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中国女性:从父权到国家控制

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作者:钱钰琳

编辑:胡丽莉  校对:周敏 翻译:周敏

在中国,很多人一谈到女性地位,就喜欢拿“妇女能顶半边天”出来宣传,好像中国女性已经获得了真正平等。可现实却恰恰相反。中国女性长期活在儒家父权思想与中共极权统治双重压迫之下,从古代到今天,女性从未真正拥有完整的自由与权利。

所谓的“三从四德”,本质上就是一套驯化女性的思想枷锁。女人从出生开始,就被要求顺从、忍耐、牺牲。小时候听父亲的,结婚后听丈夫的,丈夫死了听儿子的。女人被要求温柔、听话、贤惠,却从来没人要求男人学会尊重和平等。中国传统文化里,女性从来不是独立的人,而是家庭与男性的附属品。而最可怕的是,中共从来没有真正废除这种父权思想,反而利用它来维持统治。中共嘴上喊男女平等,实际上却把女性当成维稳工具、生育工具、社会工具。国家需要劳动力时,就宣传“妇女能顶半边天”;国家需要控制人口时,就强制计划生育;国家发现人口下降了,又开始逼女人回归家庭、多生孩子。

在计划生育最疯狂的年代,中国发生过人类历史上最荒唐、最残忍的大规模生育迫害。无数女性被强制堕胎、强制上环、强制绝育。怀孕不是女人自己的事情,而是政府审批的事情。基层干部像抓犯人一样半夜破门,把孕妇拖去流产。多少已经成型的胎儿被强行杀死,多少女性因此终身不孕、精神崩溃,甚至死在手术台上。可这一切,在中共口中却被包装成“伟大的政策成果”。这根本不是文明,而是国家机器对女性身体最赤裸裸的控制。更讽刺的是,当中国人口开始下滑时,同样的政权又开始高喊“鼓励生育”。以前不让你生,现在逼你生。女性从头到尾都没有选择权。你的子宫什么时候该工作、该停止、该生几个孩子,不是你决定,而是权力决定。

而在现实社会中,中国女性依旧大量生活在赤裸裸的性别歧视里。很多落后地区,女人至今不能上桌吃饭,只能在厨房忙前忙后;家产默认留给儿子;女孩被认为“迟早是别人家的人”;农村重男轻女导致大量弃婴、黑户、拐卖问题长期存在。甚至直到今天,还有无数家庭把生不出儿子的责任推到女人身上。中共从来不敢真正解决这些问题,因为父权结构本身就是它维持社会稳定的一部分。一个被压制的女性群体,更容易忍耐,更容易服从,更容易成为廉价劳动力和家庭牺牲品。

很多女性以为努力读书、努力工作就能改变命运,可现实是,中国社会对女性的恶意几乎贯穿一生。找工作时,企业公开写“限男性”;结婚后,被逼着承担绝大部分家务和育儿;离婚时,又可能因为所谓“传统伦理”失去公平。年龄焦虑、婚育焦虑、社会羞辱,像锁链一样套在中国女性身上。更荒唐的是,当女性真正开始为自己发声时,却往往遭到打压。女权账号被封禁,讨论女性权益被说成“制造性别对立”,受害者维权被污名化。因为真正独立、有思想、有组织能力的女性,对于极权社会来说,本身就是一种威胁。

一个真正文明的社会,女性应该拥有决定自己人生的权力:决定是否结婚,是否生育,如何生活,如何表达。可在中国,很多女性甚至连最基本的身体自主权都无法真正拥有。说到底,中共从来没有真正解放过女性,它只是把女性从“封建家庭的附属品”,变成了“国家机器的附属品”。而一个社会,如果连女性都无法获得真正自由,那它口中的“文明”“进步”“现代化”,不过都是包装出来的宣传口号。

Chinese Women: From Patriarchy to State Control

Author: Qian Yulin

Editor: Hu Lili Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

Abstract: Chinese women have long existed under the dual oppression of traditional patriarchy and CCP (Chinese Communist Party) totalitarianism. From “Three Obediences and Four Virtues” to family planning, women have consistently struggled to truly possess bodily autonomy and equal rights.

In China, when many people talk about the status of women, they like to bring up the propaganda “Women hold up half the sky,” as if Chinese women have already achieved true equality. However, the reality is exactly the opposite. Chinese women have long lived under the dual oppression of Confucian patriarchal ideology and CCP totalitarian rule; from ancient times to today, women have never truly possessed complete freedom and rights.

The so-called “Three Obediences and Four Virtues” are, in essence, a set of ideological shackles designed to domesticate women. From the moment of birth, women are required to obey, endure, and sacrifice. As children, they listen to their fathers; after marriage, they listen to their husbands; after the husband dies, they listen to their sons. Women are required to be gentle, obedient, and virtuous, yet no one ever requires men to learn respect and equality. In traditional Chinese culture, women are never independent individuals, but rather appendages of the family and men. The most terrifying part is that the CCP has never truly abolished this patriarchal ideology; instead, it utilizes it to maintain its rule. The CCP pays lip service to gender equality, but in reality, it treats women as tools for maintaining stability, tools for reproduction, and social tools. When the state needs labor, it promotes “Women hold up half the sky”; when the state needs to control the population, it enforces mandatory family planning; when the state discovers the population is declining, it begins forcing women to return to the home and have more children.

During the maddening years of family planning, the most absurd and cruel large-scale reproductive persecution in human history occurred in China. Countless women were subjected to forced abortions, forced insertions of IUDs, and forced sterilizations. Pregnancy was not a woman’s own affair, but a matter of government approval. Grassroots officials, like catching criminals, broke down doors in the middle of the night to drag pregnant women away for abortions. How many fully formed fetuses were forcibly killed? How many women became permanently infertile, suffered mental breakdowns, or even died on the operating table because of this? Yet all of this was packaged by the CCP as “great policy achievements.” This is not civilization at all, but the state machine’s most naked control over the female body. Even more ironic is that when China’s population began to decline, the same regime began shouting “encourage childbirth.” Previously they didn’t let you give birth; now they force you to give birth. From beginning to end, women have had no right to choose. When your uterus should work, when it should stop, and how many children it should bear is not decided by you, but by power.

In actual society, Chinese women still largely live amidst naked gender discrimination. In many backward regions, women to this day cannot sit at the table to eat and can only busy themselves in the kitchen; family property is left to sons by default; girls are considered “sooner or later belonging to someone else’s family”; the preference for sons over daughters in rural areas has led to long-standing issues of abandoned infants, “black households” (unregistered citizens), and human trafficking. Even today, countless families push the responsibility of being unable to give birth to a son onto the woman. The CCP never dares to truly solve these problems because the patriarchal structure itself is part of its maintenance of social stability. A suppressed group of women is easier to make endure, easier to make obey, and easier to turn into cheap labor and family sacrifices.

Many women think that by studying hard and working hard they can change their destiny, but the reality is that the malice of Chinese society toward women runs through almost their entire lives. When looking for a job, companies openly write “limited to males”; after marriage, they are forced to take on the vast majority of housework and childcare; when divorcing, they may lose fairness because of so-called “traditional ethics.” Age anxiety, marriage and childbearing anxiety, and social shaming are like chains fastened onto Chinese women. Even more absurdly, when women truly begin to speak out for themselves, they are often suppressed. Feminist accounts are banned, discussing women’s rights is labeled as “manufacturing gender antagonism,” and victims seeking justice are stigmatized. Because truly independent women with thoughts and organizational capabilities are, in themselves, a threat to a totalitarian society.

In a truly civilized society, women should have the power to decide their own lives: deciding whether to marry, whether to give birth, how to live, and how to express themselves. But in China, many women do not even truly possess the most basic right to bodily autonomy. In the final analysis, the CCP has never truly liberated women; it has only turned women from “appendages of the feudal family” into “appendages of the state machine.” In a society where even women cannot obtain true freedom, the “civilization,” “progress,” and “modernization” it speaks of are nothing more than packaged propaganda slogans.

疯狂饕餮大餐:准贪证

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原创 江智爱 东方新文化 (今天 中国香港)校对:周敏 翻译:周敏

连财产都不敢公开的一群家伙,你还指望他们全心全意的为你服务,满嘴跑火车,其每一个毛孔都是谎言和欺骗……

几乎所有的发达国家,都实行官员财产公开,所以他们基本实现了官员零贪腐,这种公开、透明的反腐制度,抵得上一万次“苍蝇老虎一起打”的假反腐叫嚣!

中国“官员财产公开”的提案已经30年,却从未获得通过,所以中国一直采用传统同封建皇权一样的反腐模式,这种反腐其实谈不上任何功绩和智慧,因为它本身不是制度,任何人上台都可以干,简单粗暴,只要一手遮天的权力就行:想查谁就查谁、想抓谁就抓谁,你有没有贪污,权力说了算,你贪了多少?同样是权力说了算。有没有贪污,只不过是选择题,而贪污金额,亦不过是填空题。

其实,没有官员财产公开制度,凭中国目前这种金字塔模式的权力结构,大官大贪,小官小贪,无官不贪,有油水捞,又不需要公开怎么捞来的,所以权力变现无处不在,国内国际各大银行,堆满了贪官们的巨额财富。

广大官员们,有的人也许本来不想贪。那些在犹豫中的官员,一想到不用公开财产,胆子立刻肥了起来,从人本性上看,这叫腐败诱导公式,目的是什么?当然是诱导腐败。

很多顶级大官人,不屑于直接从老百姓口袋里挖民脂民膏,而是利用政策制定来获得制度不公带来的收入。次一级的官员,灰色收入来自其下级官员的上供。下级通过各种手段攫取的财富,自然要孝敬自己一部分。不然,等待他的很可能就是从此被冷落,或者权利被剥夺。于是,每一层级的官员都通过自己手中的权力来尽可能地占有灰色收入或者黑色收入,既是为了个人对利益的追求,更是为了保住自己的权力。通过这种权力腐败的链条,各层级的大大小小的“和珅”都养肥了。

事实是最好的证明:2026年第一季度,基层2.3万村支书、村主任被立案,县处级干部1万人被立案,被立案的厅局级干部则有1267人……总立案24.5万件。看来基层猪们已经养肥了,该宰了!

具体养多肥开宰?要有一个标准:2026年5月1日以前,官员财产来源不明是30万入刑;5月1日后,修改成了300万且刑期短,几乎成了“免死金牌”,获得全票通过!的确可以理解,哪有自己反自己的,难怪同拥有“监督权”的人民一声招呼都不打,直接全票通过!再过一阵子,干脆小于3000万、3亿也不入刑,脸反正已经不要了,不如一步到位!

翻看大多数发达国家,比如美国、欧盟、新加坡等等,都没有巨额财产来源不明罪,只要是公职人员的资产超过其合法收入,又没有合法性证据,即可判刑,可以说是0元门槛,零容忍。日本则是1万元以内判3年,大于2.5万元判30年……

如果按照这些标准,红色江山的官员们可都要牢底坐穿了,虽然口号上高喊不拿群众一针一线,实际上是因为嫌太少,如今5月1日以后,明目张胆地要拿就拿300万保底了!

疯狂饕餮大餐:准贪证

或许是因为以前30万的入刑标准,官官都达到了,上面既抓不过来、也忙不过来;也或许是查别人的纪委大佬们,前些天数了数自己正好捞了299万?!所以用300W入刑来保平安吧,其实肥肥们都心知肚明:大家屁股都不干净,所以入刑标准提高十倍,来相互擦擦屁股吧!

基层村级的小肥肥们也终于安心了:咬着牙终于挨到了5月1号,有了准贪证的救命稻草来保驾护航,心里就有底了;另外,未贪满300万的微肥,赶紧抽空从医保社保里再搂一点凑个整数吧!

只是苦了被抽干抹净的老百姓,当底层人民奄奄一息、活不下去的时候,两会、三会、四会又开了,顶级虎狼会给”奄奄一息们”投喂每个月增加10块养老金,赌愚民们会感恩戴德,加之CCAV来一波”全心全意为人民服务的会议精神秀”,搞得愚民们瞬间晕头转向,甚至感激涕零!

最后,虽说以后都只宰300万以上的巨肥,其实宰多大的肥肥,又同屁民们有什么关系呢?!每年反腐的数万亿财富,除了满足红色江山徒子徒孙们,享用不尽的荣华富贵,巨额财富到底到哪里去了?

智爱反正是没见过1分钱的福利,哪怕是疫情三年危难之际,世界各国政府大发福利,帮助本国人民度过难关,我们这儿也没见过一分一毫的福利补助,这也算是特色版“大国定力”!

在某些人眼里,贱民本就不应该拥有,但是无产阶级接班人之红色杨兰兰们可以无限拥有,任意挥霍,还怕花不完吗?你放心:

在巴拿马的千亿美元投资打了水漂;

在委内瑞拉的千亿美元投资打了水漂;

在伊朗的无数投资,眼看也要打水漂;

还怕花不完?

非洲、南美、东南亚等几十个国家的校车‘营养午餐咱们全包了!

这也叫绝活版“大国定力”,这钱来得容易,撒得也快也不心疼,反正是民脂民膏,又不是自己赚来的!

也许人们会问,凭什么让他们这样控制、忽悠、拿捏我们?!

答:就凭人民被骗了,就凭你被代表了。

凭你不是杨兰兰、不是红二代三代红四代,

凭你手里没选票,

凭你“含赵量”、“含编制量”低⋯

但即使如此,智爱仍然相信:

人间正道是沧桑,

黎明前的夜最黑,

多行不义必自毙,

站得越高,跌得越惨,

1-2年内,某些人必被算总帐!

-殚精竭虑,只因爱这片土地爱得太深沉;

-江智爱(普世新文化)

Crazy Gluttonous Feast: The “Permit to Corrupt”

Original: Jiang Zhiai, Oriental New Culture (Today, Hong Kong, China)

Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

For a group of fellows who do not even dare to disclose their assets, yet you still expect them to serve you heart and soul? They talk big, yet every single one of their pores is filled with lies and deception.

Almost all developed countries implement the public disclosure of officials’ assets, so they have basically achieved zero corruption among officials. This open and transparent anti-corruption system is worth ten thousand times more than the fake anti-corruption clamor of “hitting flies and tigers together”!

The proposal for “public disclosure of officials’ assets” in China has been around for 30 years, yet it has never been passed. Therefore, China has always adopted an anti-corruption model identical to that of traditional feudal imperial power. This kind of anti-corruption actually cannot be credited with any merit or wisdom, because it is not a system itself; anyone who comes to power can do it. It is simple and crude, requiring only the power to “cover the sky with one hand”: investigating whomever they want, arresting whomever they want. Whether you have embezzled is up to Power to decide; how much have you embezzled? That is also up to Power to decide. Whether there is corruption is merely a multiple-choice question, and the amount of corruption is merely a fill-in-the-blank question.

In fact, without a system for public disclosure of officials’ assets, given China’s current pyramid-style power structure, big officials commit big corruption, small officials commit small corruption, and no official is not corrupt. There is “oil and water” (profit) to be scooped up, and there is no need to disclose how it was scooped; thus, the monetization of power is everywhere. Domestic and international major banks are filled with the enormous wealth of corrupt officials.

Among the vast number of officials, some might not have wanted to be corrupt originally. But those officials in hesitation, once they think about not having to disclose their assets, their courage immediately grows fat. From the perspective of human nature, this is called a “corruption induction formula.” What is the purpose? Naturally, it is to induce corruption.

Many top “Big Officials” do not deign to directly dig for the “grease and cream of the people” (people’s wealth) from the pockets of ordinary folk; instead, they use policy-making to obtain income brought about by systemic injustice. Lower-level officials derive their “grey income” from the tributes of their subordinates. The wealth seized by subordinates through various means must naturally include a portion to honor their superiors. Otherwise, what likely awaits him is being left out in the cold from then on, or having his power stripped away. Thus, officials at every level use the power in their hands to possess as much grey or black income as possible, both for the personal pursuit of interests and, more importantly, to keep their power. Through this chain of power corruption, “He-Shens” (notorious corrupt officials) of all sizes at every level have grown fat.

Facts are the best proof: In the first quarter of 2026, 23,000 grassroots village Party secretaries and village chiefs had cases filed against them; 10,000 county-level cadres had cases filed; and 1,267 department/bureau-level cadres had cases filed… total cases filed reached 245,000. It seems the grassroots pigs have been fattened up; it’s time to slaughter!

Exactly how fat should they be before being slaughtered? There must be a standard: Before May 1, 2026, unidentified sources of an official’s assets exceeding 300,000 yuan was a criminal offense; after May 1, this was modified to 3 million yuan with shorter prison terms—it has almost become a “death-exempt gold plaque,” and it was passed unanimously! It is indeed understandable—how can one oppose oneself? No wonder they didn’t even say hello to the people who possess the “right of supervision” and just passed it unanimously! In a while, they might as well make it so that amounts less than 30 million or 300 million are not criminalized. Since they’ve already thrown away their “face” (shame), they might as well get it done in one step!

Looking at most developed countries, such as the United States, the EU, Singapore, etc., they do not have the crime of “possession of a huge amount of property from unidentified sources.” As long as a public official’s assets exceed their legal income and there is no evidence of legality, they can be sentenced. It can be said to be a 0-yuan threshold, zero tolerance. Japan sentences 3 years for amounts within 10,000 yuan, and 30 years for amounts greater than 25,000 yuan…

If judged by these standards, the officials of the “Red Territory” would all have to rot in jail. Although they shout slogans about “not taking a single needle or thread from the masses,” in reality, it is because they think that is too little. Now, after May 1, they blatantly take 3 million as a baseline!

疯狂饕餮大餐:准贪证

Perhaps it is because, under the previous 300,000 yuan criminal standard, every single official reached it, and the higher-ups could neither catch them all nor handle the workload; or perhaps the “Big Bosses” of the Discipline Inspection Commission, who investigate others, counted their own take a few days ago and found they had scooped exactly 2.99 million?! So they use the 3 million mark to ensure their own safety. In fact, the “fat ones” all know it well: everyone’s backside is dirty, so let’s raise the criminal standard tenfold to wipe each other’s backsides!

The small “fat ones” at the grassroots village level can finally feel at ease too: they grit their teeth and finally made it to May 1. With the “permit to corrupt” as a life-saving straw to escort them, they have peace of mind. Additionally, those “micro-fat ones” who haven’t yet stolen a full 3 million, hurry up and find time to scoop a bit more from medical insurance and social security to make it a round number!

It is only the common people, who have been drained dry, who suffer. When the people at the bottom are dying and cannot survive, the Two Sessions, Three Sessions, and Four Sessions open again. The top “Tigers and Wolves” will feed the “dying ones” an extra 10 yuan of pension per month, gambling that the “ignorant masses” will be deeply grateful. Combined with a wave of “Conference Spirit Shows on Serving the People Heart and Soul” from CCAV, the ignorant masses are instantly left light-headed, and even moved to tears!

Finally, although they say that in the future only the “huge fat ones” over 3 million will be slaughtered, in fact, how big a “fat one” is slaughtered—what does that have to do with the “fart people” (commoners)? The trillions in wealth from anti-corruption every year, besides satisfying the endless glory and wealth of the descendants of the Red Territory, where has the huge wealth actually gone?

Zhiai, at least, has never seen a single cent of welfare. Even during the three years of the pandemic crisis, when governments around the world issued massive welfare to help their people through hardships, we didn’t see a single bit of welfare subsidy here. This can be considered a “characteristic” version of “Great Power Concentration”!

In the eyes of some, the “pariahs” (lowly people) are not supposed to possess anything. But the “Red Yang Lanlans,” the successors of the proletariat, can possess infinitely and squander arbitrarily. Are they afraid they can’t finish spending it? Rest assured:

The hundred-billion-dollar investment in Panama went down the drain;

The hundred-billion-dollar investment in Venezuela went down the drain;

Countless investments in Iran are also about to go down the drain;

Still afraid they can’t finish spending? The school buses and “nutritional lunches” for dozens of countries in Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia—we’ve covered them all!

This is also called a “special skill” version of “Great Power Concentration.” This money comes easily, and it is scattered quickly and without heartache. After all, it is the “grease and cream of the people,” not earned by themselves!

Perhaps people will ask, on what grounds do they control, flicker (deceive), and manipulate us like this?!

Answer: On the grounds that the people were deceived; on the grounds that you were “represented.” On the grounds that you are not Yang Lanlan, not a Red Second, Third, or Fourth generation. On the grounds that you have no vote in your hand. On the grounds that your “Zhao-content” (connection to the ruling elite) and “Establishment-content” are low…

But even so, Zhiai still believes: The right path for humanity is full of vicissitudes, The night before dawn is the darkest, Many unrighteous deeds will lead to self-destruction, The higher you stand, the harder you fall, Within 1 to 2 years, certain people will surely have their final accounts settled!

—Exhausting heart and soul, only because I love this land too deeply; —Jiang Zhiai (Universal New Culture)

声援因参与拆墙运动而被打压的乔鑫鑫

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作者:曾群兰  

编辑:胡景  校对:周敏 翻译:周敏

        今天,我们在洛杉矶中国领事馆前声援乔鑫鑫(本名杨泽伟)。

声援因参与拆墙运动而被打压的乔鑫鑫

        乔鑫鑫,曾经的媒体人,也是“拆墙运动”的参与者与推动者。2023年,乔鑫鑫与他人一起发起了拆墙行动,传播拆墙技术以及信息自由的理念,帮助更多的人突破封锁、了解外部世界。正是由于这些努力,他于同年5月在老挝遭到跨国抓捕,随后被以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的罪名起诉,2024年,他被判处有期徒刑五年。

        这不仅是对一个人的打压,更是对言论自由与信息自由的打压。

        在这个本该信息畅通的时代,中共却建起了防火墙,使14亿人中的大多数被困在无形的“高墙”之中。防火墙的建立,使得信息被过滤,声音被压制,真实被掩盖。而乔鑫鑫所做的,就是在这堵墙上凿出一道道缝隙,让人们从这一道道细缝里,看到外面真实的世界。

        他所传播的,不只是技术,更是一种理念,一种对真实与自由的坚持。他所做的是帮助人们翻越信息屏蔽的高墙。我们更希望如任志强先生所说:我们要一起努力,把眼前的这堵墙推倒。——拆掉这堵墙。

        历史告诉我们:高墙可以存在一时,但不可能存在一世。它可以遮住光,但无法永远封锁光。每一个试图突破信息封锁的人,都是在为后来者开路。

        他的遭遇也提醒我们——        如果选择沉默,不公只会继续;        如果有人发声,改变才有可能发生。

        让更多人知道乔鑫鑫的名字,就是在打破封锁;        让信息继续流动,就是在延续自由,延续光。

        我们呼吁:停止对翻墙技术人员的打压与迫害,保障基本的言论自由与信息获取权利。释放一切政治犯!

        信息自由无罪,言论自由无罪。        高墙也许仍在,但光终会穿透。

Solidarity with Qiao Xinxin, Who Was Suppressed for Participating in the BanGGFW Movement

Author: Zeng Qunlan

Editor: Hu Jing Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

Today, we stand before the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to show solidarity with Qiao Xinxin (real name Yang Zewei).

声援因参与拆墙运动而被打压的乔鑫鑫

Qiao Xinxin, a former media professional, was also a participant and promoter of the “BanGGFW Movement” (Great Firewall Removal Movement). In 2023, Qiao Xinxin, together with others, initiated the wall-dismantling action, spreading wall-breaking technologies and the concept of freedom of information to help more people break through the blockade and understand the outside world. It was precisely because of these efforts that he was subjected to a transnational arrest in Laos in May of the same year, and was subsequently prosecuted on charges of “inciting subversion of state power.” In 2024, he was sentenced to five years in prison.

This is not only the suppression of one person, but also the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of information.

In this era where information should be unobstructed, the CCP has built a firewall, leaving the majority of the 1.4 billion people trapped within an invisible “high wall.” The establishment of the firewall causes information to be filtered, voices to be suppressed, and truth to be concealed. What Qiao Xinxin did was to chisel out cracks in this wall, allowing people to see the real world outside through these narrow slits.

What he disseminated was not just technology, but a concept—a persistence in truth and freedom. What he did was help people leap over the high walls of information blocking. We even more so hope, as Mr. Ren Zhiqiang said: We must work together to push down this wall before our eyes. — Tear down this wall.

History tells us: high walls can exist for a time, but they cannot exist for a lifetime. They can block the light, but they cannot blockade the light forever. Every person who attempts to break through the information blockade is paving the way for those who come after.

His ordeal also reminds us— If we choose silence, injustice will only continue; If someone speaks out, change only then becomes possible. Letting more people know the name of Qiao Xinxin is in itself breaking the blockade; Letting information continue to flow is in itself continuing freedom and continuing the light.

We call for: an end to the suppression and persecution of wall-breaking technical personnel, and the protection of basic freedom of speech and the right to access information. Release all political prisoners!

Freedom of information is not a crime; freedom of speech is not a crime. The high wall may still be there, but the light will ultimately penetrate.

我为什么坚持去中领馆抗议中共

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作者:陈伟  

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:周敏

我叫陈伟,江苏连云港人,现在生活在美国洛杉矶。

如果放在几年前,我根本想不到自己有一天会站在中国驻洛杉矶领事馆门口,举着“打倒CCP,打倒共产党”的牌子抗议中共。

我出生在普通家庭,从小接受的教育和大多数中国人一样。学校里学的是共产党如何伟大,新闻里看到的是国家越来越强大,课本里几乎没有什么真实历史。小时候也听说过六四,但只知道是“政治风波”,具体发生了什么,没有人敢讲,学校更不会教。

后来自己学会翻墙,接触到Google和海外媒体,看到很多以前完全不知道的内容,包括六四真相、文革、大跃进,还有这些年香港、新疆、疫情封控期间发生的事情。那种感觉很难形容。就像你一直被关在一个房间里,别人告诉你外面世界是什么样的,你也信了很多年。突然有一天窗户被打开了,你看到的东西跟以前相信的完全不是一回事。

我开始越来越反感中共。不是因为别人告诉我应该反共,而是我自己一点一点去了解之后,得出的结论就是:这个政权建立在谎言、恐惧和控制之上。它最擅长的不是治理国家,而是洗脑和维稳。

来到美国之后,我第一次真正感受到什么叫表达自由。在中国,很多话你只能憋在心里,说出来有代价。但在美国,我可以公开站出来,说出自己的想法,不需要担心有人上门找麻烦。所以后来只要洛杉矶这边有相关活动,我基本都会去。纪念六四、声援香港、抗议中共打压人权,我都参加过。有时候也会一个人去中领馆门口举牌。

我为什么坚持去中领馆抗议中共

说实话,一个人站在那里,刚开始还是有点压力的。毕竟从中国出来的人,骨子里多少都带着一点对政治的恐惧,这是长期环境造成的。但站久了以后,你会发现,其实真正可怕的不是站出来,而是明知道真相却一直沉默。

很多人问过我,这样做有什么意义?我知道我一个人改变不了什么,也推不倒共产党。

但至少我要让别人知道,不是所有中国人都支持中共。共产党不等于中国,更不代表中国人民。

我出来抗议,不是为了出名,也不是为了作秀。只是觉得既然已经来到自由社会,如果还继续装聋作哑,那和过去被洗脑的时候又有什么区别。至少我做了我认为该做的事。哪怕只是站在那里举一块牌子,我也觉得值得。

Why I Persist in Protesting the CCP at the Chinese Consulate

Author: Chen Wei

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min

My name is Chen Wei. I am from Lianyungang, Jiangsu, and I currently live in Los Angeles, USA.

If it were a few years ago, I could never have imagined that one day I would be standing in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, holding a sign that reads “Down with the CCP, Down with the Communist Party” to protest against the CCP.

I was born into an ordinary family and received the same education as most Chinese people since childhood. What was learned in school was how great the Communist Party is; what was seen in the news was the country becoming stronger and stronger; there was almost no real history in the textbooks. When I was young, I had heard of “June 4th,” but only knew it as a “political turmoil.” As for what specifically happened, no one dared to speak of it, and schools certainly did not teach it.

Later, I learned how to “scale the wall” (bypass the Great Firewall) and accessed Google and overseas media. I saw a lot of content I completely didn’t know before, including the truth about June 4th, the Cultural Revolution, the Great Leap Forward, and what has happened in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and during the pandemic lockdowns in recent years. That feeling is hard to describe. It is like you have been locked in a room all along, and others tell you what the outside world is like, and you believe it for many years. Suddenly, one day the window is opened, and what you see is not the same thing at all as what you previously believed.

I began to feel more and more disgusted with the CCP. It wasn’t because someone else told me I should be anti-communist, but because after I went to understand things bit by bit, the conclusion I reached was: this regime is built upon lies, fear, and control. What it is best at is not governing the country, but brainwashing and “stability maintenance” (Weiwen).

After arriving in the United States, I truly felt for the first time what freedom of expression means. In China, many things can only be held back in your heart; speaking them out comes with a price. But in the United States, I can publicly stand up and say what I think without needing to worry about someone coming to my door to cause trouble. Therefore, later on, as long as there were relevant activities here in Los Angeles, I would basically go. Commemorating June 4th, supporting Hong Kong, protesting the CCP’s suppression of human rights—I have participated in all of them. Sometimes I also go to the front of the Chinese Consulate alone to hold a sign.

我为什么坚持去中领馆抗议中共

To tell the truth, standing there alone, there was still a bit of pressure at the beginning. After all, people who come out of China have, more or less, a bit of fear of politics in their bones; this is caused by the long-term environment. But after standing for a long time, you will find that what is truly scary is not standing up, but knowing the truth yet remaining silent all along.

Many people have asked me, what is the meaning of doing this? I know that I alone cannot change anything, nor can I topple the Communist Party. But at the very least, I want to let others know that not all Chinese people support the CCP. The Communist Party does not equal China, and furthermore, it does not represent the Chinese people.

I come out to protest not for fame, and not for show. I just feel that since I have already come to a free society, if I continue to play deaf and dumb, then what is the difference between that and when I was brainwashed in the past. At least I have done what I think should be done. Even if it is just standing there holding a sign, I still feel it is worth it.

当中国年轻人越来越看不到未来

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作者:马群     

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:周敏

5月9日,内地网红教授郑强表示:“大学生就业难,我不承认!不是找不到工作,而是满意、轻松的工作有点难找。大学刚毕业,不要太挑剔,先吃点苦不行吗?”对此,不少网友反驳称:“工作确实不难找,但996却只给3000元一个月,我连抱怨都不行吗?”许多年轻人认为,如今中国的就业环境,早已不是一句“先吃苦”就能够解释的。

在今天的中国,一个普通家庭培养一名大学生的成本越来越高。从小学到大学,补习班、学区房、生活费、学费,以及各种人情与教育压力层层叠加。很多家庭为了供孩子读大学,几乎倾尽积蓄。许多年轻人自己也长期承受巨大的学习压力,希望通过高考和大学改变命运,但现实却越来越令人失望。

当中国年轻人越来越看不到未来

《城市梦想破碎的瞬间 》图片由AI生成

不少大学生毕业后发现,所谓“学历改变命运”,正在逐渐失效。很多人找不到专业对口的工作,甚至不得不去做外卖、快递、直播销售等低门槛行业。并不是这些职业不值得尊重,而是很多年轻人会产生一种巨大的落差感:“我寒窗苦读十几年,最终为什么还是只能做一份随时可能被替代的工作?”

更令人焦虑的是,中国大学生的就业环境正在持续恶化。

如今,本科生已经明显“贬值”,研究生人数快速增加。可即便如此,很多硕士毕业后依然很难找到理想工作。一边是每年上千万毕业生持续涌入就业市场,另一边却是大量企业缩减招聘、降薪裁员。

许多岗位甚至出现了明显的“学历通胀”现象:过去本科可以胜任的工作,现在要求硕士;过去大专可以从事的岗位,如今也要求本科。而真正的问题在于:高学历人才越来越多,但高质量岗位并没有同步增加。

与此同时,中国职场还长期存在一个被广泛诟病的问题——“35岁门槛”。很多企业默认认为,35岁以上员工“成本高、难管理、加班能力下降”。于是,大量中年劳动者在最需要稳定收入的年龄,反而面临裁员与就业歧视。

这意味着,很多年轻人不仅现在找工作困难,甚至连未来都能够提前看到:拼命读书、拼命工作,最后依然可能在35岁之后被职场边缘化。

于是,当越来越多人开始“躺平”,问题就不仅仅只是个人选择,而是整个社会对未来信心的下降。

年轻人真正害怕的,从来不是吃苦,而是:吃了一辈子的苦,却依然无法获得稳定、体面与希望。

如果一个社会让年轻人长期看不到回报,那么学历焦虑、就业焦虑、生育率下降以及“躺平文化”,都会不断扩大。因为当“努力”不再能够改变命运时,人们自然会开始怀疑:这一切究竟还有什么意义。

When Chinese Youth Increasingly See No Future

Author: Ma Qun

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min

On May 9, mainland celebrity professor Zheng Qiang stated: “I do not admit that it is difficult for college students to find employment! It is not that jobs cannot be found, but that satisfying and easy jobs are a bit difficult to find. Just after graduating from university, don’t be too picky; isn’t it okay to endure some hardship first?”

In response, many netizens countered, saying: “Jobs are indeed not hard to find, but when ‘996’ (working 9am to 9pm, 6 days a week) only pays 3,000 yuan a month, am I not even allowed to complain?” Many young people believe that today’s employment environment in China can no longer be explained by a simple phrase like “endure hardship first.”

In today’s China, the cost for an ordinary family to raise a college student is getting higher and higher. From primary school to university, tutoring classes, school district housing, living expenses, tuition, and various social obligations and educational pressures are layered one upon another. Many families nearly exhaust their savings to support their children through university. Many young people themselves have long endured immense academic pressure, hoping to change their destiny through the College Entrance Examination (Gaokao) and university, but reality is becoming increasingly disappointing.

当中国年轻人越来越看不到未来

[Image: The Moment City Dreams Shatter (AI Generated)]

Many college students find after graduation that the so-called “education changes destiny” is gradually losing its efficacy. Many people cannot find jobs matching their majors and even have to work in low-threshold industries such as food delivery, courier services, or livestream sales. It is not that these professions are not worth respecting, but rather that many young people experience a massive sense of disparity: “After studying hard by the cold window for over a decade, why can I ultimately only do a job that could be replaced at any time?”

Even more anxiety-inducing is that the employment environment for Chinese college students is continuously deteriorating.

Nowadays, undergraduate degrees have clearly “depreciated,” and the number of graduate students is increasing rapidly. Yet even so, many people still find it difficult to obtain ideal jobs after graduating with a master’s degree. On one side, over ten million graduates continue to flood into the job market every year; on the other side, a large number of enterprises are shrinking recruitment, cutting salaries, and laying off staff.

Many positions even exhibit an obvious phenomenon of “credential inflation”: jobs that undergraduates could handle in the past now require a master’s degree; positions that junior college students could hold in the past now require a bachelor’s degree. The real problem lies in the fact that while high-level talent is increasing, high-quality positions have not increased synchronously.

At the same time, the Chinese workplace has long suffered from a widely criticized issue—the “35-year-old threshold.” Many companies default to the belief that employees over 35 have “high costs, are difficult to manage, and have a declining ability to work overtime.” Consequently, a large number of middle-aged workers face layoffs and employment discrimination at the very age when they most need a stable income.

This means that many young people not only find it difficult to get jobs now, but can even see their future in advance: studying desperately, working desperately, and yet still potentially being marginalized by the workplace after the age of 35.

Therefore, when more and more people begin to “lie flat” (tang ping), the issue is no longer just a personal choice, but a decline in the entire society’s confidence in the future.

What young people truly fear has never been “eating bitterness” (enduring hardship), but rather: having eaten bitterness for a lifetime, yet still being unable to obtain stability, dignity, and hope.

If a society causes young people to see no return over the long term, then education anxiety, employment anxiety, declining birth rates, and “lying flat culture” will all continue to expand. Because when “effort” can no longer change one’s destiny, people will naturally begin to wonder: what is the meaning of all this after all.

洛杉矶举行第789次“茉莉花行动” 声援重庆民主人士任建平

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作者:夏体姗     

编辑:钟然 校对:冯仍 翻译:周敏

【洛杉矶讯】 近日,第789次“茉莉花行动”在洛杉矶的中国领事馆门口举行,多位民主人士及华人社区成员到场参与,呼吁外界关注重庆民主人士任建平的处境,并要求中共当局停止对异议人士的打压与酷刑。

洛杉矶举行第789次“茉莉花行动” 声援重庆民主人士任建平

活动现场,主持人介绍了任建平的经历。任建平曾是一名英语教师,同时也是重庆民主人士及“推墙大联盟”主要发起人之一。2019年4月24日,他被当局逮捕,后于2023年3月20日以“颠覆国家政权罪”被判刑10年。

发言中指出,任建平长期向学生传播独立思考精神,并曾公开谈及“六四事件”等中国敏感历史议题,因此遭到校方打压并失去工作。此后,他转向网络平台继续发声,希望让更多中国民众了解“墙外的世界”。

活动参与者表示,仅因网络言论和组织讨论群组而被重判10年,反映出中国当局对言论自由的高度压制。他们认为,这类重刑不仅是对个人的惩罚,也是在向社会释放“噤声”信号。

现场发言还提到,目前已60多岁的任建平,被关押于重庆永川监狱。据介绍,由于拒绝认罪和签署“保证书”,他在狱中遭受长期罚站、辱骂及殴打,身体健康状况持续恶化。活动人士在洛杉矶的中国领事馆门口呼吁国际社会持续关注其人权状况,并敦促有关方面停止酷刑和虐待。

在活动最后,参与者高喊“释放任建平”“老师无罪”“停止酷刑”“释放一切政治犯”等口号,表达对任建平及中国良心犯的支持。主办方表示,希望通过持续发声,让更多国际社会人士关注中国的人权问题。

活动结束前,现场人员进行了集体合影。主办方表示,这不仅是一张照片,更是“历史的见证”。

       

 

Los Angeles Holds 789th “Jasmine Action” in Solidarity with Chongqing Activist Ren Jianping

Author: Xia Tishan

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min

Abstract: The 789th “Jasmine Action” was held in Los Angeles to support Chongqing democracy activist Ren Jianping. The event called for attention to his plight in prison and broader human rights issues in China, demanding an end to the suppression and torture of dissidents.

[Los Angeles News] Recently, the 789th “Jasmine Action” took place in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles. Numerous democracy activists and members of the Chinese community gathered to draw international attention to the situation of Chongqing activist Ren Jianping, demanding that the Chinese authorities cease the suppression and torture of dissidents.

洛杉矶举行第789次“茉莉花行动” 声援重庆民主人士任建平

During the event, the host introduced Ren Jianping’s background. Ren was formerly an English teacher, a Chongqing-based democracy activist, and one of the primary initiators of the “Great Wall-Pushing Alliance.” He was arrested by authorities on April 24, 2019, and later sentenced to 10 years in prison on March 20, 2023, on charges of “subversion of state power.”

Speakers noted that Ren had long promoted independent thinking among his students and publicly discussed sensitive historical topics, such as the “June 4th Incident,” which led to school-level suppression and the loss of his job. Subsequently, he turned to online platforms to continue speaking out, hoping to help more Chinese citizens understand the “world outside the Great Firewall.”

Participants stated that a 10-year sentence based solely on online speech and the organization of discussion groups reflects the Chinese authorities’ extreme suppression of freedom of speech. They argued that such heavy sentencing is not only a punishment for the individual but also a signal to society to remain silent.

Speeches also highlighted that Ren, now in his 60s, is being held in Yongchuan Prison in Chongqing. According to reports, because he has refused to plead guilty or sign a “letter of guarantee,” he has been subjected to long periods of forced standing, verbal abuse, and physical beatings, causing his health to deteriorate continuously. In front of the Chinese Consulate, activists called on the international community to maintain focus on his human rights status and urged relevant parties to stop the torture and mistreatment.

At the conclusion of the event, participants chanted slogans such as “Release Ren Jianping,” “The Teacher is Innocent,” “Stop the Torture,” and “Release All Political Prisoners,” expressing their support for Ren and other Chinese prisoners of conscience. The organizers expressed their hope that by continuing to speak out, more people in the international community would become aware of human rights issues in China.

Before the event ended, attendees took a group photograph. The organizers stated that this was not just a photo, but a “witness to history.”

《在野党》中国人权观察简报第28期

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(2026年5月9日)

作者:张维清   

编辑:冯仍 校对:冯仍 翻译:周敏

本期介绍被迫害人士:张信燕(Cheung Shun-yin),1971年出生,中国香港人,曾任网络时政评论员、前香港流亡者组织代表(基本信息)。

最新近况:张信燕于2026年5月7日在泰国曼谷因“签证过期”及“无证工作”被泰国移民局全副武装逮捕。目前她被无限期关押在曼谷 Suan Phlu 移民拘留中心,面临被强制遣返至中国大陆或香港的严重危机。

《在野党》中国人权观察简报第28期

一、个人简历

      早年生活:张信燕长期在香港生活,是一名坚定的法轮功学员。 

      流亡海外:因香港政治环境恶化,她前往泰国曼谷寻求庇护。

       难民身份:在泰国期间,她成功获得联合国难民署(UNHCR)颁发的正式难民身份。

       身份失效:因参与政治活动,其中中国护照被中国驻泰使馆注销,使其沦为无国籍状态。

二、政治立场

1、反对中共:长期利用网络平台和公开活动,批评中国共产党对宗教自由和人权的打压。

2、香港自治:支持香港民主运动,坚决反对《香港国安法》及二十三条立法。

3、筹组议会:主张建立能真正代表香港人意愿的海外民主政权机构。

三、被捕与判刑经历

        2025年:参与海外流亡人士组建的“香港议会”并当选首届议员。

        2025年底:香港警方国安处指控其涉嫌违反《香港国安法》中的“颠覆国家政权罪”,正式发出通缉令,并悬红20万港元。        

        2026年5月7日:在泰国曼谷的寓所被泰国警方拘捕,随即被送往移民拘留中心等待遣返法庭聆讯。

四、社会评价、国际评价

1、人权组织:多个国际人权团体指责此案是中共“跨国镇压”的典型案例,利用经济和外交影响力操控东南亚国家遣返异见人士。

2,国际政界:英美等国部分关注亚洲人权的议员对泰国的拘捕行动表示高度关切,敦促泰国遵守国际不推回原则。

3、香港官方:香港特区政府视其为危害国家安全的逃犯,对其公开通缉并拒绝评论海外拘捕细节。

五《在野党》人权观察部呼吁

1、停止遣返:强烈呼吁泰国政府严格履行国际人权法中的“不推回原则”,立即停止任何将张信燕遣返回中国大陆或香港的非法程序。

2、恢复自由:要求泰国移民当局基于人道主义精神,承认其联合国难民身份,立即释放张信燕。

3、国际介入:呼吁联合国难民署及西方民主国家政府紧急介入,积极为张信燕寻求第三国安全庇护,确保其人身安全不受侵害。

“Opposition Party” China Human Rights Watch Briefing No. 28

(May 9, 2026)

Author: Zhang Weiqing

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min

Persecuted Individual Introduced in this Issue: Cheung Shun-yin, born in 1971, Hong Kong, China. Formerly a cyber political commentator and representative of a former Hong Kong exile organization (Basic Information).

Latest Situation: Cheung Shun-yin was arrested by the Thai Immigration Bureau in a full-scale armed operation on May 7, 2026, in Bangkok, Thailand, for “visa expiration” and “working without a permit.” Currently, she is being detained indefinitely at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Center in Bangkok, facing a serious crisis of forced repatriation to Mainland China or Hong Kong.

《在野党》中国人权观察简报第28期

I. Personal Resume

Early Life: Cheung Shun-yin lived in Hong Kong for a long time and is a committed Falun Gong practitioner.

Exile Overseas: Due to the deterioration of the political environment in Hong Kong, she went to Bangkok, Thailand, to seek asylum.

Refugee Status: During her stay in Thailand, she successfully obtained official refugee status issued by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

Invalidation of Status: Due to her participation in political activities, her Chinese passport was canceled by the Chinese Embassy in Thailand, rendering her stateless.

II. Political Stance

1.Opposing the CCP: Long-term use of online platforms and public activities to criticize the Chinese Communist Party’s suppression of religious freedom and human rights.

2.Hong Kong Autonomy: Supports the Hong Kong democracy movement; resolutely opposes the “Hong Kong National Security Law” and the Article 23 legislation.

3.Organizing a Parliament: Advocates for the establishment of an overseas democratic political institution that can truly represent the will of the Hong Kong people.

III. Arrest and Sentencing Experience

2025: Participated in the “Hong Kong Parliament” formed by overseas exiles and was elected as a member of the first term.

Late 2025: The National Security Department of the Hong Kong Police accused her of suspected “subversion of state power” under the “Hong Kong National Security Law,” officially issued a wanted warrant, and offered a reward of 200,000 HKD.

May 7, 2026: Arrested by Thai police at her residence in Bangkok, Thailand, and subsequently sent to the Immigration Detention Center awaiting a repatriation court hearing.

IV. Social Evaluation and International Evaluation

1.Human Rights Organizations: Multiple international human rights groups have accused this case of being a typical example of the CCP’s “transnational repression,” utilizing economic and diplomatic influence to manipulate Southeast Asian countries into repatriating dissidents.

2.International Political Circles: Some members of parliament in the UK, the US, and other countries focused on Asian human rights have expressed high concern over the arrest by Thailand, urging Thailand to abide by the international principle of non-refoulement.

3.Hong Kong Officialdom: The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government views her as a fugitive endangering national security, has publicly issued a wanted notice for her, and refused to comment on the details of the overseas arrest.

V. Appeals from the Human Rights Watch Department of the “Opposition Party”

1.Stop Repatriation: Strongly call on the Thai government to strictly fulfill the “principle of non-refoulement” in international human rights law and immediately stop any illegal procedures to repatriate Cheung Shun-yin to Mainland China or Hong Kong.

2.Restore Freedom: Demand that the Thai immigration authorities, based on the spirit of humanitarianism, recognize her UN refugee status and immediately release Cheung Shun-yin.

3.International Intervention: Call on the UNHCR and governments of Western democratic countries to urgently intervene and actively seek safe asylum in a third country for Cheung Shun-yin to ensure her personal safety is not violated.

排华法案:注释 1882年《排华法案》的通过标志着美国首次禁止基于族裔和国籍的移

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排华法案:注释 1882年《排华法案》的通过标志着美国首次禁止基于族裔和国籍的移民。

作者:冯仍

编辑:李晶 校对:王滨 翻译:戈冰

一、《排华法案》是什么

《排华法案》(Chinese Exclusion Act)是美国国会通过、总统切斯特•阿瑟于1882年5月6日签署的联邦法律。它规定:十年内禁止中国劳工进入美国,并限制在美华人的身份与归化权利。美国国家档案馆称,这是美国历史上第一部重要的移民限制法,也是首次以某一族裔劳工群体为对象进行排斥的联邦法律。

这部法律的核心不是普通移民管理,而是带有明确种族歧视性质的排斥制度。

排华法案:注释 1882年《排华法案》的通过标志着美国首次禁止基于族裔和国籍的移
《排华法案》-首页1

二、法案主要内容

主要包括:

1. 禁止中国劳工入境美国十年。

2. 已经在美国的华人,如果离境后想再返回,必须取得证明文件。

3. 违反规定者可能被拒绝入境、监禁或驱逐出境。美国国会图书馆指出,该法案把华人移民置于“永久外国人”的地位,使他们无法正常获得美国公民身份。

4. 法案虽主要针对“华工”,但后来的修订和执行,逐渐扩大到几乎所有华人,使华人出入境、居留、工作、家庭团聚都受到严格限制。

三、历史背景

19世纪中期,大批中国人来到美国,主要原因包括中国国内战乱、贫困,以及美国西部淘金热和铁路建设对劳动力的需求。许多华工参与了加州淘金、农业、矿业、洗衣业、餐饮业,尤其在横贯大陆铁路建设中付出巨大劳动。

但铁路建成后,美国经济出现波动,白人劳工把失业和工资下降归咎于华工。西部政客、工会和排华势力不断煽动“华人抢工作”“华人不可同化”等言论,排华情绪迅速升级。国会图书馆指出,1880年代美国对华人移民的限制,与种族紧张、劳工冲突和此前几十年中国移民增加密切相关。

换句话说,华人曾经被需要时被当作廉价劳动力;当他们完成艰苦劳动后,又被当作社会问题的替罪羊。

1886年“魔法洗衣机”洗衣粉广告:中国人必须离开

四、法案的发展过程

《排华法案》原本规定十年,但后来不断延长:

● 1882年:《排华法案》签署,禁止中国劳工入境十年。

● 1892年:《吉尔里法案》(Geary Act)将排华政策再延长十年,并加强身份登记要求。

● 1902年:排华政策再次延长。

● 1943年:美国通过《马格努森法案》(Magnuson Act),正式废除《排华法案》。

但是,1943年的废除并不等于完全平等。当时中国虽重新获得移民配额,但每年配额只有约105人。美国国务院历史资料也指出,1943年废除排华法案与二战期间中美成为盟友有关,同时设立了极低的中国移民配额。

五、对华人的影响

《排华法案》造成的影响非常深远:

第一,它使华人家庭长期分离。很多华工无法把妻子儿女接来美国,也不敢轻易回中国探亲,因为一旦离境,可能无法再入境。

第二,它制造了制度性的羞辱。华人必须证明自己“不是被禁止的人”,随身携带证件,接受审查、盘问、拘留。

第三,它强化了美国社会对华人的歧视。法律本身给排华暴力和社会偏见提供了制度背书。

第四,它影响了美国移民制度的方向。此后,美国逐渐建立更严格的边境审查、身份文件和族裔配额制度。《排华法案》可以说是美国现代移民限制体系的重要起点之一。

六、历史意义

《排华法案》不是一段遥远的历史,而是华人移民史上的一道伤口。它提醒我们:一个国家即使高举自由、平等、机会,也可能在恐惧、经济压力和种族偏见中,把某一群人排除在人权和尊严之外。

对于今天生活在美国的华人来说,纪念《排华法案》不是为了制造仇恨,而是为了记住:华人在这片土地上的立足,不是自然得到的,而是几代人用劳苦、忍耐、抗争和尊严换来的。

The Chinese Exclusion Act: Notes The passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 marked the first time the United States banned immigration based on ethnicity and nationality.

Author: Feng Reng

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Wang Bin Translator: Ge Bing

I. What Is the Chinese Exclusion Act?

The Chinese Exclusion Act was a federal law passed by the U.S. Congress and signed by President Chester Arthur on May 6, 1882. It prohibited Chinese laborers from entering the United States for a period of ten years and restricted the status and naturalization rights of Chinese residents in the U.S. According to the U.S. National Archives, this was the first major immigration restriction law in U.S. history and the first federal law to target a specific ethnic group of laborers for exclusion.

The core of this law was not ordinary immigration management, but an exclusionary system with a clearly racially discriminatory nature.

排华法案:注释 1882年《排华法案》的通过标志着美国首次禁止基于族裔和国籍的移

The Chinese Exclusion Act – Home Page 1

II. Main Provisions of the Act

The main provisions include:

1. A ten-year ban on Chinese laborers entering the United States.

2. Chinese nationals already in the United States who wished to return after leaving the country were required to obtain certification.

3. Violators could be denied entry, imprisoned, or deported. The Library of Congress notes that the Act placed Chinese immigrants in the status of “permanent aliens,” preventing them from obtaining U.S. citizenship through normal channels.

4. Although the bill primarily targeted “Chinese laborers,” subsequent amendments and enforcement gradually expanded its scope to include nearly all Chinese people, subjecting them to strict restrictions on entry, exit, residence, employment, and family reunification.

III. Historical Background

In the mid-19th century, large numbers of Chinese people came to the United States, driven primarily by civil unrest and poverty in China, as well as the demand for labor during the Gold Rush and railroad construction in the American West. Many Chinese laborers participated in California’s gold rush, as well as in agriculture, mining, laundry services, and the food service industry; they made particularly significant contributions to the construction of the transcontinental railroad.

However, after the railroad was completed, the U.S. economy experienced fluctuations, and white workers blamed Chinese laborers for unemployment and falling wages. Western politicians, labor unions, and anti-Chinese forces continuously stoked sentiments such as “Chinese are stealing jobs” and “Chinese cannot be assimilated,” causing anti-Chinese sentiment to escalate rapidly. The Library of Congress notes that restrictions on Chinese immigration in the 1880s were closely linked to racial tensions, labor conflicts, and the increase in Chinese immigration over the preceding decades.

In other words, when they were needed, Chinese immigrants were treated as cheap labor; once they had completed their arduous labor, they were made scapegoats for social problems.

1886 “Magic Washing Machine” laundry detergent advertisement: Chinese must leave

IV. The Evolution of the Legislation

The Chinese Exclusion Act was originally set for ten years but was repeatedly extended:

● 1882: The Chinese Exclusion Act was signed, prohibiting Chinese laborers from entering the country for ten years.

● 1892: The Geary Act extended the anti-Chinese policy for another ten years and strengthened registration requirements.

● 1902: The anti-Chinese policy was extended once again.

● 1943: The United States passed the Magnuson Act, formally repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act.

However, the repeal in 1943 did not equate to full equality. Although China regained immigration quotas at that time, the annual quota was only about 105 people. Historical records from the U.S. Department of State also indicate that the repeal of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1943 was related to the U.S.-China alliance during World War II, and that extremely low immigration quotas for Chinese nationals were established at the same time.

V. Impact on Chinese Americans

The impact of the Chinese Exclusion Act was profound:

First, it caused long-term family separations among Chinese Americans. Many Chinese laborers were unable to bring their wives and children to the United States and dared not easily return to China to visit relatives, as leaving the country might result in being barred from re-entry.

Second, it created institutionalized humiliation. Chinese Americans were required to prove they were “not prohibited persons,” carry identification at all times, and submit to inspections, interrogations, and detention.

Third, it reinforced discrimination against Chinese Americans in U.S. society. The law itself provided institutional endorsement for anti-Chinese violence and social prejudice.

Fourth, it shaped the direction of the U.S. immigration system. Subsequently, the United States gradually established stricter border controls, identity documentation requirements, and ethnic quotas. The Chinese Exclusion Act can be considered one of the key starting points of the modern U.S. immigration restriction system.

VI. Historical Significance

The Chinese Exclusion Act is not a distant chapter of history, but a wound in the history of Chinese immigration. It serves as a reminder that even a nation that champions freedom, equality, and opportunity may, under the influence of fear, economic pressures, and racial prejudice, exclude certain groups from human rights and dignity.

For Chinese Americans living in the United States today, commemorating the Chinese Exclusion Act is not about fostering hatred, but about remembering that the Chinese community’s place in this country was not granted automatically, but was earned through generations of hard work, perseverance, struggle, and dignity.

五四有感

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作者:Chang Kun

编辑:韩立华

校对:毛一炜

翻译:戈冰

其实,现在的五四青年节,早就被过成了一场讽刺的“政治秀”。

一百多年前,那时候的年轻人冲上街头,是为了反对独裁、追求民主,是敢跟腐朽的权力叫板的。那时的“五四”是觉醒的标志,是独立人格的体现。可现在的中共,一边把“五四”挂在嘴边,一边却在拼命掐灭年轻人的独立思考。他们嘴里的“青年精神”,说白了就是四个字:听话、顺从。

你看看现在的年轻人,过的是什么日子?他们在学校里被灌输千篇一律的口号,在社交媒体上说句真话可能就会被封号甚至“喝茶”。本该是最有锐气、最敢质疑的年纪,却被权力修理成了唯唯诺诺、只管低头干活的“螺丝钉”。政府一方面在宣传片里画大饼,吹嘘盛世,把年轻人比作“后浪”;另一方面,却对高房价、就业难以及那让人窒息的“内卷”视而不见。只要你敢抱怨两句生活不公,或者想为社会正义发声,一顶“境外势力”或者“寻衅滋事”的大帽子马上就扣过来。

最荒唐的是,一个靠着学生运动起家的政权,现在成了世界上最害怕学生运动、最恐惧年轻人聚集的政权。他们把五四精神里最核心的“批判”和“反抗”给阉割了,换成了空洞的“爱党”和“效忠”。他们不需要你有灵魂,只需要你当一个没有思想的“耗材”,一个在宏大叙事里自我感动的工具人。

这种纪念方式,本质上是对历史的暴力绑架。他们用高音喇叭赞美青年,实际上是为了掩盖那些被消失的声音。当“德先生”被关进监狱,“赛先生”被用来搞全民监控,这个所谓的节日就成了一场大型的政治欺骗秀。

如果一个社会只允许一种声音存在,如果年轻人连质疑权力的勇气都要被当作犯罪,那所谓的“五四”就只剩下一具被权力填充的僵尸。真正的五四精神,绝对不是给权力唱赞歌,而应该是对不公说“不”,是对真理的执着。在这个被谎言和监控包裹的节日里,拒绝被洗脑、保持独立的人格、看清那双操控木偶的手,就是一个年轻人对这个荒诞时代最强有力的控诉。如果青春意味着服从,那这种青春就是廉价的劳动力;只有当青春意味着自由,五四才真正属于年轻人。

Reflections on May Fourth

Author: Chang Kun

Editor: Han Lihua

Proofreader: Mao Yiwei

Translator: Ge Bing

In truth, today’s May Fourth Youth Day has long since devolved into a farcical “political spectacle.”

Over a century ago, the young people of that era took to the streets to oppose dictatorship and pursue democracy; they dared to challenge a corrupt regime. Back then, the May Fourth Movement was a symbol of awakening and an embodiment of independent character. Yet today, the Chinese Communist Party pays lip service to the May Fourth Movement while desperately stifling young people’s independent thinking. The “youth spirit” they speak of boils down to four words: obedience and compliance.

Just look at the lives young people lead today. In school, they’re indoctrinated with cookie-cutter slogans; on social media, speaking a single truth might get their accounts banned or even land them in for a “chat” with the authorities. At an age when they should be at their sharpest and most questioning, they’ve been molded by the powers that be into meek “cogs in the machine” who just keep their heads down and work. On one hand, the government paints a rosy picture in its propaganda videos, boasting of a golden age and likening young people to the “rising tide”; on the other, it turns a blind eye to sky-high housing prices, employment difficulties, and the suffocating “internal competition.” The moment you dare to complain about life’s injustices or speak out for social justice, the label of “foreign forces” or “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” is immediately slapped on you.

The most absurd thing is that a regime that rose to power on the back of student movements has now become the regime in the world most afraid of student movements and most terrified of young people gathering. They have castrated the core elements of the May Fourth Spirit—“criticism” and ‘resistance’—replacing them with hollow slogans of “loving the Party” and “loyalty.” They don’t need you to have a soul; they just need you to be a mindless “disposable resource,” a tool that moves itself to tears within their grand narrative.

This form of commemoration is, in essence, a violent hijacking of history. They use loudspeakers to praise the youth, but in reality, it is to cover up the voices that have been silenced. When “Mr. Democracy” is locked up in prison and “Mr. Science” is used to implement mass surveillance, this so-called holiday becomes nothing more than a massive political deception.

If a society allows only one voice to exist, if young people are treated as criminals for even having the courage to question authority, then the so-called “May Fourth” is nothing more than a zombie stuffed with power. The true spirit of May Fourth is absolutely not singing hymns to power, but saying “no” to injustice and holding fast to the truth. On this holiday shrouded in lies and surveillance, refusing to be brainwashed, maintaining an independent spirit, and seeing through the hands manipulating the puppets—these are the most powerful acts of defiance a young person can offer against this absurd era. If youth means obedience, then such youth is nothing more than cheap labor; only when youth means freedom does the May Fourth Movement truly belong to the young.

拒绝跨国镇压!声援留学生程方维——我们绝不沉默!

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作者:姜俊良

编辑:韩立华 校对:程筱筱 翻译:戈冰

朋友们,同胞们: 今天我们站在这里,头顶着海外自由的天空。但你们知道吗?就在此时此刻,我们的一位同龄人,一位和我们一样曾在海外呼吸着自由空气的留学生,却正被锁在暗无天日的黑牢里! 请问在场的每一位:善良,究竟是不是一种罪?同情,究竟能不能被判刑?!

在中共的法庭上,答案竟然是:能! 今天,我要讲的就是程方维。他曾是悉尼大学的一名留学生,一个前途光明、充满良知的汉族青年。在这片自由的土地上,他听到了高墙内被捂住的哭声。因为对弱势群体的同情,他去学习维吾尔语,去拥抱不同的信仰,去为遭遇系统性迫害的新疆少数民族同胞公开发声。 他没有武器,他只有一颗滚烫的心;他没有诉诸暴力,他只是说出了真话!

可是,在那个黑箱政权眼里,爱与良知,竟成了十恶不赦的重罪! 2024年底,程方维踏上回国的航班。等待他的不是家人的拥抱,而是成都机场里,新疆伊犁警方跨省的秘密抓捕! 没有公开审判!没有判决书!甚至不让家人说话! 只有长达六年的冰冷重刑!只有一项荒谬绝伦、莫须有的——“分裂国家罪”!

朋友们,醒醒吧!这不仅仅是程方维一个人的悲剧!这是悬在我们每一个海外华人、每一个留学生头顶的屠刀!这是中共将黑手伸向海外、对觉醒青年进行“跨国镇压”的铁证! 他们想用这六年的重刑告诉我们什么?他们想让我们恐惧,想让我们闭嘴,想让我们在看到同胞受苦时,选择冷漠地转过头去! 我们不禁要问:到底是谁在分裂国家?!是一个试图保护父母、声援弱势群体的年轻学子吗?不!真正分裂国家的,是那些建起高墙、制造仇恨与隔离的强权!

古人说:“为众人抱薪者,不可使其冻毙于风雪!” 程方维为了替无声者发声,失去了一切自由。今天,如果我们在他危难时选择沉默,明天,当跨国镇压的黑手掐住我们的脖子时,将不再有人为我们呐喊! 沉默,从来换不来安全!发声,才能让世界看见! 他的声音不应被消失!他的勇气绝不能被遗忘!

现在,邀请所有心存正义的朋友,举起你们的手,用最响亮的声音,向世界宣告我们的底线!

请大家跟我一起喊:

拒绝跨国镇压!保障留学生人权!

停止秘密审判!立刻释放程方维!

抗议株连家属!还人民自由与尊严!

关闭再教育营!停止少数民族迫害!

我们绝不妥协!我们绝不沉默!直到程方维重获自由,直到每一位同胞都能免于恐惧! 谢谢大家!

Reject Transnational Repression! Stand in Solidarity with International Student Cheng Fangwei—We Will Not Remain Silent!

Author: Jiang Junliang

Editor: Han Lihua Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Ge Bing

Friends, fellow countrymen and women: Today we stand here, beneath the free skies of the world. But do you know? At this very moment, one of our peers—an international student who, like us, once breathed the air of freedom abroad—is being locked away in a dark, windowless dungeon! I ask every person here: Is kindness truly a crime? Can compassion really be punished by imprisonment?!

In the courts of the Chinese Communist Party, the answer is: Yes! Today, I want to speak about Cheng Fangwei. He was once an international student at the University of Sydney—a Han Chinese youth with a bright future and a conscience. On this land of freedom, he heard the muffled cries coming from behind high walls. Out of compassion for the vulnerable, he learned the Uyghur language, embraced different faiths, and spoke out publicly for our ethnic minority compatriots in Xinjiang who are facing systematic persecution. He had no weapons, only a heart burning with passion; he did not resort to violence, he simply spoke the truth!

Yet, in the eyes of that opaque regime, love and conscience have become unforgivable crimes! In late 2024, Cheng Fangwei boarded a flight back to China. What awaited him was not the embrace of his family, but a secret, cross-provincial arrest by police from Yili, Xinjiang, at Chengdu Airport! No public trial! No written verdict! They wouldn’t even let his family speak! Only a six-year sentence of harsh imprisonment! Only one preposterous, baseless charge—“the crime of separatism”!

Friends, wake up! This is not just Cheng Fangwei’s personal tragedy! It is a sword of Damocles hanging over every overseas Chinese and every international student! This is irrefutable proof that the CCP is extending its dark reach overseas to carry out “transnational suppression” against awakened youth! What are they trying to tell us with this six-year sentence? They want to instill fear in us, silence us, and make us turn a cold, indifferent shoulder when we see our compatriots suffering! We cannot help but ask: Who is really splitting the nation?! Is it a young student trying to protect his parents and stand up for the vulnerable? No! Those who truly divide the nation are the powerful forces that erect high walls and foster hatred and isolation!

As the ancients said: “He who gathers firewood for the masses must not be left to freeze to death in the wind and snow!” Cheng Fangwei lost all his freedom in order to speak for the voiceless. Today, if we choose silence in his hour of peril, tomorrow, when the black hand of transnational repression clamps down on our necks, there will be no one left to cry out for us! Silence has never brought safety! Only by speaking out can the world see! His voice must not be silenced! His courage must never be forgotten!

Now, I invite all friends who cherish justice to raise your hands and, with the loudest voices, declare our bottom line to the world!

Please join me in shouting:

Reject transnational repression! Protect the human rights of international students!

Stop secret trials! Release Cheng Fangwei immediately!

Protest the persecution of family members! Restore freedom and dignity to the people!

Close the re-education camps! Stop the persecution of ethnic minorities!

We will never compromise! We will never be silent! Until Cheng Fangwei is free, until every one of our compatriots is free from fear! Thank you all!