博客 页面 36

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你一跪,

沉鱼落雁,

日月失色,

天崩地裂。

口罩,

延展三年,

遮住城郭、乡野与江河湖海;

却封不住,

你的膝盖骨铮铮诉说。

你宁折不垂的头颅,

直刺云宵。

哪位大师,有此凌厉刀锋?

三分妩媚,七分剑俏,

滔天洪水,冰霜莽莽。

你化作女神,矗立天地。

而我,俯身低吟:

让我的膝,与你同跪,

劈开板结千年的盐碱,

引地狱之火,冲天。

作者:漠北孤侠 2025初夏成于名古屋东山下烟雨小木屋

编辑:王梦梦 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰

Kneel

When you kneel,Fish sink, birds fall,The sun and moon lose their light,Heaven and earth collapse.

The mask,stretched for three years,covered cities, villages, rivers, lakes, and seas;yet it could not silencethe clang of your kneecaps speaking.

Your unbending head,pierces straight into the heavens.Which master has such a fierce blade?Three parts allure, seven parts sword-edge,a raging flood, frost vast and boundless.You become a goddess, standing between heaven and earth.

And I, bowing low, whisper:Let my knees kneel with yours,to split the salt-crusted land of a thousand years,and summon hellfire, surging skyward.

Author: Mo Bei Gu Xia (Lone Knight of the Northern Desert)Written in early summer 2025, at a misty wooden hut beneath Higashiyama, NagoyaEditor: Wang MengmengResponsible Editor: Luo ZhifeiTranslatior: Lyu Feng

追责中共病毒车队-伊利诺伊州纳什维尔

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追责中共病毒车队-伊利诺伊州纳什维尔
追责中共病毒车队-伊利诺伊州纳什维尔

2025年9月14日,伊利诺伊州纳什维尔野外露营地,早晨,太阳刚刚升起,大家折叠帐篷,整理行囊,吃早餐,洗锅碗,出发!大家来自不同的区域,不同的职业,男女老少,只为心中有一个共同的梦想,推翻中共暴政,实现民主宪政!中国人民不再被奴役,不再被压榨,不再被欺辱!他们不辞辛苦,一路奔波!

作者:陀先润、彭小梅、何兴强、郭斌、王连江等《在野党》社员

责任编辑:罗志飞

Accountability for the CCP Virus Caravan – Nashville, Illinois

追责中共病毒车队-伊利诺伊州纳什维尔

On September 14, 2025, at a campground in Nashville, Illinois, the sun had just risen as everyone folded their tents, packed their bags, ate breakfast, washed the dishes, and set off! They came from all walks of life, from all walks of life, men and women, young and old, all driven by a common dream: to overthrow the CCP’s tyranny and establish democratic constitutionalism! For the Chinese people, no longer enslaved, no longer oppressed, no longer bullied! They braved the hardships of their journey!

Authors: Tuo Xianrun, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Guo Bin, Wang Lianjiang, and other Opposition Party staff members

Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Tomorrow

追责中共病毒车队-德州米德兰

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追责中共病毒车队-德州米德兰

2025年9月9号,车队到达701 N Garfield St,Midland ,TX 79701,对面的广场上,收到当地参议院议员与市长、部分市民支持,并发表演讲与合影留念。

不同的人,在不同的场合,马路边、街头、加油站、露营场地,广场上,向不同的人群,揭露共产党的真相,共产党是许多领域的病毒,包括生物学、经济领域、文化领域、政治领域等,呼吁美国人民共同抵制共产党这个组织在美国的渗透,及长臂管理!

追责中共病毒车队-德州米德兰

作者:陀先润、彭小梅、何兴强、郭斌、王连江等《在野党》社员

责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:Tomorrow

Accountability Convoy for the CCP Virus – Midland, Texas

On September 9, 2025, the convoy arrived at 701 N Garfield St, Midland, TX 79701. In the plaza across the street, the convoy received support from the local senator, the mayor, and some residents. They gave speeches and took photos.

Different individuals, in various settings—on the roadside, on the streets, at gas stations, at campgrounds, and in the plaza—exposed the truth about the Communist Party to diverse crowds. The Communist Party is a virus in many fields, including biology, economics, culture, and politics. They called on the American people to jointly resist the Communist Party’s infiltration and long-arm control in the United States!

追责中共病毒车队-德州米德兰

Authors: Tuo Xianrun, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Guo Bin, Wang Lianjiang, and other Opposition Party staff members

Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: tomorrow

从缅北“噶腰子”到150岁的寿命

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作者:李堃

编辑:百里奚 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:Tomorrow

我是一个八零后北京土著,自认挺实在,也算是个聪明人儿吧,没啥坏心眼,但是也不会相信什么诈骗电话或是传销这些老掉牙的套路。这些年总听各种自媒体或是身边朋友传说缅北“噶(ga二声)腰子“的事儿,说的真真儿的,这不还拍了一部电影叫什么《孤注一掷》,好几个朋友去看了,都说挺写实的,我就一直觉着不对,憋心里一直没敢放出来,今天跟大家聊聊。

首先我的观点是肯定不信“噶腰子“这回事的。”噶腰子“学名应该叫器官移植手术,我稍微问了问AI,这手术最开始要做各种医学检测,包括并不限于血型匹配、人类白细胞抗原匹配、交叉配型试验、病毒与传染病筛查、健康评估,这还仅仅是供体的,也就是提供“腰子”的那位。然后才能在大批的受体患者中找到跟这个腰子匹配的人,这接受腰子的也不是谁都行,各种实验一个都不能少,特别是跟这个供体的匹配实验,您总不能随便绑一个人就噶,零件儿总得合适才能安得上,金主爸爸才能给钱吧?然后是各种手术准备,术后管理,总之一大堆事儿。科学的来讲:移植器官是一个高度复杂跨学科(免疫学、外科学、麻醉学、药理学)的过程,还要结合大量的人类隐私信息(比如医疗记录),且必须在大型三甲医院或大型移植中心实施。连AI都知道网上传说的:绑票儿直接噶腰子,根本不可能实现。

不信归不信,咱也是有社会责任感的人,2013年我老爸病危,北京各大医院都治不了,其它零件都好好的,就是脑子里边的病没得治,全家一合计,觉得应该为社会做点贡献——捐器官吧。我们把这个想法跟医院一说,主任挺感动,但最后说:不行。为啥?因为没有这个流程。2013年,中国还没有建立全国器官移植库,我当年也是看电视新闻里面一帮医生给某个名人的尸体三鞠躬,然后就捐了,以为真的就是这样。结果其实不行,最后还是都烧了。2015年,在凤凰卫视许戈辉的访谈节目中,她采访了前中国卫生部副部长的黄洁夫,才说出一部分真相:从1972年第一例移植开始,到2015年1月1日,中国都没有建立公民捐献体系。所以,器官是怎么来的一直是不能说的秘密。近十年以来,大家对这方面的消息接触的多了,信息来源多了,身边等器官的亲朋多了,就发现这里边猫腻还真不少。黄洁夫说的死刑犯器官是一种来源,其它的呢,我没有深入调查,大家可以自己找找可靠的信息来源,而且,他还说,自2015年1月1日起,就不能用死刑犯器官了。听了这话我反而害怕了,那么多患者需求,都怎么解决的?我家里亲戚还每周两次透析,续着命等肾源呢。据医院里的“号贩子”说,可以帮联系肾源,不知道哪来的,配上型才知道价。

我们这边还在着急家人的病,北京又有大活动了——大阅兵,所有我们住长安街附近的都得服从组织安排,不让动煤气,不让出门,完事儿了等通知才能恢复。该说不说,阅兵还真挺壮观的,那飞机坦克导弹,一排一排的从家门口过,但是老点的北京人都明白,1989年那会儿,也是这样过坦克的,啥人命不人命的,他们有枪,你小老百姓就别想翻天。其实我们哪有那个胆子?只求得了病有个地方能治,要换肾排几年能安排上就知足了。我们也看新闻啊,中国、俄罗斯、朝鲜三个头头脑脑走一起,那个亲密啊,说的话都放出来了,现在科技真发达,说能活150岁呢,我心里就琢磨啊,他们说的不停的移植新器官,是哪来的呢?总不能像咱们一样,排队等好几年吧?要是有合适的,配型满足了,但是人家还没死呢,那怎么办?普通人的腰子是否合适,他们怎么知道的呢?别说器官了,我同学前几天要输血,还得发朋友圈求助大家去帮忙献血呢。我这只是合理推测,不敢瞎说。我觉着他们应该不会像我们这么难吧?要是供一个每天吃喝玩乐的活到150岁,应该比我们小老百姓用的血和器官多得多吧?有时候真羡慕他们啊,不用活得这么累,但是转念一想,谁家亲人乐意把血和器官给他们?谁不想有个健康长寿的身体呢?这北京城,比起早些年是干净漂亮了不少,过去那些疯子傻子满街拣破烂的都消失了,虽然以前挺嫌弃他们的,又脏又臭,但是现在再仔细寻思寻思,他们都去哪了呢……

From the “Ga Yaozi” of northern Myanmar to a lifespan of 150 years

Author: Li Kun

Editor: Baili Xi Managing Editor: Hu Lili Translation: tomorrow

Abstract: Based on personal experience, the author questions the rumor of “kidney donation”, describing the high complexity of organ transplantation and the discreditability of illegal acquisition; recalling the fact that he wanted to donate organs in 2013 but had no channels, he reveals the long-term opacity of China’s organ sources and worries that the powerful have ample resources while ordinary people have a long wait.

I’m a Beijing native born in the 1980s. I consider myself a pretty down-to-earth person, and I’m pretty smart. I don’t have any bad intentions, but I also don’t fall for scam calls or pyramid schemes. For years, I’ve heard stories from various social media outlets and friends about the “ga kidneys” (ga pronounced secondly) in northern Myanmar. They’re so real, there’s even a movie about them called “All or Nothing.” Several friends have seen it and praised its realistic portrayal. I’ve always had a feeling something was amiss, but I’ve been holding it in my gut and haven’t dared to share it. Today, I want to share it with you all.

First of all, I definitely don’t believe in the so-called “kidney snatching”. The scientific term for it should be organ transplantation. I asked the AI a little bit, and it turns out that before the surgery, various medical tests must be conducted on the donor, including but not limited to blood type matching, human leukocyte antigen matching, cross-matching tests, virus and infectious disease screening, and health assessment. This is just for the donor, the person providing the “kidney”. Then, among a large number of recipient patients, the one who matches this kidney must be found. The recipient is not just anyone; all kinds of tests are indispensable, especially the matching tests with the donor. You can’t just randomly kidnap someone and take out their kidney. The parts must fit to be installed, and the rich dad will only pay if it’s done properly. Then there are all kinds of surgical preparations and postoperative management. In short, there are a lot of things to do. Scientifically speaking: organ transplantation is a highly complex interdisciplinary process (involving immunology, surgery, anesthesiology, and pharmacology), and it must be carried out in large tertiary hospitals or large transplant centers. Even the AI knows that the online rumors of kidnapping someone and directly taking out their kidney are simply impossible to achieve.

Whether you believe it or not, we are people with a sense of social responsibility. In 2013, my father was critically ill and no hospital in Beijing could treat him. All his organs were fine except for the disease in his brain, which was incurable. After discussing it as a family, we thought we should do something for society – donate his organs. We told the hospital about our idea, and the director was quite touched but ultimately said no. Why? Because there was no such procedure. In 2013, China had not yet established a national organ transplant database. I had seen on TV news that a group of doctors bowed three times to a celebrity’s body before donating the organs, and I thought that was how it was done. But it turned out that wasn’t the case, and in the end, everything was cremated. In 2015, in an interview on Phoenix TV with Xu Gehui, Huang Jiefu, the former vice minister of health of China, revealed part of the truth: from the first transplant in 1972 to January 1, 2015, China had not established a citizen donation system. So, how the organs were obtained was a secret that couldn’t be told. In the past decade, people have come into contact with more information on this issue, have more sources of information, and have more relatives and friends waiting for organs. As a result, they have discovered that there are indeed many tricks involved. The organs from death row inmates that Huang Jiefu mentioned is one source. I haven’t investigated the others in depth. You can find reliable information sources yourself. Moreover, he also said that as of January 1, 2015, organs from death row inmates could no longer be used. Hearing this, I became even more worried. How were the needs of so many patients met? My relatives still have to undergo dialysis twice a week, waiting for a kidney source to stay alive. According to the “ticket scalpers” in the hospital, they can help contact kidney sources, but the price is only known after a match is made.

We are still worried about our family member’s illness here. Now there’s a big event in Beijing – the grand military parade. So all of us living near Chang’an Street have to follow the organization’s arrangement. We can’t use gas or go out. We have to wait for the notice to resume normal life. To be honest, the parade was really spectacular. The planes, tanks and missiles passed by our doorstep in rows. But the older Beijingers all know that back in 1989, it was the same. They had tanks passing by, and it didn’t matter if people died or not. They had guns, and we common folk couldn’t do anything about it. We don’t have that kind of courage. We just hope that when we get sick, there’s a place to treat us. If we can get a kidney transplant after a few years of waiting, we’ll be satisfied. We also watch the news. China, Russia and North Korea’s leaders are walking together, so close. Their words are even broadcasted. Nowadays, technology is so advanced that they say people can live to 150. I can’t help but wonder, where do they get all these new organs for transplantation? They can’t be like us, waiting in line for years, right? What if the organ is a match but the donor is still alive? How do they know if a common person’s kidney is suitable? Don’t even mention organs. My friend needed a blood transfusion a few days ago and had to ask for help on WeChat Moments to get people to donate blood. This is just my reasonable speculation. I dare not say anything more. I think they shouldn’t have it as hard as us, right? If they want to live to 150 and enjoy themselves every day, they should need much more blood and organs than us common folk, right? Sometimes I really envy them. They don’t have to live such a hard life. But then I think about it, who would be willing to give their blood and organs to them? Who doesn’t want a healthy and long life? This Beijing city is much cleaner and prettier than before. Those crazy and foolish people who used to pick up trash on the streets have disappeared. Although we used to look down on them for being dirty and smelly, now when I think about it carefully, where did they go?

追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

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追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心
追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

作者:陀先润、彭小梅、何兴强、郭斌、王连江等《在野党》社员

责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吴可正

2025年9月10日,由陈老师带队追责中共病毒车队来到德州达拉斯市中心举行街头集会游行。中共病毒车以骷髅与新冠病毒造型象征中共制造的“病毒灾难”,吸引了路人驻足关注。新冠疫情给全世界造成了巨大损失,中共隐瞒疫情真相、推卸责任,必须追究法律与道义上的责任。大家共同呼吁美国政府就疫情向中共索赔,并进一步制裁中共在美国社会的渗透、长臂管辖与破坏性影响。

本次车队游行将继续在美西、美东多地游行最后直指华盛顿DC,旨在唤醒更多民众认清中共危害,凝聚国际社会力量,推动多方位制裁中共,让真相与正义得到伸张。

The CCP Virus Accountability Convoy – Downtown Dallas

追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

Authors: Tuo Xianrun, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Guo Bin, Wang Lianjiang, and other members of The Opposition Party

Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Wu Kezheng

On September 10, 2025, the CCP Virus Accountability Convoy, led by Teacher Chen, came to downtown Dallas, Texas, to hold a street rally and parade. The CCP Virus Vehicle, decorated with skulls and COVID-19 virus models, symbolized the “virus disaster” created by the CCP, attracting passersby to stop and watch. The COVID-19 pandemic has caused tremendous losses to the world. The CCP concealed the truth of the pandemic and shirked responsibility, and it must be held accountable legally and morally. Everyone jointly called on the U.S. government to demand compensation from the CCP for the pandemic, and to further sanction the CCP’s infiltration, long-arm jurisdiction, and destructive influence in American society.

This convoy parade will continue in many places across the western and eastern United States, with its final destination being Washington, D.C. It aims to awaken more people to recognize the dangers of the CCP, unite the strength of the international community, promote multi-faceted sanctions against the CCP, and let truth and justice be upheld.

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

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一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

作者:胡德旺

编辑:韩瑞媛 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:Tomorrow

作者记述2020年赴新疆和田考察的亲身经历。通过沿途的装甲车、岗哨及与官员的对话,揭示了所谓“产业园”如同监狱,维族工人疑似被强制劳动。文章旨在以第一手见闻戳破中共关于新疆“稳定繁荣”的谎言,证实外媒报道非虚。

2020年3月,应朋友之邀,我陪同他前往新疆考察商业投资。这次实地之行,让我彻底认清了中共宣传的虚伪,也证实了外媒关于新疆的报道并非空穴来风。我要用自己的亲身经历,揭开中共一个被精心掩盖的谎言。

初抵和田:和平表象下的肃杀之气

2020年3月26日,我们抵达和田机场。刚走出航站楼,我就被眼前的景象震惊了:机场广场上停着武警的装甲车,上面荷枪实弹的武警全副武装。这不是我在内地熟悉的场景,和平时期的机场,何以需要如此戒备?

我们下飞机后,被专门人员直接接走,无法自由接触任何人。先到医院抽血化验,再送至宾馆隔离两天。等到第三天,才被允许进入所谓的“鞋业产业园区”进行考察。

“产业园”之路:战区般的戒备

从宾馆出发,路途虽不远,但一路上岗哨密布,堪称“三步一小岗,十步一大岗”。有的荷枪实弹,有的手持警棍;每隔一段路,车辆还要被拦下检查,警犬围车搜嗅。这种戒备,分明是战时状态,而非一个“社会稳定”的地区。

高墙铁网:名为园区,实为监狱

到了所谓的产业园区,我第一眼看到的不是繁荣,而是高耸的围墙,上面密布铁丝网与监控摄像头。这更像一座监狱,而非一个普通工厂。进入车间,我看到许多维吾尔族员工正在流水线上工作。我想用手机拍下这真实场景,却立刻被朋友制止。他警告说:园区内布满监控,拍摄会带来严重麻烦。我只能忍痛删除那段影像。

官员的“真心话”:揭开强制劳动的面纱

在考察过程中,我们与当地官员有过一段对话:

工人来源? 官员称,这些人大多是“无业者、单身男性或有不安定倾向的人”,被集中到园区劳动。

是否有工资? 他回答:“有,但很低。头一个月500元,第二个月600元,熟练的也许能拿到一两千。”——这一数字仅为江浙工人工资的十分之一。

若工人不服从? 官员冷笑着说:“不用担心,他们怕汉人。捣乱的会被收拾,再不行,旁边就是监狱,直接送进去。” 后来我们确实在园区外看到了那座监狱。

能否自由外出? 官员答:“不可以。园区有宿舍、食堂,他们平时不能随意外出。” 望着铁丝网和关卡,答案不言自明。

当问及为何要在新疆发展劳动密集型产业时,官员给出了三点理由:反恐需要,把“不安定人员”集中管理;响应习近平的“脱贫”指标;以及集中管理比分散监控更省钱。

结语:谁才是谎言的制造者

这次新疆之行让我彻底认清:外媒关于“集中营”和强制劳动的报道,并非虚构;而中共媒体所宣传的“社会稳定、经济发展、民族和谐”,才是彻头彻尾的谎言。

亲眼所见的装甲车、岗哨、铁丝网与监狱,不是繁荣的象征,而是恐惧与压制的写照。亲耳听到的官员回答,更让我确信:那些维吾尔族工人,并非自由的劳动者,而是被强制集中管理的人。

中共习惯指责外媒“造谣抹黑”,但实际上,它才是最大的谎言制造者。真相无法被铁丝网与宣传口号所掩盖,只要更多人敢于揭露、敢于发声,世界才会看到真实的新疆。

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

(图为机场广场前的装甲车和武警)

(图为围墙带铁丝网的鞋业园区)

A visit to Xinjiang made me see through the lies of the Communist Party of China.

Author: Hu Dewang

Editor: Han Ruiyuan Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Tomorrow

The author recounts her personal experience during a 2020 visit to Hotan, Xinjiang. Through encounters with armored vehicles, checkpoints, and conversations with officials along the way, she reveals that the so-called “industrial park” resembles a prison, with Uyghur workers suspected of being subjected to forced labor. The article aims to expose the CCP’s lies about Xinjiang’s “stability and prosperity” through firsthand observation and to verify the authenticity of foreign media reports.

In March 2020, at the invitation of a friend, I accompanied him on a business investment trip to Xinjiang. This field trip thoroughly exposed the hypocrisy of CCP propaganda and confirmed the validity of foreign media reports about Xinjiang. I will use my personal experience to expose a carefully concealed CCP lie.

Arriving in Hotan: A solemn atmosphere beneath the surface of peace

On March 26, 2020, we arrived at Hotan Airport. As soon as we exited the terminal, I was shocked by the sight: armed police armored vehicles parked in the airport plaza, armed officers fully armed with live ammunition. This wasn’t a scene I was familiar with in mainland China. Why was the airport so heavily guarded during peacetime?

After we disembarked, we were met by specialized personnel and were not allowed to interact with anyone. We first went to the hospital for blood tests and then were quarantined in a hotel for two days. It wasn’t until the third day that we were allowed to enter the so-called “shoe industry park” for an inspection.

The Road to an “Industrial Park”: War-Zone-Like Alertness

The journey from the hotel wasn’t far, but the road was densely packed with guards, like “a small post every three steps, a large one every ten steps.” Some were armed with guns, others with batons. Every so often, vehicles were stopped and inspected, with police dogs surrounding and sniffing them. This level of security clearly betrayed a wartime state, not a “socially stable” region.

High walls and iron fences: called a park, but actually a prison

Arriving at the so-called industrial park, my first sight wasn’t prosperity, but towering walls clad in barbed wire and surveillance cameras. It felt more like a prison than a typical factory. Entering the workshop, I saw many Uyghur employees working on the assembly line. I tried to film this scene with my phone, but my friend immediately stopped me. He warned me that the park was saturated with surveillance cameras and that filming would lead to serious trouble. I reluctantly deleted the video.

Officials’ “True Words”: Unveiling Forced Labor

During our visit, we had a conversation with local officials:

Where do the workers come from? Officials explained that they are mostly “unemployed, single men, or those with unstable tendencies” who have been brought together to work in the industrial park.

Is there a salary? He replied: “Yes, but it’s very low. 500 yuan in the first month, 600 yuan in the second month, and skilled workers might get 1,000 or 2,000 yuan.” – This figure is only one-tenth of the wages of workers in Jiangsu and Zhejiang.

What if the workers disobeyed? The official sneered, “Don’t worry, they’re afraid of the Han Chinese. Those who cause trouble will be punished. If things get worse, there’s a prison right next door, and they’ll be sent straight to the prison.” Later, we did see the prison outside the industrial park.

Could they leave the park freely? The official replied, “No. The industrial park has dormitories and a cafeteria, so they can’t leave at will.” Gazing at the barbed wire and checkpoints, the answer was self-evident.

When asked why they wanted to develop labor-intensive industries in Xinjiang, officials gave three reasons: counter-terrorism needs, centralized management of “unstable individuals”; responding to Xi Jinping’s “poverty alleviation” targets; and centralized management is more cost-effective than decentralized surveillance.

Conclusion: Who is the maker of lies?

This trip to Xinjiang made me realize clearly that the foreign media reports on “concentration camps” and forced labor are not fictional; and the “social stability, economic development, and ethnic harmony” promoted by the Chinese Communist Party media are outright lies.

The armored vehicles, guard posts, barbed wire, and prisons I witnessed were not symbols of prosperity, but rather images of fear and repression. The officials’ responses I heard firsthand further convinced me that the Uighur workers were not free laborers but subjects of forced centralized management.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is accustomed to accusing foreign media of fabricating rumors and slander, but in reality, it is the biggest fabricator of lies. The truth cannot be hidden behind barbed wire and propaganda slogans. Only when more people dare to expose and speak out can the world see the true Xinjiang.

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

(The picture shows armored vehicles and armed police in front of theairport square)

(The picture shows the shoe industry park with barbed wire fence)

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

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海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

作者:袁崛  (中国民主党党史法规部长)

编辑:朱虞夫   责任编辑:罗志飞   翻译:何兴强 校对:冯仍

继中国民主党浙江筹备委员会于一九九八年六月二十五日申请注册后,六月三十日朱虞夫单独上街散发《中国民主党成立宣言》被抓,香港“中国人权民运信息中心”卢四清发了新闻稿,但是没有引起太大反响,朱虞夫在杭州凯旋派出所“留置”二天后释放。中共于七月九日陆续开始了对浙江民主党人的大抓捕,这次大抓捕激起了海内外媒体的极大反响。联合国人权委员会玛丽·罗宾逊女士的关注,迫使中共释放了被捕人士。中共的强力镇压并没有让中国的民主人士屈服,反而激发了他们的斗志,开展了一系列的声援、救援。山东筹委会的申请成立更将这场民主党人对自由民主的执著追求推向更高的一个层次。

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

部分浙江民主党成员:前排王荣清、吕耿松、胡远明,中排邹巍、胡臣、陈开频、戚惠民,后排陈树庆、吴义龙、毛庆祥、来金彪

中国律师“中国民主党事件”法律后援会成立

法律后援会提出五点声明,包括“为维护宪法、法律的尊严,使公民政治自由不受侵犯,律师部分代表自发组成‘法律后援’,义务为浙江王有才、王东海等人辩护,执行律师职务。王有才、王东海等人申请组建“中国民主党”的行为,是依据宪法并履行法定程序的合法行为,也是法律不禁止的行为。要求立即释放王有才等涉及建党案的所有人员”。

中国律师界浙江建党案法律后援会   起草人:王文江  

联署人:周国强,张鉴康 王文江

后援会联络人:徐文立 (010-63517814 北京)

 

「中国民主党海外後援会」成立

海内外民运联手声援中国民主党组党运动,希望借此冲破党禁、加速中国民主进程。总部设在纽约的中国民主正义党表示,该党结合了十八个海外民运团体共同成立「中国民主党海外後援会」,和中国异议人士共同冲破党禁、致力中国民主运动。「中国民主党」海外发言人徐水良表示,成立後援会获得各民运团体的热烈回应,主要是希望藉由後援会的成立,将海内外民运人士团结起来,所达成的三点共识分别是:一、成立中国民主党海外後援会;二、 後援会以现有各民运组织为基础,欢迎各界人士和组织参加;三、後援会是临时性的组合形式,由各组织委派联络人及若干个人组成磋商小组来协调各种後援工作。参与「中国民主党海外後援会」的团体, 包括民联阵、中国民主党(王若望先生)、中国民主正义党、中国民主团结联盟、中国战略研究所、中国之春、北京之春等机构和组织。海外后援会得到了国内中国民主党人的授权,一九九八年七月中国民主党浙江筹委会祝正明等给海外签发了授权信。

王炳章、王希哲等人出席中国民主党海外工作会议,声援国内组党运动

「中国民主党山东筹委会」成立   国内组党第二波

设在香港的中国人权民运信息中心透露,在联合国人权专员罗宾逊到大陆访问前夕,山东省三名异见人士谢万军、刘连军及姜福祯九月五日宣布组建「中国民主党山东筹委会」,并将申请书及建党宣言等文件,邮寄给北京的大陆民政部及山东省民政厅。

申请人: 谢万军 刘连军 姜福祯 一九九八年九月六日

电话:0538-2820226 电话:0536-8270510 电话:0532-3844255

 

中国民主党浙江筹委会给中国民主党山东筹委会发送贺电

谢万军、刘连军、姜福祯先生及中国民主党山东筹委会全体同志:

欣闻中国民主党山东筹备委员会成立,我们感到极大的鼓舞和兴奋。 开放党禁是一切民主之本,一切自由和人权之本,中国人民已经为之不屈不挠地奋斗了一个世纪。……我们愿和你们建立良好的伙伴关系,互通信息,互相声援。我们密切地关注着你们的每一个行动,愿意尽一切力量来支持你们。 紧握你们的手!

中国民主党浙江筹委会全体同志 于杭州

1998 年9月6日(朱虞夫签发)

从左至右:李锡安、姚遵宪、王有才、邓焕武、毛庆祥、傅升、凌小平、王荣清、朱虞夫


Support for the China Democracy Party at Home and Abroad – Establishment of the Shandong Preparatory Committee

Author: Jue Yuan (Minister of Party History and Regulations, China Democracy Party)

Editor: Yufu Zhu   Chief Editor: Zhifei Luo

After the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee applied for registration on June 25, 1998, on June 30 Zhu Yufu went out alone to distribute the Declaration on the Founding of the China Democracy Party and was arrested. Lu Siqing of the Hong Kong–based “Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy in China” issued a press release, but it did not initially attract much attention. Zhu Yufu was “detained” for two days at the Kaixuan Police Station in Hangzhou before being released.

On July 9, the CCP began a large-scale crackdown on Zhejiang democracy activists. This wave of arrests triggered strong reactions from overseas media. The attention of Mary Robinson, then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, forced the CCP to release those arrested. The regime’s heavy-handed repression did not break the will of China’s democrats; instead, it inspired greater resolve, leading to a series of support and rescue efforts. The application to establish the Shandong Preparatory Committee further elevated the determination of China Democracy Party members in their pursuit of freedom and democracy.

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

Some members of the Zhejiang Democracy Party:

Front row: Wang Rongqing, Lü Gengsong, Hu Yuanming

Middle row: Zou Wei, Hu Chen, Chen Kaiping, Qi Huimin

Back row: Chen Shuqing, Wu Yilong, Mao Qingxiang, Lai Jinbiao

Establishment of the Legal Aid Association for the “China Democracy Party Case”

The Legal Aid Association issued a five-point statement, including:

To uphold the dignity of the Constitution and the law, and to ensure that citizens’ political freedoms are not infringed, some lawyers voluntarily formed the “Legal Aid Association” to provide free defense for Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and others.

They declared that the actions of Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and others in applying to establish the “China Democracy Party” were conducted in accordance with the Constitution and legal procedures. These actions were lawful and not prohibited by law.

They demanded the immediate release of all those involved in the party-formation case.

Drafted by: Wang Wenjiang

Co-signers: Zhou Guoqiang, Zhang Jiankang, Wang Wenjiang

Contact person for the Legal Aid Association: Xu Wenli (Beijing, Tel: 010-63517814)

Establishment of the “China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association”

Human rights and pro-democracy activists at home and abroad joined forces to support the China Democracy Party’s founding movement, hoping to break through the CCP’s party ban and accelerate China’s democratic process.

The New York–based “China Democracy and Justice Party” announced that it had joined with 18 overseas pro-democracy groups to form the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association, working together with domestic dissidents to challenge the ban and advance the democratic movement.

Xu Shui-liang, overseas spokesperson of the China Democracy Party, said the establishment of the Support Association received warm responses from various pro-democracy organizations. The association was formed around three points of consensus:

To establish the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association.

The Support Association would be based on existing democracy organizations but open to individuals and groups from all sectors.

The Support Association would be a temporary coalition, with each organization appointing liaison officers and individuals to form a consultative group to coordinate support activities.

Groups participating in the Overseas Support Association included:

The Alliance for Democracy in China (Minlian Zhen)

China Democracy Party (Wang Ruowang)

China Democracy and Justice Party

China Democratic Solidarity Alliance

China Strategic Research Institute

China Spring

Beijing Spring

The Overseas Support Association was authorized by domestic members of the China Democracy Party. In July 1998, Zhu Zhengming and others of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee issued an authorization letter to overseas supporters.

Photo: Wang Bingzhang, Wang Xizhe, and others attending a China Democracy Party overseas working meeting, supporting the domestic party-formation movement.

Establishment of the “China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee” – Second Wave of Domestic Party-Building

The Hong Kong–based Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy reported that, on the eve of UN High Commissioner Mary Robinson’s visit to mainland China, three Shandong dissidents—Xie Wanjun, Liu Lianjun, and Jiang Fuzhen—announced on September 5, 1998, the formation of the “China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee.” They mailed their application documents and founding declaration to the Ministry of Civil Affairs in Beijing and to the Shandong Provincial Civil Affairs Department.

Applicants:

Xie Wanjun

Liu Lianjun

Jiang FuzhenDate: September 6, 1998Contact numbers: 0538-2820226, 0536-8270510, 0532-3844255

Congratulatory Telegram from the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee to the Shandong Preparatory Committee

“To Mr. Xie Wanjun, Mr. Liu Lianjun, Mr. Jiang Fuzhen, and all comrades of the China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee:

We are greatly encouraged and excited to learn of the establishment of the Shandong Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party. The lifting of the party ban is the foundation of all democracy, all freedom, and all human rights. The Chinese people have fought unyieldingly for this cause for over a century. … We hope to establish a strong partnership with you, exchange information, and support each other. We are closely following every one of your actions and are willing to give our utmost support. We firmly grasp your hands!”

Signed: All comrades of the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee

Hangzhou, September 6, 1998 (Issued by Zhu Yufu)

Photo (left to right): Li Xian, Yao Zunxian, Wang Youcai, Deng Huanwu, Mao Qingxiang, Fu Sheng, Ling Xiaoping, Wang Rongqing, Zhu Yufu

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

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许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

作者/编辑:钟然

责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:冯仍

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

许志永(1973年3月2日—),河南省民权县人,中国法律学者、维权人士,“新公民运动”主要发起人之一,长期致力于推动公民权利、教育平等和法治建设。他被认为是中国最具代表性的人权捍卫者之一,却因坚持自由、公义和非暴力抗争而多次遭中共迫害。

许志永本科毕业于河南大学法律系,后在北京大学法学院取得法学博士学位,留校任教于中国政法大学。他性格温和,却一贯坚持理性表达和公民责任感。2003年,他作为公益律师参与推动“孙志刚事件”的舆论与法律救济,直接促成国务院废除“收容遣送制度”,这是中国法治史上具有里程碑意义的一次进步,也使他被广泛视为公民维权运动的先行者。

2005年,他与朋友创办公益组织“公盟”,关注教育平权、环保与弱势群体权益。然而,随着组织影响力扩大,他开始受到当局严密监控。2009年,当局以“偷逃税款”为由取缔公盟,并以“逃税罪”判处许志永有期徒刑两年,这被普遍认为是政治性打压。

出狱后,许志永并未沉默,而是于2012年提出“新公民运动”。这一运动核心理念是:公民通过理性、和平、非暴力的方式推动中国社会的公正与宪政改革。新公民运动的标志性诉求包括:官员财产公开、教育平等、反腐败与公民社会建设。他倡导以“同城聚会”等形式让普通公民交流社会问题、学习法律知识,从而培养独立思考与公民意识。

然而,这一系列活动很快遭到镇压。2013年7月,许志永被以“聚众扰乱公共场所秩序罪”逮捕,2014年1月,北京法院判处他四年徒刑。入狱期间,他多次受到苛刻待遇,但依旧坚持信念,撰写大量反思文章。

2017年刑满释放后,他虽被持续监控,却继续以写作和公开演讲呼吁社会改革,强调非暴力公民抗争的重要性。2020年初,新冠疫情爆发后,许志永在网络上发表《劝退书》,呼吁习近平下台,要求恢复言论自由与公民权利。这份文字再次触怒当局。同年2月,他在广州被捕,随后被秘密羁押,遭受长时间隔离和酷刑。2021年4月,北京市法院以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”重判他有期徒刑14年,剥夺政治权利四年。这是近年来中国对知识分子与人权捍卫者最沉重的一次判决,震惊海内外。

许志永始终强调“自由、公义、爱”,他坚信一个健康的国家必须建立在公民社会与宪政民主的基础之上。他曾说:“公民的责任,就是在黑暗中点亮一盏灯。” 中共极权政府为了延续统治,不惜混淆是非,把公民对真理与正义的追求视为威胁。它不是回应社会问题、改善治理,而是用高压手段去压制异议,把敢于发声的人打成“罪人”。这种做法既剥夺了公民的基本权利,也让整个社会陷入恐惧与沉默。许志永这样的知识分子本应是国家进步的良心,却被当局痛下杀手,这无疑暴露出极权的脆弱与虚伪。他的人生经历反映了当代中国知识分子在追求真理与正义道路上的苦难与坚持。

 

Xu Zhiyong: A Civic Fighter Guided by Freedom, Justice, and Love

Author/Editor: Ran Zhong

Chief Editor: Zhifei Luo

Summary: Xu Zhiyong, a legal scholar and civic movement advocate, has long championed freedom, justice, and nonviolent resistance, promoting the rule of law and educational equality. For this, he has been repeatedly sentenced by the Chinese Communist Party, becoming a symbol of the conscience and resistance of China’s intellectuals.

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

Xu Zhiyong (born March 2, 1973), a native of Minquan County, Henan Province, is a Chinese legal scholar, human rights activist, and one of the main initiators of the “New Citizens’ Movement.” He has dedicated his life to advancing civic rights, educational equality, and constitutional governance. Widely regarded as one of China’s most representative human rights defenders, he has been repeatedly persecuted by the Chinese Communist authorities for his steadfast commitment to freedom, justice, and nonviolent resistance.

Xu graduated from the Department of Law at Henan University and later earned his PhD in law at Peking University, where he stayed on to teach at China University of Political Science and Law. Though mild in temperament, he consistently upheld rational expression and civic responsibility. In 2003, as a public interest lawyer, he helped push for legal and media attention to the “Sun Zhigang incident,” which directly led to the State Council’s abolition of the “custody and repatriation” system. This was a landmark moment in China’s legal history and earned him recognition as a pioneer in the country’s rights defense movement.

In 2005, he co-founded the public-interest organization “Gongmeng” (Open Constitution Initiative) with friends, focusing on educational equality, environmental issues, and the rights of vulnerable groups. However, as the organization’s influence grew, it came under strict state surveillance. In 2009, authorities shut down Gongmeng on allegations of “tax evasion” and sentenced Xu to two years in prison for “tax-related crimes”—a move widely recognized as politically motivated repression.

Upon his release, Xu did not remain silent. In 2012, he launched the “New Citizens’ Movement,” which emphasized promoting social justice and constitutional reform in China through rational, peaceful, and nonviolent means. Its hallmark demands included official asset disclosure, equal access to education, anti-corruption, and the building of a civic society. He encouraged citizens to hold “same-city gatherings,” where ordinary people could discuss social issues, learn legal knowledge, and foster independent thinking and civic awareness.

This initiative quickly came under suppression. In July 2013, Xu was arrested on charges of “gathering crowds to disrupt public order,” and in January 2014, a Beijing court sentenced him to four years in prison. During incarceration, he endured harsh treatment but continued to hold firm in his beliefs, writing numerous reflective essays.

After completing his sentence in 2017, though constantly monitored, Xu continued to advocate reform through writing and public speaking, stressing the importance of nonviolent civic resistance. In early 2020, amid the COVID-19 outbreak, he published an open letter titled A Call for Resignation, urging Xi Jinping to step down and demanding the restoration of freedom of speech and citizens’ rights. This enraged the authorities once again. In February of that year, he was arrested in Guangzhou, secretly detained, subjected to prolonged isolation and torture. In April 2021, a Beijing court sentenced him to 14 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power” and deprived him of his political rights for four years. This was one of the harshest sentences against a Chinese intellectual and human rights defender in recent years, shocking both domestic and international audiences.

Xu Zhiyong has consistently emphasized the values of “freedom, justice, and love,” firmly believing that a healthy nation must be founded on civil society and constitutional democracy. He once said: “The responsibility of a citizen is to light a lamp in the darkness.” The CCP regime, in order to preserve its rule, deliberately distorts right and wrong, branding the pursuit of truth and justice as a threat. Rather than addressing social problems or improving governance, it resorts to repression, silencing dissent and criminalizing those who dare to speak out. This approach strips citizens of their fundamental rights and plunges society into fear and silence. Intellectuals like Xu Zhiyong, who should serve as the moral conscience of national progress, are instead ruthlessly targeted—laying bare the fragility and hypocrisy of authoritarian rule. His life embodies both the suffering and the perseverance of contemporary Chinese intellectuals in their pursuit of truth and justice.

美东大游行第三站-新墨西哥州

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美东大游行第三站-新墨西哥州

作者:杨长兵

编辑:李聪玲   责任编辑:胡丽莉   翻译:何兴强

2025年9月9日,美东大游行的队伍继续前行。在陈维明先生的带领下,我们怀着坚定的信念,来到了新墨西哥州——这是大游行的第三站。一路走来,无论风雨,我们始终坚持一个核心目标:让全世界看见、听见、记住——中共病毒的真相!

中共病毒席卷全球,带来了数以百万计的死亡和无数家庭的破碎。然而,中共政权却选择掩盖事实、撒谎欺骗,把人类的灾难当成维稳和巩固权力的工具。这种冷酷与漠视,不仅是对中国人民的背叛,更是对全人类的犯罪。

陈维明先生和民主人士们肩负着沉重而光荣的使命。他们用艺术、用行动、用游行来唤醒世界良知。无论是在纽约、德州,还是今天的新墨西哥,我们高举横幅,展示“中共病毒头像”,呼喊口号,要让人们看清独裁政权制造灾难的真实面目。

美东大游行不仅是一场抗议行动,更是我们的责任。我们相信,真相不会永远被掩盖,正义终将到来。今天,我们在新墨西哥州继续发声,明天,我们将在更多的地方汇聚力量。

让世界记住:追责中共,刻不容缓!唯有真相,才能带来自由与希望。

 

East Coast Grand March – Third Stop: New Mexico

Summary: The East Coast Grand March arrived in New Mexico, where democracy activists exposed the truth about the CCP virus, called for accountability, and spread freedom and hope.

Author: Yang Changbing

Editor: Congling Li  Chief Editor: Lili Hu  Translator:XingQiang He

On September 9, 2025, the East Coast Grand March continued forward. Under the leadership of Mr. Chen Weiming, we came to New Mexico—the third stop of the march—with firm conviction. Along the way, through wind and rain, we have upheld one core mission: to let the world see, hear, and remember—the truth about the CCP virus!

The CCP virus swept across the globe, causing millions of deaths and countless broken families. Yet, the Chinese Communist regime chose to cover up the facts, spread lies and deception, and use humanity’s tragedy as a tool to maintain stability and consolidate power. Such coldness and disregard are not only a betrayal of the Chinese people but also a crime against all humanity.

Mr. Chen Weiming and democracy activists bear a heavy yet honorable mission. They use art, action, and marching to awaken the world’s conscience. Whether in New York, Texas, or today in New Mexico, we hold high our banners, display the “CCP virus head,” and shout our slogans to reveal the true face of the dictatorship that created this catastrophe.

The East Coast Grand March is not merely a protest—it is our responsibility. We believe that the truth cannot be hidden forever and that justice will ultimately prevail. Today, we speak out in New Mexico; tomorrow, we will gather strength in more places.

Let the world remember: Holding the CCP accountable brooks no delay! Only truth can bring freedom and hope.

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

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为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

作者/编辑:张致君

责任编辑:罗志飞  翻译:程铭

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

图为要捐款打台湾的张雪峰。(视频截图)

近日,中国教育界网红张雪峰在一次公开活动中放出豪言:“若解放军攻台,我愿捐款五千万。” 这句话瞬间引爆了网络。有人称赞他“有家国情怀”,有人批评他“鼓动战争”,也有人讽刺说,他这是在借民族主义热度为自己再次博取流量。无论人们如何解读,这一言论无疑反映了当下中国社会舆论的一种奇怪氛围:“攻打台湾”正在被越来越多人视为一种必然的未来选择。

事实上,张雪峰并非唯一的声音。从官方宣传到网络民粹,从军方表态到民间舆论,都在不断强化一个叙事:统一台湾不仅是民族大义,更是中共必须完成的历史使命。 然而,当我们深入思考,会发现“攻台必然论”并非出于民族情感或历史宿命,而是中共政权在自身逻辑、合法性危机、经济困境、国际博弈与舆论操控的多重推动下走上的一条险路。

中共之所以一定要攻打台湾,并不是因为台湾问题本身不可调和,而是因为中共的体制逻辑已将自己逼入死角。张雪峰“捐款5000万”的豪言,不过是这个逻辑下社会被裹挟的缩影。

从历史来看,自1949年国共内战结束以来,中共就将台湾视为“必须统一的领土”。随着中国取代台湾在联合国的席位,“一个中国”的原则逐渐成为中共最核心的外交红线。北京政府不断要求各国在建交时承认“台湾是中国的一部分”,甚至逼迫许多小国与台湾断绝邦交。

这种长期“一中原则”的坚持反而成为了中共的枷锁。一旦台湾事实上独立,并获得国际社会广泛承认,那么中共数十年的外交叙事就会彻底破产,国家主权的合法性将受到致命打击。对一个专制政权而言,意识形态的失败几乎等同于政权合法性的失败。

习近平上台后提出“中华民族伟大复兴”,并将台湾问题视为其中的关键拼图。中共宣传机器不断灌输:如果台湾不能统一,那么“民族复兴”就不完整。这种政治设定将台湾与中共的执政合法性牢牢捆绑在一起。

换言之,台湾问题早已不是单纯的两岸事务,而是中共政权合法性的一部分。正因如此,中共无法容忍台湾继续保持民主制度与事实独立,否则“复兴大业”将彻底沦为空话。

中共自称是马克思主义政党,实际上,随着经济改革与权贵资本主义的盛行,马克思主义在中国早已失去了吸引力。意识形态的真空需要新的合法性来源,民族主义恰好成为最佳替代。

在这种情况下,“统一台湾”不仅是政治任务,更是民族主义的最高象征。台湾越是坚持民主制度,就越显得中共的专制落后;而要消除这种对比,中共唯一能做的就是“收复台湾”。

再结合近些年国内政治走向,习近平通过修宪取消任期限制,通过反腐运动集中权力,看似巩固了政权,实际上却让一切责任都集中在个人身上。经济下滑、腐败未除、社会矛盾激化,民众对中共的不满不断积累。

在这种背景下,发动对台战争成为习近平维系统治的一种极端选择。因为一旦国内矛盾爆发,他几乎没有退路,只能通过外部战争转移压力。

过去,中共依靠经济增长换取民众的顺从。然而如今,中国经济陷入困境:房地产泡沫破裂,失业率高企,年轻人“躺平”,社会流动性下降。没有了“发展神话”,中共需要新的合法性叙事。“统一台湾”恰好成为新的执政口号与维稳手段。

中共执政面对中国社会问题的层出不穷:人口老龄化、养老金缺口、医疗与教育不平等、城乡差距扩大。而解决这些问题就需要制度改革,但改革必然触碰既得利益,中共不会冒险。于是,它选择了最简单的办法:制造外部冲突,把矛盾转移到“民族大义”上。

当经济陷入长期停滞时,战争常常被专制政权视为“重启按钮”。通过军事动员,国家可以重新集中资源,政府可以以“国家安全”为名加强对经济的掌控。对中共而言,攻台可以让它在短期内实现权力再分配,转移经济危机。

张雪峰说的“中共解放军攻打台湾,他就捐款5000万支持攻台”的言论,本质上就是社会“战争幻想”的一个缩影。许多人相信,只要打下台湾,就能带来经济复苏、民族振奋,甚至个人机会。但这种幻想忽视了战争的代价:死亡、破坏、制裁与长期动荡。

随着国际社会对中共的认识越来越多,中共在国际社会越来越孤立,中共如果“成功收复台湾”,便能制造一种“不可阻挡的崛起”幻象,迫使其他国家承认现实,扭转中国在国际社会共同认识上的衰落。而这种心理也正是中共要赌上国运攻台的原因。

从网红老师张雪峰的“攻台”言论中,我们可以再一次清晰的感受到,民族主义是中共最常用的统治工具。相比复杂的制度改革,煽动“爱国情绪”既简单又高效。只需宣传“台湾是中国的”,就能让民众忘记失业、通胀与贫困。

如今在高度审查的中国互联网钟,反战声音被删除,支持武统的声音被放大,久而久之,形成了“全社会一致”的假象。张雪峰作为公众人物,不表态,就可能被攻击为“不爱国”;因此,事后他又再次发布视频说他已经准备好了,用升学的手段,把中国大陆的学生渗透到台湾,以此为中共的统战做准备,以证明其对党的忠诚。

在这样的宣传与蛊惑下,普通人并不真正理解战争的代价,却被舆论裹挟,成为战争叙事的附庸。张雪峰的言论正说明:即便是受过教育的知识分子,也可能沦为民族主义的工具。

中共之所以一定要攻打台湾,并不是因为台湾问题本身无法和平解决,而是因为中共体制逻辑的必然性:张雪峰“捐款5000万”的言论,只是这种氛围下的缩影。它说明,即便是社会名人,也被中共政党机器的宣传与蛊惑下,顺应民族主义洪流,甚至主动参与其中。

然而,攻台并非坦途,它伴随着巨大的军事、经济与政治风险。战争也许能给中共的执政带来短期合法性,但无法解决长期的体制困境。一个依赖战争维系的政权,终将被战争本身吞噬。

政府,一定是要建立在人民的选票上的。

政府,一定是要接受人民的监督的。

Why must the Communist Party of China attack Taiwan?

——Let’s start with Zhang Xuefeng’s “donation of 50 million” remarks

Author/Editor: Zhijun Zhang

Editor-in-Chief: Zhifei Luo  Translator: Ming Cheng

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

The picture shows Zhang Xuefeng, who wants to donate to Taiwan. (Video screenshot)

Recently, Zhang Xuefeng, an Internet celebrity in the Chinese education industry, said in a public event: “If the People’s Liberation Army attacks Taiwan, I am willing to donate 50 million yuan.” This sentence instantly detonated the Internet. Some people praise him for “has patriotism”, some people criticize him for “inciting war”, and some people sarcastically say that he is using the heat of nationalism to gain traffic for himself again. No matter how people interpret it, this statement undoubtedly reflects a strange atmosphere of current Chinese public opinion: “attacking Taiwan” is being regarded as an inevitable future choice by more and more people.

In fact, Zhang Xuefeng is not the only voice. From official propaganda to online populism, from military statements to public opinion, a narrative is constantly being strengthened: the unification of Taiwan is not only a national justice, but also a historical mission that the Communist Party of China must complete. However, when we think deeply, we will find that the “Inevitability of Attacking Taiwan” is not based on national emotions or historical fate, but a dangerous path taken by the Communist Party of China regime under the multiple promotion of its own logic, legitimacy crisis, economic difficulties, international games and public opinion manipulation.

The reason why the Communist Party of China must attack Taiwan is not because the Taiwan issue itself cannot be reconciled, but because the institutional logic of the Communist Party of China has pushed itself into a dead end. Zhang Xuefeng’s bold statement of “donating 50 million” is just a microcosm of the hostage society under this logic.

Historically, since the end of the Kuomintang-Communist Civil War in 1949, the Communist Party of China has regarded Taiwan as “a territory that must be unified”. As China replaces Taiwan’s seat in the United Nations, the principle of “one China” has gradually become the core diplomatic red line of the Communist Party of China. The Beijing government constantly requires countries to recognize that “Taiwan is a part of China” when establishing diplomatic relations and even forces many small countries to break off diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

This long-term adherence to the “One-China Principle” has become a shackle for the Communist Party of China. Once Taiwan is in fact independent and widely recognized by the international community, the Communist Party of China’s decades of diplomatic narrative will be completely bankrupt, and the legitimacy of national sovereignty will be fatally hit. For an authoritarian regime, the failure of ideology is almost equivalent to the failure of regime legitimacy.

After Xi Jinping took to the pose the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation” and regarded the Taiwan issue as the key puzzle. The propaganda machine of the Communist Party of China constantly instills that if Taiwan cannot be unified, then the “national rejuvenation” will not be complete. This political setting firmly binds Taiwan and the ruling legitimacy of the Communist Party of China.

In other words, the Taiwan issue is no longer a simple cross-strait affair, but a part of the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China regime. For this reason, the Communist Party of China cannot tolerate Taiwan’s continued democratic system and factual independence, otherwise the “rejuvenation cause” will be completely empty words.

The Communist Party of China claims to be a Marxist political party. In fact, with the prevalence of economic reform and powerful capitalism, Marxism has long lost its attractiveness in China. The ideological vacuum requires a new source of legitimacy, and nationalism happens to be the best alternative.

In this case, “unification of Taiwan” is not only a political task, but also the highest symbol of nationalism. The more Taiwan adheres to the democratic system, the more the autocratic backward the Communist Party of China appears; to eliminate this contrast, the only thing the Communist Party of China can do is to “recover Taiwan”.

Combined with the domestic political trend in recent years, Xi Jinping has abolished the term of office through constitutional amendment and concentrated power through the anti-corruption movement. It seems to have consolidated the regime, but in fact it has concentrated all the responsibility on individuals. With the economic downturn, corruption not being eliminated, and social contradictions intensifying, people’s dissatisfaction with the Communist Party of China continues to accumulate.

Against this background, launching a war against Taiwan has become an extreme choice for Xi Jinping to maintain his system. Because once domestic conflicts break out, he has almost no way out and can only divert pressure through external wars.

In the past, the Communist Party of China relied on economic growth in exchange for the obedience of the people. However, today, China’s economy is in trouble: the real estate bubble is bursting, the unemployment rate is high, young people are “lying flat”, and social mobility is declining. Without the “development myth”, the Communist Party of China needs a new narrative of legitimacy. “Unification of Taiwan” has become a new governing slogan and a means of maintaining stability.

The Communist Party of China is facing endless social problems in China: population aging, pension gap, medical and education inequality, and the widening gap between urban and rural areas. Solving these problems requires institutional reform, but reform is bound to touch vested interests, and the Communist Party of China will not take risks. Therefore, it chose the simplest way: to create external conflicts and transfer contradictions to “national righteousness”.

When the economy is in a long-term stagnation, war is often regarded as a “restart button” by authoritarian regimes. Through military mobilization, the country can re-concentrate resources, and the government can strengthen its control over the economy in the name of “national security”. For the Communist Party of China, attacking Taiwan can enable it to achieve the redistribution of power in the short term and transfer the economic crisis.

Zhang Xuefeng’s statement that “if the People’s Liberation Army of the Communist Party of China attacks Taiwan, he will donate 50 million yuan to support the attack on Taiwan” is essentially a microcosm of the “war fantasy” of society. Many people believe that as long as Taiwan is hit, it can bring economic recovery, national uplifting, and even personal opportunities. But this illusion ignores the cost of war: death, destruction, sanctions and long-term unrest.

With the increasing international community’s awareness of the Communist Party of China and the increasing isolation of the Communist Party of China in the international community, if the Communist Party of China “successfully recovers Taiwan”, it can create an illusion of “unstoppable rise”, forcing other countries to recognize the reality and reverse the decline of China’s common understanding in the international community. And this mentality is also the reason why the Communist Party of China wants to bet on the National Games to attack Taiwan.

From the “attacking Taiwan” remarks of Internet celebrity teacher Zhang Xuefeng, we can once again clearly feel that nationalism is the most commonly used governing tool of the Communist Party of China. Compared with complex institutional reforms, inciting “patriotism” is both simple and efficient. Just by promoting “Taiwan belongs to China”, people can forget about unemployment, inflation and poverty.

Nowadays, in the highly censored Chinese Internet clock, the anti-war voices have been deleted and the voices in support of armed unification have been amplified. Over time, the illusion of “the unity of the whole society” has been formed. As a public figure, Zhang Xuefeng may be attacked as “unpatriotic” if he does not take a stand. Therefore, he later released a video again saying that he was ready to infiltrate mainland Chinese students into Taiwan by means of further education, so as to prepare for the united front of the Communist Party of China and prove his loyalty to the Party.

Under such propaganda and deception, ordinary people do not really understand the cost of war but are held hostage by public opinion and become vassals of the war narrative. Zhang Xuefeng’s remarks show that even educated intellectuals may be reduced to tools of nationalism.

The reason why the Communist Party of China must attack Taiwan is not because the Taiwan issue itself cannot be resolved peacefully, but because of the inevitability of the Communist Party of China’s institutional logic: Zhang Xuefeng’s “donation of 50 million” is just a microcosm of this atmosphere. It shows that even social celebrities are also followed by the torrent of nationalism and even actively participate in it under the propaganda and deception of the political party machine of the Communist Party of China.

However, the attack on Taiwan is not a smooth road, and it comes with huge military, economic and political risks. War may bring short-term legitimacy to the ruling of the Communist Party of China, but it cannot solve the long-term institutional dilemma. A regime that depends on war for maintenance will eventually be swallowed up by the war itself.

The government must be based on the people’s votes.

The government must be supervised by the people.