每一个人都至关重要，在此，我希望，也是呼吁，我们每个阶层的人民，各种岗位的民众行动起来，以不同的方式承担起我们共同的社会责任，完成我们共同的使命—推翻中共。

2026年5月26日 于美国洛杉矶

编辑：黄吉洲 校对：周敏 翻译：周敏

Overthrowing the CCP—Our Collective Social Responsibility

Author: Wang Lianjiang

Abstract: The author expresses deep affection for China and its people while launching a severe critique against the history and governance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Interweaving personal observations from family history, educational memories, the employment environment, and the housing burden, the article questions political power, resource allocation, and social equity. It contends that ordinary citizens have long faced restricted rights and unequal opportunities. Advocating for the importance of universal values such as democracy, freedom, and human rights, the author calls upon the public to reflect on the impact of the current system on individual rights, social development, and the nation’s future. The entire text constitutes a distinct political commentary and expression of personal viewpoints.

I love my motherland—China. I was born there, grew up there, and my relatives and friends are there. I love the magnificent rivers and mountains of my motherland, I love the cuisine there, and I love the hardworking and kind-hearted people there. There are also heroes there; they adhere to the truth and courageously shoulder responsibilities. They believe in universal values, long for freedom and equality, and yearn for fairness and justice. For instance: Ren Zhiqiang, Wang Bingzhang, Gao Zhisheng, Liu Xiaobo, Xu Zhiyong, and others. These people are worthy of our respect, and I love them deeply.

However, since the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in China in 1921, whether during the process of seizing political power through violent revolution or throughout its more than 70 years of governance, what it has brought to the people is turmoil, suppression, massacre, and enslavement. To maintain their privileges, they employ various means: economic exploitation, cultural deception, political suppression, and social surveillance. Corruption is ubiquitous, and injustice fills every corner. For the vast majority of the public, every single stage of life—from birth, growth, and education, to social employment, buying a house, marrying and establishing a career, raising children, retirement and elderly care, hospitalization due to illness, and burial after death—is fraught with mockery, deprivation, and bullying!

The crimes of the CCP government are the greatest crimes in this country. The privileged class of the CCP rejects universal values, refuses to protect human rights, and rejects democratic elections. The regime of the People’s Republic of China has been an illegitimate government since the day of its establishment. Their governing power was never granted by the people; their power was grabbed, and they cannot possibly represent the interests of the masses at all. Against such a regime, the people have every right to overthrow it!

Both my grandfather and maternal grandfather were rich peasants. Their property was confiscated without compensation during that dark era, and they spent the rest of their lives keeping a low profile with their tails between their legs. During the era when I went to school, in the history textbooks, there was no mention of the Battle of Changsha, nor the Chinese Expeditionary Force in Burma. The largest campaign mentioned was merely the Great Victory at Pingxingguan. In the eight years of the War of Resistance against Japan, there was only this one relatively large campaign—do you believe that? The ten years of the Cultural Revolution were an absolute cultural gap; the historical truth of that period is completely unmentioned. Did Chinese people go to aliens during that time? In the textbooks of political education, there was a repeatedly emphasized thesis: In China, we must adhere to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. Furthermore, there was an National College Entrance Examination (Gaokao) question that asked: Why must we adhere to the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party? The answers were entirely nonsensical, lacking any shred of logic!

After I graduated, good job opportunities were predominantly occupied by many members of the powerful elite and many who knew how to drill and scheme. Whether in the public security, procuratorates, courts, the Power Bureau, or the Tobacco Bureau, and whether in central state-owned enterprises or local state-owned enterprises, could you get a job there without connections? Those who were honest, who could not bear to betray their conscience, and who refused to bow down and scrape in order to retain a tiny bit of human dignity were often marginalized. What kind of world is this?

As my son grew up and needed to form a family, I bought a house in Huzhou, Zhejiang. The various expenditures totaled around 1.3 million RMB. What was the construction cost? It was only about 4,000 to 5,000 RMB per square meter, yet the housing price was over 10,000 RMB. Are real estate developers truly making exorbitant profits? Did the lion’s share really get pocketed by the developers? No! We were plundered by the government under various pretexts such as land transfer fees. Was this plundered wealth utilized for the welfare of us ordinary citizens? For education, healthcare, or pensions for farmers? No, absolutely not! This wealth was embezzled and squandered by them. Is it an option not to buy a house? Can you transfer your household registration (hukou)? Without a hukou, do you have a pension? Without a hukou, can your children go to school? No, you cannot! They used the power in their hands to bind the most fundamental living needs of a human being to the monopolized, exorbitantly priced real estate market upon which they rely to exploit the people. If you find the housing expensive, can you buy land in the primary land market and build a house yourself? No, that would be deemed illegal construction and would be forcibly demolished. Where is the justice in that? You have to buy a house even if you don’t want to; you have to buy it even if it is ridiculously expensive! Real estate is the white glove used by the CCP to strip away the labor of the people. The current state of “lying flat” (tangping) in despair among many young people is directly related to the real estate policies.

I used to work in Shanghai, but when it came to high school, my son could no longer study in Shanghai, nor could he take the Gaokao in Shanghai. Why? On what grounds? Isn’t Shanghai a part of China? Aren’t we Chinese? The farmers of China perform hard labor for their entire lives, yet how much is their pension? My parents passed away in 2014, one at 79 and the other at 83. When they left this world, their monthly pension was only 70 to 80 RMB. Is this fair? Is there any place to reason things out? Can you reason with them? Their mouths are full of “serving the people,” but in reality, they are completely fraudulent, complete bandits! The CCP is a malignant tumor attached to the bodies of the Chinese people!

When I was inside China, in 2004, while protesting against the malicious law enforcement of the urban management officers (Chenggang) who were harming an elderly person, I went forward to fight the injustice and reason with them. As a result, I myself was surrounded and assaulted by several Chenggang officers. I was pinned to the ground, beaten brutally, and kicked in the head with leather shoes, causing bleeding. Later, I was taken to their office by a leader and two burly men to be threatened and registered. I am a taxpayer. They do not create wealth; it is our taxes that sustain them, yet how humble and humiliated we are in front of them?!

Inside China, I resisted by myself, and I also supported fellow advocates in their struggle against injustice. However, the CCP has no bottom line, and their methods are extremely brutal—the June 4th incident in 1989 (8964) is the best proof. After coming to the United States, I protested multiple times in front of the CCP Consulate General in Los Angeles. I also participated fully from September 6, 2025, to October 7, 2025, in activities spanning across the entire United States to hold the CCP accountable for the virus and to oppose the CCP’s transnational repression. My presence has been left in front of the CCP Embassy in the United States, in front of the United Nations Headquarters, and at the US Capitol Visitor Center.

Modern technology has practically transformed this planet into a village; everyone shares the warmth and the cold, fortunes and misfortunes are intertwined, and no citizens of any country can stand aloof. At the same time, people who love freedom do not wish to see others enslaved. I have donated to the Ukrainian people multiple times, totaling 5,000 USD. Starting from August 2025, I initiated and participated in fundraising for the Ukrainian frontlines within the Henan Working Committee of the China Democracy Party. A few members of the China Democracy Party have contributed a combined total of 100 USD every month, maintaining this commitment up to the present.

Coming from China, I am intensely aware of the current situation there. Individuals and families who combat the CCP and expose the truth inside China face all kinds of containment and suppression by the CCP; their lives are exceptionally difficult. I have just arrived in the United States, and everything is difficult at the beginning. For a person of my age and with a thin physique, life is not easy. However, thinking of those who walk on the frontlines of the struggle—while they are fighting for themselves, they are actually fighting for us as well, clearing a path for our collective future. Our descendants and all the ordinary masses of China are the beneficiaries. Those who carry firewood for the masses deserve to be sustained by the masses. They are our hope, they are our backbone, and we ought to do everything within our power to help them. Starting from November 2025 until now, I have made monthly donations to Chinese political prisoners, totaling approximately 3,000 USD. I have also donated in varying degrees to our fellow democracy movement projects, such as the Liberty Sculpture Park and the Victims of Communism Museum in Washington. This is an account given to myself for the decades of humiliation I endured in the past, an account given to my entire family for the injustices they suffered, and an account given to my future descendants, demonstrating that in the face of this absurd and dark CCP government, I did not bow my head, I did not remain silent, and I once fought back.

Humans are the soul of all matter. For a country, the citizens are the most vital component. Whatever kind of citizens there are, that is the kind of social groups, political parties, and political, economic, and cultural systems there will be. Both Lung Ying-tai and Ren Zhiqiang have said: If we desire to build a society filled with equality, fairness, and justice, then please, everyone, stand up bravely, shoulder the social responsibilities we ought to bear, and overthrow this wall before us! Peng Lifa in the Beijing Sitong Bridge incident, Xu Qinxian in the Tiananmen June 4th incident of 1989, Jimmy Lai in the Hong Kong National Security Law incident, the participants of the White Paper Movement across multiple cities, and the ordinary citizens who gathered to watch in the Jiangyou incident—they are all heroes. They are all participants and promoters of Chinese social progress. This country belongs to all of us; it requires all of us to maintain it together. This is a collective social responsibility and obligation for every single Chinese person. On the road toward achieving democratic constitutionalism in China, where ordinary citizens gain the pursuit of affluence, freedom, and dignity, every social stratum, and indeed every single individual, is of paramount importance. Here, I hope, and indeed call upon, the people of every stratum and citizens in all various positions to take action, to shoulder our collective social responsibility in different ways, and to fulfill our common mission—to overthrow the CCP.

May 26, 2026, in Los Angeles, USA

Editor: Huang Jizhou Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

作者：侯改英

今天我梳理了文革的基本脉络，是为了让出生在文革后的人结束对文革的碎片化认知，提供一个整体宏观的角度，方便大家从当时的政治、社会、文化及人性等多个维度宏观对比分析。

以下为我梳理的文革十年基本脉络及时间线：

*文革发动的背景： 中共因“大跃进”造成三年大饥荒，毛泽东被迫退居经济决策二线。时任国家主席刘少奇为恢复农业生产，将原来的集体生产改为承包到户制。但因此被毛警惕权力分野，批评为“走资本主义道路”。这是文革发动的背景。

以下为正式脉络：

① 1966年 中共政治局会议通过《五一六通知》，以党、政、军、文各界存在“资产阶级代表人物”为由，设立文化革命小组，夺取领导权开始，标志着“文化大革命”的全面爆发。

② 随后《人民日报》发表社论《横扫一切牛鬼蛇神》响应，号召群众将反动学术权威、走资派及“黑五类”等“牛鬼蛇神”彻底打倒。并批判一切剥削阶级的旧思想、旧文化、旧风俗与旧习惯，号召群众全面“破四旧”。

③ 两周后，清华附中学生筹组了首个“红卫兵”组织，在获得毛泽东亲笔回信与先后8次接见后迅速席卷全国，并通过毛背书和官方“大串联”成为文革主导力量。毛不仅在接见红卫兵领袖宋彬彬时示意“要武嘛”，更亲自批转文件严禁警察镇压革命学生。受到鼓舞的红卫兵除了对黑五类等展开残酷的抄家与批斗，更是在其后主导的“破四旧”运动中扫荡一切古迹和文物，甚至出现疯狂挖掘古墓鞭尸、俗人被强制剃度、僧尼被迫还俗的猖狂暴行，直接推动了文革暴力的全面升级。

④ 1967年1月，上海工人王洪文领导工人造反运动，推翻市政府、批斗市委领导，开启了“一月风暴”。至此各地随后相继成立“革命委员会”进行夺权，保守派与造反派间爆发大规模器械武斗。文革自此进入更加暴力混乱的阶段。包括广西在内的多个省份更爆发了超过11起“非饥荒吃人风潮”等集体大杀戮。时任中共领导人叶剑英称文革中非正常死亡超过2000万人，其中集体杀戮为主要致死原因。

⑤ 在毛泽东成功借用文革顺利收拢权力后，1968年 毛泽东指示知识青年“上山下乡”对红卫兵等运动主力打散并摒弃。红卫兵组织因而陆续解散。

⑥ 1969年 中共九大确定林彪为毛泽东接班人，以成功粉碎刘少奇复辟阴谋为由，下令解散了群众运动。

随后毛林关系恶化，毛公开宣称有人急于夺权搞分裂，剑指林彪，1971年9月13日，林彪全家乘坐军用飞机匆忙出逃苏联之际，却在蒙古境内坠机身亡，史称“九一三事件”，此事件宣告着文化大革命失败的重要转折点。

⑦ 林彪死后，毛泽东以林彪推崇孔子为由借机发动了“批林批孔”运动。为实现依靠阶级斗争牢牢把控核心权力的目的，毛大力扶持以江青为首坚持阶级斗争的拥毛派“四人帮”，意在发起新的运动批斗以周恩来为代表的改革派。于是全国文物再遭浩劫。

⑧ 1976年 周恩来逝世，民众因不满“四人帮”压制悼念于清明节在天安门广场爆发大规模悼念与抗议活动，被毛泽东批准暴力清场并定性为“反革命事件”，邓小平被指控为总策划并撤销一切职务，华国锋随即出任总理。

⑨ 同年9月毛泽东逝世，中共政坛出现权力真空。10月6日，华国锋联合党内元老逮捕“四人帮”，此举被视为文化大革命结束的标记，华国锋随后接任中共中央主席。

⑩ 1980年 最高人民法院公开审判“四人帮”，江青等人被判处重刑。1981年，中共通过决议，轻描淡写的将文革定性为“由领导者错误发动，被林彪、江青两个反革命集团利用，给国家带来严重灾难的内乱”。

但文革十年的现实后果是：运动期间全民陷入阶级斗争大混乱之中，学校停课、工厂停工，国民经济与文化科技人才出现长达十年的惨重断层；在疯狂的“破四旧”等运动中，无数历史文物古迹毁于一旦；此十年间武斗所致的中国人整体个人素质和文明素养出现了严重倒退，语言行为呈现粗鄙暴戾化、理性与智识全面消亡，以至于文革思维作为文革余孽缠绕这代人阴魂不散直至肉体消亡，但这无疑也成为中国文革死灰复燃的潜在隐患；

另外十年中有4年国家财政经历严重赤字，文革结束时农民人均年收入仅76元（月均约6.3元），2.5亿人未解决温饱；更为惨烈的是，由于法治崩溃、国家机器失控和基层血腥的“集体杀戮”，导致2000多万人非正常死亡，在人类文明史上留下了人性扭曲、人伦撕裂与生灵涂炭的深重浩劫。

如今当我们重新审视这场浩劫，绝不能仅将其归咎于高层的权力角逐或单纯的群众盲从。

它是一场由极权独裁者运筹权力与普通人盲从、贪婪、残酷等幽暗人性全面激荡、恶性共振系统性浩劫。在这台巨大的极权绞肉机里，独裁者在顶层“借风操纵”，普通人在底层“自愿充当燃料”，共同交织出了人类文明史上最深沉的悲剧。

中共在建政之初刻意设计顶层制度，在毛泽东居心叵测的权力攫取之下，通过两手合围，将全社会的怨气精准地转化为巩固极权、清洗政敌的武器：他通过制造阶级撕裂，利用 建政初期留下的制度性不公（如土改承诺落空、严格的户籍束缚、严密的干部等级特权）在民间积蓄了深沉的怨愤。却又在关键时刻如赫鲁晓夫所说“需要人民的时候，就从裤裆里掏出来”，对底层抛出假意公正的 “造反有理”特许状，定向引爆底层群众“望特权而不得”的嫉恨心理，成功将制度怨愤转化为群众自发撕裂社会的暴民狂欢。

并且中共在建政初期的造神运动的成功，使得独裁者拥有绝对的信息垄断权，并娴熟责任甩锅，转移矛盾。他将自己从“体制压迫的缔造者”摇身一变包装成“带头反抗修正主义的救世主”，诱导群众实施“责任外包”，盲目相信“毛主席永远是对的，错的全是下面的走资派”。

另一方面普通人的人性弱点在恶的体制之下为何会为虎作伥助纣为虐？

这里不得不提一下，研究纳粹的阿伦特所提出的一个概念——普通人的平庸之恶。

雪崩的时候没有一朵雪花是无辜的。亿万普通人并非仅仅是被动的受害者，他们在这场操纵中顺从了内心的幽暗，主动作恶：普通人自愿放弃了独立思考，将道德裁判权上交给领袖。在集体狂热和宏大叙事的催眠下，他们认为自己是在执行神圣的“最高指示”，平日里温和的邻居、羞涩的少年，在此刻可以毫无心理羞耻与愧疚感地对同类施加最残酷的暴力。当“革命”的旗帜成为了满足私欲的遮羞布。为了合法的掠夺，平庸的无产者理直气壮地冲进别人家宅抄家洗劫、毁灭文物古迹；平庸的庸才通过写大字报扣帽子，踩着亲友同事的鲜血和尊严，完成了暴发户式的跨越与晋升。另外在“不激进即灭亡”的极端高压下，全社会陷入了囚徒困境。为了向体制自证清白、用至亲的鲜血染红自己的安全通行证，夫妻反目、父子相残、学生告密。普通人把对体制的恐惧，残忍地发泄在更弱小的同类身上。

其实文革最深层的悲剧土壤，早在建政初期的制度设计中便已埋下。在高层的刻意引导与底层恶的宣泄之后，最终演变成砸毁一切法治与理性的暴民狂欢。

说到这里，当我们问文革还会卷土重来吗？

我相信对事件拆解之后，每个人自有答案。

我的答案是，只要如上文革的“暴力内核还在，只要中国社会还如崔健歌词中描述的那样一块红布蒙住了双眼遮住了天，只要天安门城楼还悬挂着毛泽东的画像， 那么其治下上至耄耋之年下至待哺襁褓，人们无疑都处于同一个时代。

侯改英 6/1/2026 NY

北京之春&中国民主党 六四研讨会

编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：戈冰

Reflections on the 60th Anniversary of the Cultural Revolution

Author: Hou Gaiying

Today I have sorted out the basic context of the Cultural Revolution in order to allow people born after the Cultural Revolution to end their fragmented understanding of the Cultural Revolution, provide an overall macro perspective, and facilitate everyone’s macro comparative analysis from multiple dimensions such as politics, society, culture and human nature at that time.

The following is a basic context and timeline of the ten years of the Cultural Revolution that I have sorted out:

*Background for the launch of the Cultural Revolution: The CCP suffered a three-year famine due to the Great Leap Forward “Great Leap Forward”, forcing Mao Zedong to retreat to the second line of economic decision-making. In order to restore agricultural production, then-President Liu Shaoqi changed the original collective production to a household contract system. However, Mao was wary of the power split and criticized it as “taking the capitalist path”. This was the background to the launch of the Cultural Revolution.

The following is the formal context:

① In 1966, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China passed the “May 16th Notice”, establishing a Cultural Revolution Group on the grounds that there were representatives of the Party, government, military, and culture “representatives of the bourgeoisie”. The seizure of leadership began, marking the full outbreak of the “Cultural Revolution”.

② The People’s Daily then published an editorial titled “Sweep All Monsters and Demons,” calling on the masses to completely overthrow reactionary academic authorities, capitalist-roaders, and “the five black categories” and other “monsters and demons”. And criticize the old ideas, old culture, old customs and old habits of all exploiting classes, and call on the masses to comprehensively “destroy the four olds”.

③ Two weeks later, students from Tsinghua High School organized the first “Red Guard” organization. After receiving Mao Zedong’s handwritten reply letter and 8 audiences, it quickly spread across the country and became the leading force in the Cultural Revolution through Mao’s endorsement and official “big connection”. Mao not only signaled “”We want martial arts”” when meeting with Red Guard leader Song Binbin, but also personally approved documents strictly prohibiting the police from suppressing revolutionary students. The inspired Red Guards not only launched brutal house searches and denunciations against the Black Five, but also swept up all historical sites and cultural relics in the subsequent “Destroy the Four Olds” movement. They even committed rampant atrocities such as frantically digging ancient tombs and whipping corpses, forcing lay people to be ordained, and forcing monks and nuns to return to secular life, which directly promoted the comprehensive escalation of violence during the Cultural Revolution.

④ In January 1967, Shanghai worker Wang Hongwen led a workers’ rebellion movement, overthrowing the leadership of the municipal government and criticizing the municipal party committee, thus starting the “January Storm”. At this point, “revolutionary committees” were subsequently established in various places to seize power, and large-scale armed conflicts broke out between conservatives and rebels. The Cultural Revolution has since entered a more violent and chaotic stage. More than 11 mass killings “not famine cannibalism” broke out in many provinces, including Guangxi. Ye Jianying, then leader of the Communist Party of China, said that more than 20 million people died of unnatural causes during the Cultural Revolution, among which mass killings were the main cause of death.

⑤ After Mao Zedong successfully used the Cultural Revolution to successfully consolidate power, in 1968 Mao Zedong instructed educated youth “going up to the mountains and into the countryside” to break up and abandon the main forces of the movement such as the Red Guards. The Red Guard organization was thus gradually disbanded.

⑥ In 1969, the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China designated Lin Biao as Mao Zedong’s successor and ordered the disbanding of the mass movement on the grounds that it had successfully crushed Liu Shaoqi’s restoration conspiracy.

Subsequently, relations between Mao and Lin deteriorated. Mao publicly declared that some people were eager to seize power and cause division, targeting Lin Biao. On September 13, 1971, while Lin Biao’s family was hastily fleeing to the Soviet Union on a military plane, they crashed and died in Mongolia. This incident is known in history as the “September 13 Incident”. This incident marked an important turning point in the failure of the Cultural Revolution.

⑦ After Lin Biao’s death, Mao Zedong took the opportunity to launch the “Criticize Lin Biao and Criticize Confucius” movement on the grounds that Lin Biao admired Confucius. In order to achieve the goal of firmly controlling core power through class struggle, Mao vigorously supported the pro-Maoists “Gang of Four” who insisted on class struggle, led by Jiang Qing, with the intention of launching a new movement to criticize and fight the reformists represented by Zhou Enlai. So the country’s cultural relics were once again devastated.

⑧ Zhou Enlai died in 1976. Dissatisfied with the “Gang of Four” suppression of mourning, large-scale mourning and protests broke out in Tiananmen Square on Qingming Festival. Mao Zedong approved the violent clearing of the area and classified it as a “counter-revolutionary incident”. Deng Xiaoping was accused of being the chief planner and all his posts were revoked. Hua Guofeng immediately became prime minister.

⑨ Mao Zedong died in September of the same year, and a power vacuum emerged in the Chinese Communist Party’s political arena. On October 6, Hua Guofeng joined forces with party elders to arrest “Gang of Four”, a move seen as a sign of the end of the Cultural Revolution. Hua Guofeng then took over as Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

⑩ In 1980, the Supreme People’s Court held a public trial “Gang of Four”, and Jiang Qing and others were sentenced to heavy prison terms. In 1981, the Communist Party of China passed a resolution that downplayed the Cultural Revolution as “a civil unrest that was mistakenly launched by leaders, exploited by the two counter-revolutionary groups Lin Biao and Jiang Qing, and brought serious disasters to the country”.

However, the real consequences of the ten years of the Cultural Revolution were: during the movement, the whole people fell into the chaos of class struggle, schools were closed, factories were shut down, and there was a decade-long tragic gap between the national economy and cultural, scientific and technological talents; in the crazy “Destroy the Four Olds” and other movements, Countless historical relics and historical sites have been destroyed. During this decade, the overall personal and civilized qualities of the Chinese people, as a result of armed conflict, have seriously regressed. Language and behavior have become vulgar and violent, and rationality and intelligence have completely disappeared. As a result, the thinking of the Cultural Revolution, as a remnant of the Cultural Revolution, has haunted this generation until its physical demise. However, this has undoubtedly become a potential hidden danger for the resurgence of the Cultural Revolution in China

In four of the other ten years, the state finances experienced severe deficits. At the end of the Cultural Revolution, the per capita annual income of farmers was only 76 yuan (about 6.3 yuan per month), and 250 million people had no food and clothing. Even more tragically, due to the collapse of the rule of law, the loss of control of the state apparatus and bloody grassroots “collective killing”, more than 20 million people died abnormally, leaving behind a distortion of human nature in the history of human civilization The profound catastrophe of human relations being torn apart and the charred souls of life.

When we now re-examine this catastrophe, we must not blame it solely on power struggles at the top or the blind obedience of the masses.

It is a systematic catastrophe in which the power of totalitarian dictators is mobilized and the dark human nature of ordinary people, such as blind obedience, greed, and cruelty, is fully stirred and viciously resonant. In this vast totalitarian meat grinder, dictators at the top “borrowing the wind to manipulate” and ordinary people at the bottom “voluntarily serving as fuel” combine to weave together the deepest tragedy in the history of human civilization.

At the beginning of the Communist Party of China, it deliberately designed a top-level system. Under Mao Zedong’s ill-intentioned power grab, it precisely transformed the resentment of the entire society into a weapon to consolidate totalitarianism and purge political enemies through a two-handed encirclement: by creating class divisions, he exploited the institutional injustices left over from the early days of the Communist Party of China (such as the failure of land reform promises, strict household registration restrictions, Strict cadre rank privileges) accumulated deep resentment among the people. However, at a critical moment, as Khrushchev said “when the people are needed, they take it out of their crotches”, they throw out a charter to the lower classes that is false and fair “rebellion is justified”, and deliberately detonate the jealousy of the lower classes “who hope for privileges but cannot”, successfully transforming institutional resentment into a mob carnival in which the masses spontaneously tear apart society.

Furthermore, the success of the CCP’s god-making movement in the early days of its establishment gave dictators absolute information monopoly power, and they skillfully shifted the blame and shifted conflicts. He transformed himself from “the creator of institutional oppression” into “the savior who took the lead in resisting revisionism”, induced the masses to implement “responsibility outsourcing”, and blindly believed “Chairman Mao is always right, and all the wrong people are the capitalist-roaders below”.

On the other hand, why do ordinary people’s human weaknesses help the tiger and abuse it under the evil system?

It is necessary to mention here that a concept proposed by Arendt who studied the Nazis——the banal evil of ordinary people.

Not a single snowflake was innocent when the avalanche struck. Millions of ordinary people are not just passive victims. They have obeyed their inner darkness and acted evil in this manipulation: ordinary people have voluntarily given up independent thinking and handed over the moral judgment to the leader. Hypnotized by collective fanaticism and grand narratives, they believe they are carrying out divine “highest instructions”, and their usually gentle neighbors, shy teenagers, can at this moment inflict the most brutal violence on their kind without any psychological shame or guilt. When the flag “of the revolution” becomes a fig leaf for the gratification of selfish desires. In order to legally plunder, mediocre proletarians confidently rushed into other people’s homes, looted and destroyed cultural relics and historical sites; mediocre mediocre people wrote big-character posters to accuse others, stepped on the blood and dignity of relatives, friends and colleagues, and completed the leap and promotion of the nouveau riche style. In addition, under the extreme pressure of “not being radical means perishing”, the whole society fell into a prisoner’s dilemma. In order to prove their innocence to the system and dye their safe passes red with the blood of their loved ones, couples turned against each other, fathers and sons killed each other, and students reported on them. Ordinary people cruelly vent their fear of the system on their weaker counterparts.

In fact, the deepest tragic soil of the Cultural Revolution was planted in the institutional design as early as the early days of the People’s Republic of China. After the deliberate guidance of the top and the venting of evil at the bottom, it eventually evolved into a mob carnival that destroyed all rule of law and rationality.

Speaking of which, when we ask, will the Cultural Revolution make a comeback?

I believe that after the incident is broken down, everyone has their own answer.

My answer is that as long as the “violence core of the Cultural Revolution is still there, as long as Chinese society is still a red cloth covering the eyes and covering the sky as described in Cui Jian’s lyrics, and as long as a portrait of Mao Zedong is still hanging on the Tiananmen Gate Tower, then people will undoubtedly be in the same era from the end of his reign to the end of his octogenarian years and the end of his life.

Hou Gaiying Jun/1/2026 NY

Beijing Spring & China Democratic Party June 4th Seminar

Editor: Feng Ren Proofreader: Feng Ren Translation: Ge Bing