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中日和平运动始末

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第一章 第三节

作者:程铭

编辑:李聪玲   责任编辑:胡丽莉 校对:冯仍

卢沟桥是一座千年古桥,始建于金世宗大定二十九年,已有七百多年的历史。1937年7月7日,一队日本士兵在桥东的宛平城下进行夜间作战演习,与以往不同的是,“不论枪炮都装填了弹药”。带队官清水节郎中尉后来回忆说,这个夜晚,“一点风都没有,天空晴朗,没有月亮。星空中远远地、微微地浮现着卢沟桥城墙,只是隐约可见游动着的士兵。这是一个寂静的黑夜”(《清水节郎手记》)。

大约10点40分,演习行将结束时,众多官兵都听到了几声枪响。

小队长野地伊七以为,这是演习士兵误发的空包弹。但清水节郎以及几名参加过“满洲事变”的老兵却叫喊起来了,“是真子弹”。在片刻的惊愕后,清水节郎吹响了集结号,并让各小队清点人数。

清点的结果,是一名士兵不见了。对此,清水节郎怒不可遏,他命令兵曹岩谷兵治、上等兵内田太郎立即骑马去丰台,向大队长一木清直报告情况。与此同时,他命令部队展开队形,“决心断然膺惩,作了应战的准备”(《步兵17联队第三大队详报》,1937年12月)。

但几乎是两名传令兵刚刚离开,那个失踪的士兵就出现了。原来,这个叫志村菊次郎的新兵在演习时迷路了。“在走上回途时,弄错了方向……没有找到中队,急得到处乱转”。几十年后,他的那些同伴这么追忆他的形貌:小队长野地伊七说,他时年20岁,“是从东京附近入伍的当年兵”;而与他同年入伍的福岛忠义谈道:“他是一位认真老实、不引人注目的男子,大概是由于肥胖的缘故,动作略显迟钝,但脑子不笨……”

清水节郎左右为难。他让两名传令兵送去的消息,既包括“非法射击”,更包括“士兵失踪”。与后者相比,那几声来历不明的枪响不过是区区小事。他不知道该怎么办才好,“对于这之后的中队的行动,虽多方考虑,难下决心……(直到午夜)终于下了决心,撤离现场移动到西五里店”(《清水节郎手记》)。

大约凌晨一时,清水节郎中队抵达西五里店。但这时候,这个貌似阴差阳错的插曲,已在几十里外的北平城引发了轩然大波。

首先是一木清直大队的出动。11时57分,两名传令兵赶到丰台,向大队长一木清直报告了“非法射击”和“士兵失踪”。几乎没有任何犹豫,时年45岁的一木清直少佐当即下令集结部队,开赴卢沟桥边的宛平城。他后来谈道:“虽然我不会因仅仅受到射击就大惊小怪,但我觉得部队少一个人则是大事,于是决心进行警备集合。”与此同时,他也拨通了北平城内联队长牟田口廉也的电话,向他报告了这个消息。牟田口廉也命令说:“速到现场,完成战斗准备后,把(卢沟桥的)营长叫出来进行交涉。”(《步兵17联队第三大队详报》,1937年12月)

这么一来,这个消息就从卢沟桥传到丰台、又从丰台传到北平城了。又何止于此?在接过一木的电话后,牟田口廉也立即知会了驻北平使馆武官、特务机关长松井太久郎,让他与驻北平的29军进行交涉。而松井太久郎提出的要求是,中国方面立即打开毗邻卢沟桥的宛平城门,让日军连夜入城寻找失踪士兵。

但,听到这个要求后,北平市市长秦德纯却顾虑重重、疑窦横生。

作为29军副军长,秦德纯兼任北平市市长,是“华北自治”的产物。1935年12月,在勒逼南京撤销军委会北平分会、行政院北平政务整理委员会等派出机构后,29军军长宋哲元出任新成立的“冀察政务委员会”委员长,秦德纯也成为北平市市长。上任一年多来,他目睹了日本人威逼利诱、分离华北的种种手段,“每日均有日方人员前来接洽,平均每天最少一次,或二次……我虽感觉不胜其扰,但抱定任劳任怨之决心,据理应付,使日方无借口余地”。与此同时,一系列异乎寻常的军事举措,更让他深感警惕。

首先是日本的大举增兵华北。自从《辛丑条约》签订、日本获得在平津铁路沿线的驻兵权以来,三十余年间,华北驻屯军始终维持在一两千人的规模。但1936年4月18日,东京宣布增兵华北,并且事先没有知会中国政府。一个多月后,华北驻屯军升格为“中国驻屯军”,人数从1771人猛增到5774人,“同时变更一年交替制为永驻制”。它引发了中国方面的强烈抗议。

那么,秦德纯能够想到吗?石原莞尔的本意是以此阻止关东军对华北的插手。之所以采取“永驻制”,也为了避免满洲部队被派到华北。他后来谈道:“这件事成了华北事变的原因,痛感当时如不采取这样办法,而以统帅的威力扯住关东军的手可能好些。”

而在增兵华北之后,则是扼守丰台。派驻北平郊外的部队原定驻扎在冀东傀儡政权的首府通州,但在陆军省次官梅津美治郎的坚持下,它改驻丰台。那就是人数七百余人的一木清直大队。据说,梅津的理由是日本只有铁路沿线驻兵权,无权驻屯通州;但在千万中国人看来,此举包含着深不可测的祸心:作为平汉、平绥、北宁三条铁路的交汇处,丰台是北平咽喉;更重要的是,在冀东分离、长城两侧被划为非武装区后,北平已沦为一座孤城,它的唯一出口就是西南方向的丰台、卢沟桥地区。一旦卢沟桥失守,北平将旦夕沦亡。

1936年年底,在视察华北时,石原莞尔也注意到了这个因素。在《调整日华邦交要领》笔记里,他曾经写下,“丰台的兵力要转移到通州,确保通州、天津,明确冀东的防卫态势”。但不知道是什么原因,大半年过去了,这支部队始终没有移防。

更让人警惕的,还有1937年夏天以后的卢沟桥动态。从6月份开始,一木清直大队就日复一日地在卢沟桥附近进行夜间作战演习。尽管它的名义是普及几个月前下发的《新步兵操典》,但它的主要内容却是夜袭卢沟桥、封锁北平城。也是这个月份,一个影影绰绰的说法就在北平城内传开了,“七夕的晚上,华北将重演柳条沟一样的事件”。而所谓“柳条沟”就是满洲事变的爆发地。更不必说,这一天正是7月7日,日本采取西历后的“七夕的晚上”。

所有这一切,都让秦德纯不能不认为,所谓“士兵失踪”、“入城搜查”不过是借口,日本人的真正目的,是一举控制卢沟桥,进而占领北平城。为此,这个深夜,他语气决绝、然而多少留下几分余地地表示,“走失士兵我方不能负责,日军更不得进城检查。惟姑念两国友谊,可等天亮后,令该地军警代为寻觅”。在此之外,为解决所谓“非法射击”问题,他派出宛平县县长王冷斋、外交专员林耕宇以及绥靖公署副处长周永业三人,连夜前往东交民巷,与日本人进行紧急交涉。

就在王冷斋等人赶到东交民巷时,松井太久郎、牟田口廉也都已经知道了,那个士兵并没有失踪。

消息来自一木清直。大约2时3分,一木大队与清水中队在西五里店会合了。得知志村菊太郎已经归队后,一木一边派人知会北平,一边命令部队照常行进,并包围宛平县城。他后来谈道:“作为我的想法,既然从部队长那里接受了交涉的命令,却又因志村归队而中止,则中国方面将如何宣传不得而知……所以这回无论如何必须进行严重交涉。”(《朝日座谈会》,1938年7月)

也就是说,一木决定将错就错,趁机扩大事态。他唯一需要的,不过是一个包围宛平、“入城搜查”的新借口。而在他看来,这个借口也是现成的:有人向日本军队“非法射击”,这个人或许躲在宛平城内。

这个蛮横的、令人啼笑皆非的理由,也成为北平城内松井太久郎的依据。在双方的唇枪舌剑中,时间一分一秒地过去了。

大约3时20分,一木大队的几百名官兵逼近了卢沟桥、宛平城。为震慑中国方面,一木命令炮兵中队先占领一文字山,并架起大炮。这个海拔只有几十米的小山丘,距离宛平县城不过一箭之地。从这里射击,炮弹可以直接落入宛平城内。紧接着,又一个值得一提的细节发生了:不等一木发话,通信班班长小岩井就将电话线从丰台一直铺到了西五里店,“经丰台中转可直接与北平通话”;一木清直后来谈道:“安装电话是小岩井的一大功绩……在我向联队长上报这边的情势、促成战斗决心,这电话帮了大忙……”

几乎是电话刚刚架设完毕,牟田口廉也打来了电话。他告诉一木,几分钟前,中日双方已组成联合调查组,前往卢沟桥进行现场交涉。一木再也忍不住了。他告诉牟田口廉也,中国军队正袭击他的部队,“此时交涉根本没用,我认为占领卢沟桥后交涉会更好些”。后来,他这么解释着自己的用意,“我想,不能让战争打不起来,因此向联队长作了夸大的陈述”(《朝日座谈会》,1938年7月)。

对夜袭卢沟桥的要求,一开始,牟田口廉也含糊其辞。他暗示一木,“对于这件事,北京的中国军队不至于全面调动”。对此,一木更加急切地说:“既然尚未全面调动,便是个机会……在此之际,我认为猛打卢沟桥的中国军队是上策。”

在片刻的沉默后,牟田口廉也终于表态了:“可以打。”

一木惊喜不已地问:“真可以干了吗?”

牟田口廉也说:“可以干……我们对一下表,现在是4点20分,没错。”

一年以后,面对众多同僚、记者,一木清直不无得意地谈道:“我万万没有想到联队长会批准可以干,有些意外之感……然后真的干了。7月8日上午4点20分!这是事变开始的时间。”(《朝日座谈会》,1938年7月)

在得到牟田口廉也的批准后,一木当即下令埋锅做饭,准备拂晓攻击。一个多小时后,尽管中日联合调查组已进入宛平城,尽管这一行人中包括他的顶头上司、副联队长森田彻中佐以及特务机关的樱田少佐等,但一木还是以不管不顾的姿态,下令开炮。一时之间,一发发炮弹从一文字山上呼啸而下,落入了宛平城。

卢沟桥的星火,就这样被点燃了。但直到此时,无论中国的秦德纯、张自忠,还是日本的“中国驻屯军”参谋长桥本群少将、驻北平使馆副武官今井武夫少佐,都还试图着将它熄灭下去。此后八年,在几乎任何一次的中日和平交涉中,今井武夫都扮演了重要角色。这个角色,就从他斡旋“卢沟桥事变”开始。

今井武夫,1898年生,日本长野县人。作为中日战争自始至终的参与者,他亲历了那个终生难忘的夜晚:几乎刚刚睡下,卢沟桥的消息就传来了。在一墙之隔的牟田口联队会议室,他看到一个个军装严整的军人纷纷赶来,并亲耳听到牟田口廉也对一木清直行动的许可。而天麻麻亮的时候,他还召集了在北平的各国记者,举行了一个简短的新闻发布会。他后来回忆说:“在勉强只能辨认出面容的晓色朦胧中,天井里放了几条长凳。大家坐在新绿的槐树荫下,听我发表昨夜以来发生的事件的经过情况。”(《今井武夫回忆录》)

十几分钟后,记者们散去了。在参拜招魂社、“为东洋的和平作了祈祷”后,天下起雨来。今井武夫后来写道:“恰巧就是在这一时刻,西南方响起了大炮声,震撼着云低雨蒙的昏暗天空……也许可以说是天意吧,这时候开始下起的雨,竟变成了几年来所未曾有过的霪雨,最后使华北的旷野浸在洪水之中……”

而在这样的狂风暴雨中,今井开始回顾几天来的蹊跷际遇。

6月26日,昭和天皇的姨父、在日本拥有大量信众的西本愿寺住持大谷光瑞,“在没有任何预告的情况下……突然来到北平,下榻于靠近前门火车站的六国饭店”。次日,他邀请今井武夫见面,并旁敲侧击地问起了华北驻屯军的情况。在两个多小时的谈话行将结束时,大谷才透露了他的来意。原来,过去几天,那个“华北将重演柳条沟事件”的消息也传到了东京。对此,刚刚上任二十多天的近卫文麿首相既惊又疑,这才派出大谷光瑞前来调查中国驻屯军的动态。

无独有偶的是,也是这一天,29军宣布北平城实行夜间戒严。紧接着,陆军省军事课的冈本清福中佐也来了,他担负着和大谷同样的使命。不过委派他前来调查的,是预感到中日战争一触即发的石原莞尔。

更蹊跷的还在后头呢!7月6日也就是事变前一天,今井前往医学博士、原北洋政府秘书长陈子庚的家里赴宴,不等开席,一个不速之客就匆匆赶来了。来者是冀北保安司令、一向与日本人关系密切的石友三。石友三语出惊人地说:“武官,日华两军今天下午在卢沟桥发生冲突,目前正在交战中,你知道这个情况吗?”

今井武夫大吃一惊。他宽慰石友三说:“我不知道这样的事,也不会有这样的事吧?”但石友三却不肯透露消息的来源,他恳求说:“我在北平北郊黄寺的部队,对于日本军队没有作战意图。请你务必转告贵军,不要去攻击他们。”(《今井武夫回忆录》)

凡此种种,都让今井武夫产生了不祥的预感。这个清晨,他打电话给中国驻屯军参谋长桥本群少将,表达了自己对事件“不扩大”的立场。桥本群满口赞成,并授权他予以斡旋。平息事态的第一个转机出现了:当时中国驻屯军司令官田代皖一郎重病在床,桥本群的表态,代表了驻屯军的态度。

紧接着,当晚7时许,又一个转机出现了。这一天,在瓢泼大雨中,今井武夫奔波了一整天,几乎一无所获。他后来谈道:“就在事件发生后不久,冀察政权的要人们似乎是在什么地方开会,(上门拜访时)他们家里的人一律回答说,不知道主人现在何处,(并)避免和日方见面。”但入夜时分,今井武夫依旧不肯死心,他再次前往秦德纯的私宅。

在秦宅外,一队荷枪实弹的警卫拦住了他,“说什么也不允许过去”。正不知所措之际,恰巧他的老熟人、132师师长赵登禹从宅院里出来。今井武夫赶紧叫住了他,请他代为疏通。他后来谈道:“赵师长是个老好人,他略微踌躇了一下,好像是改变了主意似的。尽管刚刚出来,又跑进里面替我斡旋去了。”

就这样,几分钟后,今井武夫见到秦德纯了。在简短的会谈后,双方都认可了“不扩大”、就地解决的方针。至于具体的解决方案,“因为中国方面一言不发,所以未能得到解决”。

而当今井武夫一身疲惫、冒雨赶回北平武官室时,一个更重大的转机在等待着他。这一天,东京陆军省、参谋本部的联席会议也作出了“不扩大”、就地解决的决定。他们发来了参谋本部第400号临时命令,这个命令言简意赅:“为防止事态的扩大,应避免进一步使用武力。”

这个命令,让今井武夫如释重负、喜出望外。

The Rise and Fall of the Sino-Japanese Peace Movement

Chapter One: The Young Prime Minister(Part three)

Author: Ming Cheng

Editor: Congling Li   Responsible Editor: Lili Hu

Translator: Ming Cheng

Lugou Bridge is a thousand-year-old bridge. It was built in the 29th year of Emperor Shizong of Jin and has a history of more than 700 years. On July 7, 1937, a team of Japanese soldiers conducted night combat exercises under Wanping City in Qiaodong. Unlike before, “no matter the guns were loaded with ammunition”. Lieutenant Seishiro Shimizu, the team leader, later recalled that this night, “there was no wind at all, the sky was clear and there was no moon. In the starry sky, the wall of Lugou Bridge appeared far away and faintly, and only the soldiers swimming could be faintly seen. This is a silent night” (Shimizu Setsuro’s Notes).

At about 10:40, when the exercise was about to end, many officers and soldiers heard a few gunshots.

The captain, Yiqi Yeji, thought that this was an empty bomb sent by the soldiers of the exercise by mistake. But Shimizu Setsuro and several veterans who participated in the “Manchurian Incident” shouted, “It’s a real bullet.” After a moment of shock, Setsuro Shimizu blew the rallying horn and asked each team to number the number of people.

As a result of the inventory, a soldier was missing. In this regard, Setsuro Shimizu was furious. He ordered the soldier Cao Iwatani Heiji and the high-class soldier Uchida Taro to ride to Fengtai immediately and report the situation to the captain, Kiyonao Ichiki. At the same time, he ordered the troops to deploy the formation, “determined to be decisively punished and prepared for battle” (Detailed Report of the Third Brigade of the 17th Infantry Wing, December 1937).

But almost as soon as the two messengers left, the missing soldier appeared. It turned out that the recruit named Shimura Kikujiro got lost during the exercise. On the way back, I took the wrong direction… I didn’t find the squadron, and I turned around in a hurry. Decades later, his companions recalled his appearance like this: the captain, Ichi Noji, said that he was 20 years old, “a soldier who joined the army from near Tokyo”; and said to Tadayoshi Fukushima, who joined the army at the same year, “He is a serious, honest and inconspicuous man, probably because of obesity, his movements are slightly Dull, but not stupid…”

Shimizu Setsuro is in a dilemma. The news he asked the two messengers to send included both “illegal shooting” and “disappearance of soldiers”. Compared with the latter, those gunshots of unknown origin are just trivial. He didn’t know what to do. “As for the action of the squadron after this, although he considered it from many sides, it was difficult to make up his mind… (until midnight) he finally made up his mind to evacuate the scene and move to Xiwuli Store” (“Shimizu Setsuro’s Notes”).

At about one o’clock in the morning, the Qingshui Festival Team arrived at the Xiwuli Store. But at this time, this seemingly wrong episode has caused a stir in Beiping City, dozens of miles away.

First of all, Itaki Kiyonao’s brigade was mobilised. At 11:57, two messengers rushed to Fengtai and reported “illegal shooting” and “disappearance of soldiers” to the captain, Kiyonao Ichiki. With almost no hesitation, the 45-year-old Major Ichiki Kiyonao immediately ordered to gather troops and drive to Wanping City by the Lugou Bridge. He later said, “Although I won’t make a fuss just because I was shot, I think it’s a big deal to have one less person in the army, so I’m determined to gather on guard.” At the same time, he also dialed the phone number of Renya Mutaguchi, the captain of Beiping City, and reported the news to him. Ren Mutaguchi also ordered: “Hure to the scene quickly. After completing the preparation for battle, call the battalion commander (of Lugou Bridge) out for negotiation.” (” Detailed Report of the Third Brigade of the 17th Infantry Wing, December 1937)

In this way, the news spread from Lugou Bridge to Fengtai, and from Fengtai to Beiping City. Why does it stop here? After receiving Kazuki’s phone call, Ren Mutaguchi immediately informed Toshiro Matsui, the military officer of the embassy in Beiping and the head of the secret service and asked him to negotiate with the 29th Army stationed in Beiping. Matsui Tailang’s request was that the Chinese side immediately opened the Wanping City Gate adjacent to the Lugou Bridge and let the Japanese enter the city overnight to find the missing soldiers.

However, after hearing this request, Qin Dechun, the mayor of Beiping City, was full of concerns and doubts.

As the deputy commander of the 29th Army, Qin Dechun is also the mayor of Beiping City, which is the product of “North China Autonomy”. In December 1935, after forcing Nanjing to abolish the Beiping Branch of the Military Commission, the Beiping Government Affairs Committee of the Executive Yuan and other dispatched institutions, Song Zheyuan, the commander of the 29th Army, became the chairman of the newly established “Jicha Government Affairs Committee”, and Qin Dechun also became the mayor of Beiping City. For more than a year in office, he has witnessed all kinds of means by the Japanese to coerce and separate North China. “There are Japanese personnel who come to contact us every day, at least once or twice a day on average… Although I feel that it is disturbing, I am determined to work hard and deal with it according to reason, so that Japan has no excuses.” At the same time, a series of unusual military measures made him more vigilant.

The first is Japan’s major increase in North China. Since the signing of the Treaty of Xinchou and Japan’s acquisition of the right to garrison along the Pingjin Railway, the North China garrison has been maintained at a scale of 12,000 or 2,000 for more than 30 years. However, on April 18, 1936, Tokyo announced the increase in troops in North China without informing the Chinese government in advance. More than a month later, the North China garrison army was upgraded to “Chinese garrison army”, and the number of people increased sharply from 1,771 to 5,774. “At the same time, the one-year rotation system was changed to the permanent station system”. It triggered a strong protest from China.

So, can Qin Dechun think of it? Ishihara Wan’er’s original intention was to prevent the Kwantung Army from interjecting in North China. The reason for adopting the “permanent residence system” is also to avoid the dispatch of Manchurian troops to North China. He later said, “This incident became the cause of the North China Incident. I feel that it would have been better if I had not adopted such a method at that time, but to hold the hand of the Kuntung Army with the power of the commander.”

After increasing the number of troops in North China, Fengtai was guarded. The troops stationed on the outskirts of Beiping were originally scheduled to be stationed in Tongzhou, the capital of the puppet regime in Jidong, but under the insistence of Mijiro Umezu, the deputy governor of the army, it was stationed in Fengtai. That’s the Ichimu Qingzhi Brigade with more than 700 people. It is said that the reason for Umejin is that Japan only has the right to station troops along the railway and has no right to station in Tongzhou; but in the eyes of tens of millions of Chinese people, this move contains an unfathomable evil: as the intersection of the three railways of Pinghan, Pingsui and Beining, Fengtai is the throat of Beiping; more importantly, it is classified as non-armed on both sides of the Great Wall and the separation of East Ji. After the district, Beiping has become a lonely city, and its only exit is the Fengtai and Lugouqiao areas in the southwest. Once the Lugou Bridge is lost, Beiping will fall overnight.

At the end of 1936, Ishihara Wan’er also noticed this factor when inspecting North China. In the notes of “Adjusting the Essits of Foreign Exchanges between Japan and China”, he once wrote that “Fengtai’s troops should be transferred to Tongzhou to ensure that Tongzhou and Tianjin should clarify the defensive posture of eastern Hebei”. But I don’t know why, more than half a year has passed, and the troops have never moved.

What is more alarming is the dynamics of Lugou Bridge after the summer of 1937. Since June, the Ichimu Qingzhi Brigade has been conducting night combat exercises near Lugou Bridge Day after day. Although its name is the “New Infantry Exercises” issued a few months ago, its main content is to attack Lugou Bridge at night and block Beiping City. It was also this month that a shadowy rumor spread in Beiping City, “On the night of Qixi Festival, North China will reproduce events like Willow Gou”. The so-called “Wicker Valley” is the place where the Manchurian Incident broke out. Needless to say, this day is July 7th, and Japan adopts the “Night of Tanabata” after the Western calendar.

All this made Qin Dechun think that the so-called “disappearance of soldiers” and “search into the city” were just excuses. The real purpose of the Japanese was to control the Lugou Bridge and then occupy Beiping City. For this reason, late at night, he said in a decisive tone, but more or less left some room to say, “We can’t be responsible for the lost soldiers, and the Japanese army is not allowed to enter the city for inspection. Only if you think about the friendship between the two countries, you can wait until dawn and let the local military police search for it. In addition, in order to solve the so-called “illegal shooting” problem, he sent Wang Lengzhai, the governor of Wanping County, Lin Gengyu, the foreign affairs commissioner, and Zhou Yongye, deputy director of the Appeasement Office, to Dongjiaomin Lane overnight to negotiate urgently with the Japanese.

Just as Wang Lengzhai and others arrived at Dongjiaomin Lane, Matsui Too Longlang and Mutaguchi Lian had already known that the soldier was not missing.

The news came from Kiyonao Ichiki. At about 2:03, the Yimu Brigade and the Qingshui Squadron met at Xiwuli Store. After learning that Shimura Kikutaro had returned to the team, Kazuki sent someone to inform Beiping, while ordering the troops to marge as usual and surround Wanping County. He later said, “In my opinion, since we have received the order to negotiate from the commander, but it has been suspended because of Shimura’s return to the team, it is unknown how China will publicize… So serious negotiations must be made this time no matter what.” (” Asahi Symposium, July 1938)

That is to say, Yimu decided to make a mistake and take the opportunity to expand the situation. The only thing he needs is a new excuse to surround Wanping and “enter the city to search”. In his opinion, this excuse is also ready-made: someone “shoots illegally” at the Japanese army, and this person may be hiding in Wanping City.

This arrogant and ridiculous reason also became the basis for Matsui Toshiro in Beiping City. In the lips and tongues of both sides, time passed by minute by second.

At about 3:20, hundreds of officers and soldiers of the Yimu Brigade approached Lugou Bridge and Wanping City. In order to deter China, Yimu ordered the artillery squadron to occupy Yiwen Mountain first and set up cannons. This small hill, which is only a few dozen meters above sea level, is only a stone’s throw away from Wanping County. If you shoot from here, the shells can fall directly into Wanping City. Then, another detail worth mentioning happened: without waiting for Yimu to speak, Xiao Yanjing, the monitor of the communication team, spread the telephone line from Fengtai to Xiwuli Store. “You can call Beiping directly through Fengtai transit”; Ichimu Qingzhi later said, “The installation of the telephone is a great achievement of Xiao Yanjing… I reported it to the captain. The situation here has contributed to the determination to fight. This phone call has helped a lot…”

Almost as soon as the phone was set up, Mu Tiankou Lian also called. He told Yimu that a few minutes ago, China and Japan had formed a joint investigation team to go to Lugou Bridge for on-site negotiations. Yimu couldn’t help it anymore. He told Renya Mutaguchi that the Chinese army was attacking his troops. “It’s useless to negotiate at this time. I think it would be better to negotiate after occupying Lugou Bridge.” Later, he explained his intention, “I thought I couldn’t let the war go, so I made an exaggerated statement to the captain of the company” (Asahi Symposium, July 1938).

At the beginning, Mu Tiankou Lian was also vague about the request of the night attack on Lugou Bridge. He hinted at Kazuki, “For this matter, the Chinese army in Beijing will not be fully mobilized.” In this regard, Yimu said more eagerly, “Since it has not been fully mobilized, it is an opportunity… At this time, I think it is the best policy for the Chinese army to hit the Lugou Bridge.”

After a moment of silence, Mutaguchi Lian also finally took a stand: “You can fight.”

Yimu asked in surprise, “Can you really do it?”

Mutaguchi Ren also said, “You can do it… Let’s check the table. It’s 4:20 now, that’s right.”

A year later, in front of many colleagues and reporters, Ichiki Kiyonao said proudly, “I never thought that the joint captain would approve it. I was a little surprised… Then I really did it. 4:20 a.m. on July 8th! This is the time when the incident began. “(Asahi Symposium, July 1938)

After getting the approval of Renya Mutaguchi, Ichiki immediately ordered to bury the pot to cook and prepare to attack at dawn. More than an hour later, although the Sino-Japanese joint investigation team had entered Wanping City, and the group included his top boss, Lieutenant Colonel Toru Morita, the deputy captain of the joint force, and Major Sakurada of the secret service, Ichiki still ordered the fire with a disregarding attitude. For a moment, a round of cannonballs whizzed down from Yiwen Mountain and fell into Wanping City.

The star fire of Lugou Bridge was ignited in this way. But until now, whether it was Qin Dechun and Zhang Zizhong of China, Major General Hashimoto, Chief of Staff of the “Chinese Garrison Army” of Japan, and Major Takeo Imai, the deputy military officer of the embassy in Beiping, were still trying to extinguish it. In the following eight years, Takeo Imai played an important role in almost any Sino-Japanese peace talks. This role began with his mediation of the “Lugou Bridge Incident”.

Takeo Imai, born in 1898, is from Nagano Prefecture, Japan. As a participant in the Sino-Japanese War from beginning to end, he experienced that unforgettable night: almost as soon as he fell asleep, the news of Lugou Bridge came. In the conference room of the Mutiankou Joint Forces, which was separated by a wall, he saw soldiers in strict military uniforms coming one after another and heard Mutiankou Lianya’s permission to operate Ichimu Kiyoshi. At dawn, he also convened reporters from all over the world in Beiping and held a brief press conference. He later recalled, “In the hazy face that could barely be recognized, there were several benches in the patio. Everyone sat in the shade of the fresh green locust trees and listened to me announce the story of the events that happened last night. “(Memoirs of Takeo Imai)

Ten minutes later, the reporters dispersed. After visiting the Soul Club and “praying for the peace of the East”, it rained all over the world. Takeo Imai later wrote: “It happened to be at this moment that the sound of cannons sounded in the southwest, shaking the dark sky with low clouds and rain… Perhaps it can be said that it was God’s will. The rain that began to rain at this time turned into a rain that had not been seen in several years, and finally immersed the wilderness of North China in the flood…”

In such a storm, Imai began to look back on the strange encounters in the past few days.

On June 26, Emperor Showa’s uncle, Mitsuru Otani, the abbot of Nishi Honganji Temple, who has a large number of believers in Japan, “without any warning… suddenly came to Beiping and stayed at the Rokukoku Hotel near the Qianmen Railway Station”. The next day, he invited Takeo Imai to meet him and asked about the situation of the North China garrison. At the end of the conversation of more than two hours, Otani revealed his intention. It turned out that in the past few days, the news that “North China will repeated the Willow Ditch Incident” has also spread to Tokyo. In this regard, Prime Minister Wenmaro, who had just been in office for more than 20 days, was both shocked and suspicious, so he sent Mitsuru Otani to investigate the dynamics of the Chinese garrison.

Incidentally, it was also on this day that the 29th Army declared martial law at night in Beiping City. Then, Lieutenant Colonel Kiyofuku Okamoto of the Military Department of the Army Department also came, who had the same mission as Otani. However, it was Ishihara Wan’er, who foreseed that the Sino-Japanese War was imminent, who sent him to investigate.

What’s stranger is that it’s still in the future! On July 6, which was the day before the incident, Imai went to the home of Chen Zigeng, a Doctor of Medicine and former secretary-general of the Beiyang Government, for a banquet. Before the banquet, an unintited guest arrived in a hurry. The person who came was Shi Yousan, the security commander of northern Hebei, who has always had a close relationship with the Japanese. Shi You said in an amazing voice, “Military officer, the Japanese and Chinese armies clashed at Lugou Bridge this afternoon and are currently at war. Do you know this situation?”

Takeo Imai was shocked. He comforted Shi Yousan and said, “I don’t know about this kind of thing, and it won’t happen, will it?” However, Shi Yousan refused to reveal the source of the information. He pleaded, “My troops in Huangsi, the northern suburbs of Beiping, have no intention of fighting against the Japanese army. Please be sure to tell your army not to attack them. “(Memoirs of Takeo Imai)

All these things made Takeo Imai have an ominous premonition. This morning, he called Major General Hashimoto, Chief of Staff of the Chinese Garrison Army, and expressed his position on “not expanding” the incident. Hashimoto Qun was in favor and authorized him to mediate. The first turning point to calm down the situation appeared: at that time, Wanichiro Tashiro, the commander of the Chinese garrison army, was seriously ill in bed, and the statement of the Hashimoto group represented the attitude of the garrison army.

Then, at about 7 o’clock that night, another turning machine appeared. On this day, in the pouring rain, Takeo Imai ran around all day and got almost nothing. He later said, “Shortly after the incident, the dignitaries of the Jicha regime seemed to have a meeting somewhere. (When they visited), the people in their family all replied that they didn’t know where the master was now, (and) avoided meeting with the Japanese.” However, at night, Takeo Imai still refused to give up. He went to Qin Dechun’s private house again.

Outside Qin’s house, a team of guards with live ammunition stopped him and said, “No matter what he said, he was not allowed to go there.” When he was at a loss, Zhao Dengyu, his old acquaintance and commander of the 132nd Division, happened to come out of the courtyard. Takeo Imai quickly stopped him and asked him to do the dredging on his behalf. Later, he said, “Master Zhao is a good old man. He hesitated a little, as if he had changed his mind. Although he just came out, he ran in and mediated for me.

In this way, a few minutes later, Takeo Imai saw Qin Dechun. After a brief meeting, both sides agreed to the policy of “no expansion” and local solution. As for the specific solution, “because China didn’t say a word, it could not be solved”.

Now, when Takeo I was tired and rushed back to the Beiping Military Officer’s Office in the rain, a more major turning point was waiting for him. On this day, the joint meeting of the Tokyo Ministry of the Army and the General Staff also made a decision to “not expand” and solve it on the sit. They sent the temporary order No. 400 of the General Staff, which was concise: “In order to prevent the expansion of the situation, further use of force should be avoided.”

This order made Takeo Imai relieved and overjoyed.

海上的回声

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海上的回声

—— 写在昝爱宗受审的日子里张致君

作者:张致君
翻译:程铭

海上的回声

杭州的秋天,总是会有雾气。雾气从钱塘江里生出,沿着河堤的石缝爬上来,把街灯和行人都变得模糊。这样的季节里,有人走进法院,成为被告。那个人叫昝爱宗。

(被捕前的昝爱宗(中)与邹巍(右)在朱虞夫(左)家)

在中国新闻的字眼里永远不会出现他的名字,他的名字被放进了“涉嫌寻衅滋事”这一栏里。这个词语已经太熟悉了,它像是一个永远张着口的黑色袋子,随时可以把人丢进去。昝爱宗只是去海边祭奠一位逝者,却因此失去了自由。

我想起刘晓波。他在囚禁中死去。他的名字本来属于书籍和奖章,如今却被中国政府刻意遗忘。昝爱宗和他的朋友们不愿意忘记,于是他们去了海边。他们面朝大海,把花瓣撒进浪潮里。海水吞下花瓣,也吞下他们的沉默和祈祷。就在这一刻,纪念变成了罪行。

昝爱宗出生在安徽的平原,1969 年的秋天。那个年代的中国,饥饿与贫穷像影子一样笼罩着乡村。他走出来,成了写字的人。他写散文、写评论、写那些不愿被湮没的故事。他是基督徒,也是独立作家。他加入了独立中文笔会,和那些相信文字自由的人们站在一起。

他常常在边缘上行走。警方会跟踪他,国保会找他谈话。二十大的时候,他甚至被带去“旅游”,所谓的旅游,其实是监视与隔离。他明白这一切,也从未装作不明白。他只是继续写,继续说,继续活成一个清醒的人。

2024 年 7 月 13 日,海宁的潮水翻涌。昝爱宗与几位朋友来到钱塘江入海口。那天的天空并不晴朗,海风带着咸涩的味道。他们没有喧哗,只是点燃蜡烛,撒下花瓣,念出一个名字——刘晓波。

这是一场安静的仪式。安静到除了风声和浪声,没有第三种声音。可就是这样安静的纪念,却被视为危险的行动。午夜时分,警车划破黑暗,把他们带走。

我想起一句话:人的命就是一直忍受。可有些人不只是忍受,他们还在忍受里保持记忆。

2025 年 9 月15日的杭州,法院的门口一定也有雾气。昝爱宗会走进去,坐在被告席上。公诉书上的字冷冰冰,写着“寻衅滋事”。

法官一定会问他:你是否认罪?而他大概会抬起头,用微微沙哑的声音说:我只是去海边祭奠一个人。

这样的回答,法律无法容纳。

也许在庭下坐着的人,眼神复杂。朋友们可能被阻拦在法院之外,甚至无法靠近。空气里充满一种荒诞:在别的国家,人们可以为逝去的诗人、作家、思想者竖立雕像;在这里,去海边献花却成了罪行。

昝爱宗并非英雄。他只是一个普通的写作者,一个信仰者,一个不愿丢掉记忆的人。可是正因为普通,所以他的遭遇更让人心酸。

在当下中共的统治里,遗忘是最廉价的事情。每一天都有新的新闻、新的热点,把昨日掩盖。昝爱宗却拒绝遗忘。他知道刘晓波的名字不能消失,哪怕只是在海边低声呼唤一次。

这种记忆的坚持,像是一种顽固的信仰。它没有枪支,没有队伍,没有口号,却比任何口号都要锋利。

海浪一遍遍涌来,把岸边的脚印抹去,也把花瓣卷走。可海不会忘记。海是巨大的记忆体,它保存着人类的欢呼与哭泣,保存着那些无法被官方档案写下的秘密。

昝爱宗把自己的良知托付给海。海回应了他,却无法保护他。于是他走进了看守所,走进了法院。

我总觉得,这个故事带着浓重的余华式的荒诞感:一个人去海边撒花,被告知这是“寻衅滋事”;一位作家因为祭奠另一位作家,而成了被告。现实本身,已经荒诞到比小说更难以置信。

声援昝爱宗,其实也是声援我们自己。

2024年7月13日,我也一手策划了海祭刘晓波的活动,只不过我在圣莫妮卡海,他们在钱塘江入海口,我们平安的回了家,他们关进了专制的牢笼。

我们要问:今天他因为海祭而受审,明天还会是谁?如果连纪念的自由都被剥夺,那么我们将生活在怎样的沉默里?

他的遭遇提醒我们,记忆需要守护,良知需要有人承担。或许我们每一个人都无法像他那样走到海边,但至少我们可以记住他的名字,记住他为什么被审判。

杭州的秋天,雾气依旧会从江面升起。法院的审判终将结束,判决书会落在纸上。可我相信,当年钱塘江的海风,已经把昝爱宗的花瓣带到更远的地方。

那里有刘晓波,也有无数逝去的人。他们在海的另一边,看见一个中年作家俯下身,把花瓣投进浪潮。

而我们,也要记得。

(照片为2024年7月13日作者策划的圣莫妮卡海滩祭奠刘晓波逝世7周年活动现场)


The echo of the sea – written on the day of the trial of Zan Aizong

Author: Zhijun Zhang
Translator: Cheng Ming

海上的回声

There is always fog in Hangzhou in autumn. The fog came from the Qiantang River and climbed up along the stone cracks of the river embankment, blurring the streetlights and pedestrians. In such a season, someone walks into the court and becomes a defendant. That man’s name is Zan Aizong.

(Before his arrest, Zan Aizong (middle) and Zou Wei (right) were at Zhu Yufu’s (left) house)

His name will never appear in the words of Chinese news. His name was put in the column of “suspected of causing trouble”. This word is too familiar. It is like a black bag that always opens its mouth and can throw people into it at any time. Zan Aizong only went to the beach to pay tribute to a deceased person, but he lost his freedom because of it.

I think of Liu Xiaobo. He died in prison. His name originally belonged to books and medals, but now it is deliberately forgotten by the Chinese government. Zan Aizong and his friends didn’t want to forget, so they went to the seaside. They faced the sea and scattered the petals into the waves. The sea water swallowed the petals and also swallowed their silence and prayers. At this moment, the memorial became a crime.

Zan Aizong was born in the plains of Anhui Province in the autumn of 1969. In China at that time, hunger and poverty covered the countryside like a shadow. He came out and became a writer. He writes essays, comments, and stories that he doesn’t want to be annihilated. He is a Christian and an independent writer. He joined the Independent Chinese Pen Association and stood with those who believed in freedom of writing.

He often walks on the edge. The police will follow him, and the national security will talk to him. During the 20th National Congress, he was even taken to “travel”. The so-called travel was actually surveillance and isolation. He understood all this and never pretended not to understand. He just continued to write, continued to speak, and continued to live as a sober person.

On July 13, 2024, the tide of Haining surged. Zan Aizong came to the mouth of the Qiantang River with several friends. The sky was not clear that day, and the sea breeze tasted salty. They didn’t make a fuss. They just lit candles, scattered petals, and recited a name – Liu Xiaobo.

This is a quiet ceremony. It was so quiet that there was no third sound except for the sound of wind and waves. But such a quiet commemoration is regarded as a dangerous act. At midnight, the police car cut through the darkness and took them away.

I remember a sentence: human life is to endure all the time. But some people don’t just endure it, they also keep their memories in it.

In Hangzhou on September 15, 2025, there must be fog at the gate of the court. Zan Aizong walked in and sat on the dock. The words on the indictment were cold, and it was written as “seeking trouble”.

The judge will definitely ask him: Do you plead guilty? And he probably raised his head and said in a slightly hoarse voice: I just went to the beach to pay tribute to someone.

The law can’t accept such an answer.

Maybe the person sitting under the court has complicated eyes. Friends may be blocked outside the court and can’t even get close. The air is full of absurdity: in other countries, people can erect statues for deceased poets, writers and thinkers; here, it is a crime to go to the beach to offer flowers.

Zan Aizong is not a hero. He is just an ordinary writer, a believer, and a person who is unwilling to lose his memory. But because of the ordinary, what happened to him was even more heartbreaking.

Under the current rule of the Communist Party of China, forgetting is the cheapest thing. There are new news and hot spots every day, covering up yesterday. Zsn Aizong refused to forget. He knew that Liu Xiaobo’s name could not disappear, even if it was just called out in a low voice by the sea.

The persistence of this memory is like a stubborn belief. It has no guns, no team, no slogan, but it is sharper than any slogan.

The waves surged again and again, erasing the footprints on the shore and the petals away. But the sea will not forget. The sea is a huge memory, which preserves the cheers and cries of human beings, and the secrets that cannot be written down in official files.

Zan Aizong entrusted his conscience to the sea. Hai responded to him, but he couldn’t protect him. So, he walked into the detention center and the court.

I always feel that this story has a strong sense of absurdity of Yuhua style: a man went to the beach to scatter flowers and was told that it was “making trouble”; a writer became a defendant because he paid tribute to another writer. Reality itself is more absurd than the novel.

In fact, solidarity with the Aizong is also solidarity with us.

On July 13, 2024, I also planned the activity of worshipping Liu Xiaobo in the sea, but I was in the Santa Monica Sea. They entered the sea of the Qiantang River. We returned home safely, and they were locked up in an autocratic cage.

We want to ask: He was tried today because of the sea sacrifice. Who else will he be tomorrow? If even the freedom of commemoration is deprived, what kind of silence will we live in?

His experience reminds us that memories need to be guarded, and consciences need to be borne by someone. Maybe each of us can’t walk to the beach like him, but at least we can remember his name and why he was tried.

In autumn in Hangzhou, the fog will still rise from the river. The trial in the court will eventually end, and the verdict will be on paper. But I believe that the sea breeze of the Qiantang River in those years has brought the petals of Zan Aizong to a further place.

There is Liu Xiaobo there, and there are countless people who have passed away. On the other side of the sea, they saw a middle-aged writer bending down and throwing petals into the wave.

And we should also remember.

(The photo is the scene of the Santa Monica Beach memorial service to the 7th anniversary of Liu Xiaobo’s death planned by the author on July 13, 2024)

声援邹巍

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声援邹巍

——言论无罪,释放良心犯

作者/编辑:李聪玲
责任编辑:罗志飞

2024年7月13日,中国民主党人昝爱宗、邹巍等,仅仅因为在钱塘江边悼念诺贝尔和平奖得主刘晓波,就被中共当局粗暴抓捕。7月20日,邹巍以“寻衅滋事罪”遭到刑拘,并于8月26日被正式批捕。如今,他即将站在杭州拱墅法院的被告席上,面对一场注定不公正的政治审判。

在当局眼中,悼念是罪,言论是罪,良知是罪。可是,在人民心中,悼念是人性,言论是权利,良知是光芒。今天,我们必须大声疾呼:声援邹巍!言论无罪!释放良心犯!

刘晓波先生是中国当代最具国际影响力的民主斗士,他以非暴力抗争与公民勇气,获得诺贝尔和平奖。他的离世,不仅是知识界的巨大损失,更是中国民主运动的巨大悲剧。任何一个有良知的中国人,都有权利为他悼念。邹巍与昝爱宗等人仅仅是在钱塘江边举起悼念横幅,这样的举动完全是和平、合法、正当的。他们没有扰乱社会秩序,没有危害任何公共安全,更没有侵犯他人利益。相反,他们的行为体现了作为公民的责任与担当。然而,中共当局却将悼念视为威胁,将记忆当成敌人。因为在独裁者眼里,纪念刘晓波,就是提醒世人:这个国家依然有人在抗争,依然有人敢于说“不”。对他们来说,这种记忆比任何武器都要危险。

“寻衅滋事”已经成为中共最常用的政治工具,它是一个模糊、空洞的口袋罪,可以随意套在任何人的头上。从维权律师,到独立学者,从街头抗议者,到网络发声者,无数敢于直言的公民都曾被这个罪名压制。但我们必须追问:到底谁在寻衅滋事?是那些举横幅悼念的公民,还是那个害怕悼念的政权?是那些和平表达诉求的人,还是那个动辄抓捕异议者的权力机器?

言论自由不是西方的“专利”,它是写入《世界人权宣言》的基本权利。中共自己签署的《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》,也明确保障思想、言论与集会自由。可见,今天的迫害不仅违反道义,也违背国际法。一个不能容忍悼念的人,一个连批评都惧怕的政权,本身才是真正的“滋事者”。

邹巍是谁?他是中国民主党人,是一位坚持信念的公民。他的行动没有任何暴力,没有任何煽动,更没有任何破坏。他唯一的“罪行”,就是在威权高压下,依然选择了勇敢发声。今天,中共要用铁窗禁锢邹巍的身体,却无法摧毁他内心的自由。正如历史上一切良心犯一样,他们的名字终将被铭记,他们的坚持终将启迪更多人。

我们必须重申:邹巍无罪!立即释放邹巍!让一个良心之士蒙冤,说明体制的荒谬;让一位民主斗士坐牢,只能让更多人看清专制的丑陋。

历史告诉我们:当权力把“悼念”定罪,把“言论”定罪时,如果社会选择沉默,就是在替独裁背书。正因如此,我们呼吁国际社会继续关注邹巍案,持续对中共施压。各国政府、人权组织、媒体不应对这样的冤案视而不见。只有当全球目光聚焦,当外部压力存在,专制才会有所忌惮。我们也呼吁海内外公民共同声援。转发邹巍案的消息,公开表达支持,推动更多人了解真相。自由需要传播,良知需要接力。今天我们为邹巍发声,就是在为我们每一个人的未来发声。

言论自由,是一切自由的起点。剥夺了言论,自由只剩空壳,社会便沦为恐惧的囚笼。邹巍案的发生,再次证明中共政权对自由的恐惧与敌意。它害怕人们纪念先贤,害怕人们回望历史,害怕真相在黑暗中点燃火光。但正是这种恐惧,反而昭示了专制的脆弱。独裁可以囚禁肉身,却囚禁不了人心;权力可以压制当下,却压制不了未来。纵然黑暗笼罩,但星火已在燃烧。今天,我们高喊:释放邹巍!释放所有良心犯!言论无罪!民主必胜!

正在经历的不仅是邹巍这一场审判,更是中国社会良知的审判。中共要让人们忘记刘晓波,要让公民噤声,要让历史停摆。但我们不会忘记,我们不会噤声,我们不会沉默。只要还有人发声,只要还有人铭记,独裁就不可能永远存在。邹巍的坚持,将成为更多人觉醒的灯塔。让我们一起,声援邹巍,声援所有因追求自由而遭受迫害的人。因为他们的自由,就是我们的自由;他们的命运,就是我们的命运。邹巍无罪!释放邹巍!言论无罪!释放所有良心犯!

声援邹巍

照片:左起邹巍、朱虞夫、徐光、陈开频2022年春节在徐光家

Support Zou Wei

— Speech Is Not a Crime,Free All Prisoners of Conscience

Summary: Chinese Democracy Party member Zou Wei faces trial on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” for commemorating Liu Xiaobo. Mourning is not a crime; freedom of expression is a universal right. We call out: Zou Wei is innocent—release him immediately!

Author/Editor: Li Congling
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng

On July 13, 2024, Chinese Democracy Party members Zan Aizong, Zou Wei, and others were brutally arrested by the authorities simply for holding a commemoration for Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo by the Qiantang River. On July 20, Zou Wei was placed under criminal detention on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” and on August 26 he was formally arrested. Now, he is about to stand trial in Hangzhou’s Gongshu District Court, facing a political trial that is certain to be unjust.

In the eyes of the authorities, mourning is a crime, speech is a crime, conscience is a crime. But in the hearts of the people, mourning is humanity, speech is a right, conscience is light. Today, we must raise our voices: Support Zou Wei! Speech is not a crime! Free all prisoners of conscience!

Liu Xiaobo was the most internationally influential democracy activist in contemporary China. Through nonviolent resistance and civic courage, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. His passing was not only a great loss to the intellectual community but also a tragedy for China’s democratic movement. Every conscientious Chinese citizen has the right to mourn him. Zou Wei, Zan Aizong, and others merely raised a banner by the Qiantang River in remembrance—a peaceful, lawful, and legitimate act. They disturbed no social order, threatened no public safety, and harmed no one’s interests. On the contrary, their actions embodied civic duty and responsibility. Yet the authorities treated mourning as a threat and memory as an enemy. For dictators, commemorating Liu Xiaobo means reminding the world that resistance continues, that there are still people brave enough to say “no.” To them, this memory is more dangerous than any weapon.

“Picking quarrels and provoking trouble” has become the most common political tool used by the regime. It is a vague, catch-all charge that can be pinned on anyone at will. From rights lawyers to independent scholars, from street protesters to online voices, countless outspoken citizens have been suppressed under this accusation. But we must ask: who is really picking quarrels? Is it the citizens who raise banners in mourning, or the regime that fears such mourning? Is it those who peacefully express themselves, or the machinery of power that arrests dissenters at every turn?

Freedom of expression is not a “Western privilege”—it is a basic right enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Even the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which the Chinese government itself signed, guarantees freedom of thought, speech, and assembly. Today’s persecution is not only immoral but also a violation of international law. A regime that cannot tolerate mourning, that fears even criticism, is the true “provoker of trouble.”

Who is Zou Wei? He is a member of the China Democracy Party, a citizen of conviction. His actions involve no violence, no incitement, no destruction. His only “crime” is choosing to speak out courageously under authoritarian repression. Today, the authorities may imprison his body, but they cannot imprison his inner freedom. Like all prisoners of conscience in history, his name will be remembered, and his perseverance will inspire many more.

We must reaffirm: Zou Wei is innocent! Release him immediately! To let a man of conscience be wrongfully punished exposes the absurdity of the system; to imprison a democracy activist only makes the ugliness of tyranny clearer to the world.

History tells us this: when power criminalizes mourning and speech, silence from society is tantamount to endorsing dictatorship. This is why we call on the international community to keep a close watch on the Zou Wei case and to continue pressuring the regime. Governments, human rights organizations, and media worldwide must not turn a blind eye to such injustice. Only when global attention and external pressure exist will authoritarianism feel any restraint. We also call on citizens, at home and abroad, to show solidarity: share the news of Zou Wei’s case, publicly express support, and help more people learn the truth. Freedom must be spread, conscience must be passed on. Speaking up for Zou Wei today is speaking up for the future of us all.

Freedom of expression is the foundation of all freedoms. Without it, freedom is an empty shell, and society becomes a prison of fear. The case of Zou Wei once again proves the regime’s deep fear and hostility toward freedom. It fears people honoring their heroes, fears people remembering history, fears truth sparking light in the darkness. But it is precisely this fear that reveals the fragility of tyranny. Dictatorship can imprison bodies but not souls; it can suppress the present but not the future. Though darkness looms, sparks are already burning. Today, we shout: Free Zou Wei! Free all prisoners of conscience! Speech is not a crime! Democracy will prevail!

What is unfolding is not only the trial of Zou Wei but also a trial of China’s collective conscience. The authorities want people to forget Liu Xiaobo, silence citizens, and freeze history. But we will not forget, we will not be silenced, we will not remain quiet. As long as there are voices, as long as there is memory, dictatorship cannot last forever. Zou Wei’s perseverance will be a beacon of awakening for many more. Let us unite in support of Zou Wei and all those persecuted for pursuing freedom. Their freedom is our freedom; their fate is our fate.

Zou Wei is innocent! Release Zou Wei! Speech is not a crime! Free all prisoners of conscience!

声援邹巍

Photo: From left to right — Zou Wei, Zhu Yufu, Xu Guang, and Chen Kaiping, taken during the 2022 Spring Festival at Xu Guang’s home.

谢长发专访

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谢长发专访

——纵长夜漫漫仍要秉烛前进的先行者

采访人:张致君
录音:常坤 语音 整理:林小龙 背景资料整理:陈婷 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吕峰 校对:冯仍

谢长发先生是中国民主党党刊《在野党》杂志复刊推动人,是《在野党》荣誉主编之一。本期采访人与《在野党》杂志一起走进谢长发先生的民主道路,体味其中的艰辛历程。

谢长发专访

1998年中国民主党创党,他作为中国民主党湖南地区负责人,为推动多党竞争、呼吁政治改革与民主选举各处奔走。后因其行动活跃,2009年中共当局使用“颠覆国家政权”罪名判其服刑13年,谢长发先生是中国民主党案判刑最多、拒不认罪、不减一天刑的政治犯。

在九八年中国民主党的组党运动中,谢长发先生冲在最前面。他串联各地,参与座谈,组织游行,申请注册。仅仅在湖南,被判刑的就有佟适东、廖石华、张善光、柏小毛、何朝晖、李旺阳等人。他侥幸逃过了第一次搜捕,之后,谢长发先生毅然挑起了中国民主党湖南筹委会负责人的重担。

零八年春节,由于有七、八个省市的民运朋友与会,受到长沙“国保”严厉的警告。他策略性地放弃了主持这次团拜会,唯一的目的就是希望为自己赢得自由空间,去推动建设和组织中国民主党全国“一大”的召开。

在中国,从事民主运动必须具有牺牲精神,而谢长发先生是以百分之百精力投身进去的。他甘于清贫,受他接济的民运朋友不下百人,款项不下十万。

记者与谢长发先生连线采访,赫然可见一位鹤发童颜精神矍铄的老先生侃侃而谈,监禁并未销磨掉他身上的英雄气质,交谈中似乎又再见到了中国民主党组党时期那位英姿飒爽的青年,孑然一身朗朗前行的样子。

(图为记者与谢长发先生视频,视频中一直有干扰)

张致君:谢老先生,安康!您现在是《在野党》杂志的荣誉主编,您也是复刊的主要推手之一。请问你是如何看待《在野党》的?

谢先生:我们要想进入一个真正的民主制度社会,就必须要有自己的理论刊物。理论知识就是一座灯塔,《在野党》就提供这样的思想,它会照亮中国人前行的道路,给未来的可能性指明方向。

张:您在国内的时候看过早期《在野党》刊物吗?

谢:看过,朱虞夫把杂志给过我。当时就觉得太好了!中国民主党作为要和中国共产党竞争的党,就必须有自己的刊物,就是在理论上有了基础。

张:谢先生,中国民主党湖南省筹备委员会成立的时候,你是如何一个心路历程?

谢:我当时跟浙江、 湖南、湖北、上海、北京、贵州这些各地负责人私下达成了一些协议,一定要勇敢建党。1998年,因为我在外面比较活跃,我们就顺势组建了湖南民主党, 我们向湖南省民政厅去递交了成立中国民主党湖南省筹备委员会的申请。当时我们4个人去的,我、还有北航的教授、长沙大学的、还有一个湘潭大学的。

张:您在组党的时候做过很多推动组党进程的事情,比如各地串联,您觉得是什么锻造了您的这种能力?

谢:83年的时候,我在长沙钢厂任助理工程师期间,成立了“良友社”。我用毛笔字写过“良友”两个大字做招牌,那时候就有20多位民主人士联合在一起。良友会就是为了寻找志同道合的战友,一起旅游和交流,在良友会期间我逐渐学会组织能力。组织能力很重要,但前提是一定要有很好的人品,否则是得不到别人的认可的。这样的结社生活是为组建党派奠定基础的,组党和结社是一个道理。

张:是哪些因素让您意识到中国的制度问题,从而让您走上民主之路的?

谢:在中南大学读书期间,我一直考虑的问题就是:“根据《中华人民共和国宪法》第二条,中华人民共和国的一切权利属于人民。第三十五条,中华人民共和国国民享有出版、言论、集会、结社自由。我们是第一个按照宪法申请的注册组党的,尝试着做筹备委员会,但是中国共产党不守信用,欺骗我们。我研究历史比较多,我懂得“信,国之保也,民之所平也”不守信用的国家是会出大问题的。

张:您因为声援“89”学生,也被判过2年劳教,当时在1989年的时候,您是怎么反对中共对学生镇压的?

谢:1989年2月28日,由长沙市委组织部到各个工厂抽调工作人员去扶贫。我是以工程师的身份被抽调到浏阳市官渡镇扶贫。我经常听美国之音的报道,能够获取外界的信息,1989年6月4号上午,当我听到北京的“枪声”,我就意识到可能要开始革命了。早上七点多,我带着自己的身份证、工作证到浏阳市高中,学校里有我认识的七、八个男学生,我亮出我的工作证,告诉、鼓励他们“现在北京已经镇压学生运动了,我们要奋起反抗,因为我们也是学生”。

张:您单单只是鼓励他们站出来然后您就被抓了吗?共产党又是怎么发现您在做这个事情的?

谢:那些学生自发捐钱买笔、墨、纸,在官渡镇的街上写了很多标语“反对镇压学生运动”、“反对专制”等等。12月16日长沙市国家安全局的一個科長和副科長就在我厂里将我带到长沙市第一看守所。判了两年劳教,抓我的科长叫罗海蛟。

张:在劳教所里面经历过事情让你特别难忘吗?

谢:根据当时的制度,他们把我在之前工厂工作的工资私自克扣了之后给我减刑,这是一种贪污行为。当时我们这个监室有四十五个来自全国各地的政治犯,其中也有大学教授,对于我们的劳教相对于宽松,我们只需要工作半天,但是另外的违法乱纪的整天都需要工作。

张:后来您第二次入狱的十三年中是否有遭到过虐待?

谢:狱警看过我写的文章,他佩服我,对我的待遇还可以。我在里面也受到外界各方资助,一直有人在外面声援,有钱就可以在监狱里面买饭。再者,我会为人处事,里面的人就都待我不错,在刚进去的时候,被扇过我耳光。

在湖南省赤山监狱服刑期间,被一个名叫刘宏的当班狱警用塑料板打在我的头部,虽然不是很重,但行为是恶劣的。为此,我弟弟还在岳麓山的云麓宫举横幅,也在监狱大门前举横幅,横幅内容“单挑恶狱警刘宏!”。由于我弟弟的勇敢行动和外界的声援,据说监狱长和那个恶狱警刘宏都被调走了,他们是否受到处分不得而知。

我认识的另外一个邵阳的李旺阳,被虐待到耳聋眼瞎。经济状况好一点的,在里面生活就会稍微好一点,经济状况不好的,在里面受不了的就有割腕自杀的。

张:您组党被捕的时候,心理上是个什么样的状态?

谢:我的心态还是很好的,佛家语说“我不下地狱谁下地狱”,既然要走这条路,我心理早有准备。我第一次被劳教,在劳教所的时候有一个干部就很欣赏我写的一段话“如果一个优秀的政党没有强有力的机构去监督他的话,这个优秀的政党总要腐化堕落的”、“一个不让人说真话的政党,终会坍塌的”。我做的是正确的事,无怨无悔。

张:听朱虞夫老先生说您当年把您做生意赚的钱都投入到民主运动的事业当中去了。

谢:1999年的时候我就开始做点小生意,我到全国各地鼓励别人,自己跑了26个省市地区。我在大学时期是学轧钢专业的,所以我就用自己的专长很有信心到全国去推销。利用推销的机会就到这些地区讲政策,讲建党。干大事就要不辞辛劳,吸引人才就要像滚雪球一样越来越大,我们要把握历史的时代潮流。

张:中国共产党当时判您13年就最大的主要对您的指控是什么?

谢:说是颠覆国家政权。共产党看到我集结那么多人、跑了那么多地方。1999年到2008年6月我是比较隐蔽的去做这些事。

张:这将近横跨十年的时间他们一直都不知道您做的事?

谢:之前共产党是不知道我做的这些事的,早些年我在甘肃认识一个叫王凤山的,他当时也是个大学生,但是他的哥哥是哈尔滨的市委书记,王凤山告诉我他认识的一个叫岳天祥的也是因为煽动颠覆国家政权罪被判了十年,我就邀请他们6月8号到长沙来玩。当时来的有王凤山、他的哥哥、岳天祥。我们在吃饭聊天的时候,我就跟他们聊了一些民主党准备召开“一大”会议的构思,这些信息被他们传播出去,我就被抓捕了。

张:谢老,出狱后,您近况如何?

谢:我出狱后状态还是比较好的。2023年2月20日突发糖尿病,我的弟弟对我的帮助很大,病情虽然有所缓解,但轻微后遗症还是存在,不得不继续服药。我现在一个人住,之前的家人也挺好。周末我会去教会做礼拜。

张:您对我们这些年轻人有什么想说的话吗?

谢:人品好、有教养的年轻人一定要勇敢的联合,我觉得中国人最缺的就是勇敢联合的精神,大家只要联合起来,优秀的同胞越来越多,发挥自己的特长,那我们就一定能够竞争出一个民主自由的社会。

年轻人要根据他们自身的专业、追求、志向,有伟大志向的我们就可以引导、启发、激励他们。

年轻人也要学以致用,学习德国的经济如何发展的,美国的三权分立如何建立的,不停地学习,运用起来,中国的民主道路才有希望。

张:谢老,您经历了那么多,如果再来一次的话您在民运这条路上还会这样做吗?

谢:要善始善终,做一个决定、做一个伟大的事业,就不要后悔,我对我所作的事情是不后悔的,并且我有圆满胜利的信心,我知道这是一个历史的大趋势,我们要把民主事业继续做下去,联络更多人品好、有文化、有知识的年轻人,我们就能取得胜利。我們就能竞争出一個真正民主自由的社会,我们竞争就能贏得民心。

记者语:采访至此,我深知笔墨难以完全承载谢长发先生走过的风雨与苦难。他的坚守与信仰,在与专制抗衡的历史的长河中已经留下不可磨灭的痕迹。

前路依旧险阻,而正是有谢老这样的人存在,中国的民主理想才从未熄灭。谢老在采访最后对年轻人和理想国的期待,也是一代代坚守在中国守护公义的志士的愿望。

愿读到这篇采访的朋友们,在心中点燃属于自己的微光,薪火相传。

(照片为1998年中国民主党组党时期的谢长发先生(左一),在杭州拍摄,后排中为毛庆祥先生,后排右为朱虞夫先生)

Exclusive Interview with Xie Changfa

— A Pioneer Who Holds the Candle Through the Long Dark Night

Interviewer: Zhang Zhijun
Recording: Chang Kun Transcription: Lin Xiaolong Background Research: Chen Ting
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng

Mr. Xie Changfa is one of the driving forces behind the relaunch of the China Democracy Party’s journal Opposition Party and serves as one of its Honorary Chief Editors. In this issue, the interviewer, together with Opposition Party magazine, explores Mr. Xie’s path of democracy and experiences the hardships of his journey.

谢长发专访

In 1998, with the founding of the China Democracy Party, Mr. Xie Changfa served as the party’s regional leader in Hunan, tirelessly advocating for multi-party competition, political reform, and democratic elections. Due to his active involvement, in 2009 the Chinese Communist authorities convicted him on the charge of “subversion of state power” and sentenced him to 13 years in prison. Mr. Xie is the China Democracy Party member who received the longest sentence in the case, and he steadfastly refused to plead guilty or have a single day reduced from his term.

During the 1998 party-building movement, Mr. Xie stood at the forefront. He traveled across regions, held discussions, organized demonstrations, and applied for official registration. In Hunan alone, several activists were sentenced, including Tong Shidong, Liao Shihua, Zhang Shanguang, Bai Xiaomao, He Zhaohui, and Li Wangyang. Mr. Xie narrowly escaped the first wave of arrests, and afterward, he resolutely took up the responsibility of leading the Hunan Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party.

In the Spring Festival of 2008, when pro-democracy friends from seven or eight provinces and cities gathered, the Changsha “national security” police issued severe warnings. As a tactical move, Mr. Xie gave up hosting that gathering, with the sole purpose of securing more freedom of movement for himself so that he could continue promoting the organization of the China Democracy Party’s first national congress.

In China, engaging in the democracy movement requires a spirit of sacrifice, and Mr. Xie dedicated himself to it wholeheartedly. He accepted a life of poverty and provided financial assistance to no fewer than a hundred fellow activists, in amounts totaling over 100,000 yuan.

When the journalist connected with Mr. Xie for this interview, what appeared was an elderly man with white hair but a youthful face, speaking with vigor. Imprisonment had not eroded his heroic spirit. In conversation, one could once again glimpse the spirited young man of the party-building years—walking upright, resolute, and unyielding on the path forward alone.

(Photo: The journalist in a video call with Mr. Xie Changfa, during which constant interference was present.)

Zhang Zhijun: Mr. Xie, peace and health to you! You are now an Honorary Chief Editor of Opposition Party magazine and one of the main driving forces behind its relaunch. How do you view Opposition Party?

Mr. Xie: If we want to enter a truly democratic society, we must have our own theoretical publication. Theory is like a lighthouse, and Opposition Party provides such thought—it illuminates the road ahead for the Chinese people and points the way toward future possibilities.

Zhang: Did you ever read the early issues of Opposition Party while you were still inside China?

Xie: Yes, I did. Zhu Yufu gave me the magazine. At that time, I thought it was excellent! Since the China Democracy Party is a party competing with the Communist Party of China, it must have its own publication—that gave us a theoretical foundation.

Zhang: When the Hunan Provincial Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party was established, what was going through your mind?

Xie: I had reached private agreements with leaders in Zhejiang, Hunan, Hubei, Shanghai, Beijing, Guizhou, and other places that we must bravely establish the party. In 1998, because I was relatively active publicly, we went ahead and formed the Hunan branch of the Democracy Party. We submitted an application to the Hunan Provincial Civil Affairs Department to register the Hunan Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party. Four of us went together—myself, a professor from Beihang University, a professor from Changsha University, and another from Xiangtan University.

Zhang: When founding the party, you did many things to advance the process, such as traveling to connect with activists in different regions. What forged this ability of yours?

Xie: Back in 1983, when I was an assistant engineer at the Changsha Steel Plant, I founded the “Good Friends Society.” I even hand-wrote its sign with a calligraphy brush. At that time, over 20 democrats came together. The purpose was to seek like-minded comrades, travel, and exchange ideas. During those gatherings, I gradually learned organizational skills. Organization is important, but the prerequisite is good character—without that, you cannot win people’s trust. Such associations laid the foundation for party building. Founding a party and forming associations follow the same principle.

Zhang: What factors made you realize China’s systemic problems and pushed you onto the road of democracy?

Xie: While studying at Central South University, I kept thinking: Article 2 of the PRC Constitution states that all power belongs to the people. Article 35 says citizens enjoy freedom of publication, speech, assembly, and association. We were the first to apply to register a political party in accordance with the Constitution and to form a preparatory committee. But the Communist Party of China did not honor its word—it deceived us. I have studied history extensively and understand that “trust is the safeguard of the nation and the peace of the people.” A country that does not keep its word will face great trouble.

Zhang: You were sentenced to two years of re-education through labor for supporting the students of 1989. How did you oppose the Communist suppression at that time?

Xie: On February 28, 1989, the Changsha Municipal Party Committee mobilized staff from factories to rural poverty-alleviation projects. I was assigned as an engineer to Guandu Township in Liuyang City. I often listened to Voice of America broadcasts and got outside information. On the morning of June 4, when I heard the “gunfire” in Beijing, I realized a revolution might be beginning. Around 7 a.m., I went to Liuyang High School, where I knew several male students. I showed them my work ID and encouraged them: “Beijing has already suppressed the student movement. We must rise up, because we are students too.”

Zhang: Did you only encourage them, and then get arrested? How did the authorities find out what you were doing?

Xie: Those students spontaneously donated money to buy pens, ink, and paper, and wrote many slogans on the streets of Guandu: “Oppose the suppression of the student movement,” “Oppose dictatorship,” and so on. On December 16, the head and deputy head of a section of the Changsha State Security Bureau took me from my factory to the city’s No. 1 Detention Center. I was sentenced to two years of re-education through labor. The section chief who arrested me was named Luo Haijiao.

Zhang: Was there anything especially unforgettable during your time in the labor camp?

Xie: According to the system then, they withheld part of my factory wages to “offset” my sentence—that was a form of corruption. In our cell there were 45 political prisoners from across the country, including professors. Compared to ordinary criminals, our labor was relatively light—we only worked half-days, while the others had to work all day.

Zhang: During your second imprisonment of thirteen years, did you experience mistreatment?

Xie: The guards read my writings—one even admired me—so my treatment was relatively decent. I also received outside support: people sent funds, and with money you could buy better food inside prison. Plus, I know how to deal with people, so most treated me well. Early on, I was slapped once.

At Chishan Prison in Hunan, a guard named Liu Hong once struck me on the head with a plastic board. It wasn’t heavy, but it was malicious. My younger brother bravely protested by holding banners at Yuelu Mountain’s Yunlu Palace and outside the prison gate reading “Challenge the wicked guard Liu Hong one-on-one!” Because of this action and outside support, I heard both the prison warden and Liu Hong were transferred, though I don’t know if they were punished.

Another activist I knew, Li Wangyang from Shaoyang, was tortured until he was deaf and blind. Those with better finances could survive more easily; the poor sometimes could not bear it and attempted suicide.

Zhang: What was your mental state when you were arrested for party building?

Xie: My mindset was good. As the Buddhists say: “If I don’t go to hell, who will?” Since I had chosen this road, I was prepared. During my first re-education, one cadre admired something I wrote: “If an excellent party does not have a strong institution to supervise it, it will eventually become corrupt and degenerate.” And: “A party that forbids truth will collapse.” I was doing the right thing, so I had no regrets.

Zhang: Mr. Zhu Yufu once said you invested the money you earned from business entirely into the democratic movement.

Xie: In 1999, I started small businesses and traveled to 26 provinces and regions to encourage others. I majored in rolling steel in university, so I used my expertise to promote and sell nationwide. On those trips, I also talked about policy and party building. To achieve great things, one must work tirelessly. To attract talent, one must grow like a snowball. We must grasp the tide of history.

Zhang: What was the main charge the CCP used when sentencing you to 13 years?

Xie: “Subversion of state power.” They saw me gathering many people and traveling to so many places. From 1999 to June 2008, I worked relatively covertly.

Zhang: For nearly a decade, they didn’t know what you were doing?

Xie: At first, they didn’t. Earlier, I met a student in Gansu named Wang Fengshan—his brother was the Party Secretary of Harbin. Wang told me about another activist, Yue Tianxiang, who had been sentenced to 10 years for “inciting subversion.” I invited them to Changsha on June 8. Wang, his brother, and Yue came. While eating and chatting, I discussed ideas for convening the Democracy Party’s first national congress. That information spread, and soon after, I was arrested.

Zhang: After being released, how have you been?

Xie: My condition has been fairly good. On February 20, 2023, I suddenly developed diabetes. My younger brother has helped me greatly. Although the illness has eased, I still have mild aftereffects and must continue taking medicine. I now live alone, but my family has been supportive. On weekends I attend church services.

Zhang: Do you have any words for young people today?

Xie: Young people of good character and proper upbringing must bravely unite. I think what Chinese people most lack is the spirit of courageous unity. As long as people unite and more and more excellent compatriots bring their strengths, we can compete to create a democratic and free society.

Young people should pursue their specialties and ideals, and those with great aspirations can be guided, inspired, and encouraged. They should also apply their learning—study how Germany developed its economy, how the U.S. established separation of powers, keep learning and applying. Only then will China’s democratic path have hope.

Zhang: Mr. Xie, after everything you’ve endured, if you could live your life again, would you take the same path in the democracy movement?

Xie: One must begin well and end well. If you choose a great cause, you must never regret it. I do not regret my actions, and I have confidence in ultimate victory. I know this is a great historical trend. We must continue the democratic cause, unite more young people of good character, culture, and knowledge, and we will win. We will be able to compete for a truly democratic and free society—we will win the hearts of the people.

Journalist’s Note:At this point in the interview, I realized that words alone cannot fully capture the storms and hardships Mr. Xie has endured. His steadfastness and faith have already left an indelible mark in the long struggle against tyranny. The road ahead remains perilous, yet it is precisely because of people like Mr. Xie that the dream of democracy in China has never been extinguished. His final words to the youth and his vision of an ideal nation reflect the hopes of generations of righteous men and women who have guarded justice in China.

May those who read this interview ignite their own small light within, passing the flame forward.

(Photo: Mr. Xie Changfa, far left, during the founding period of the China Democracy Party in 1998, taken in Hangzhou. In the back row, center is Mr. Mao Qingxiang, and on the right is Mr. Zhu Yufu.)

毒雨下的花朵

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毒雨下的花朵

作者/编辑: 钟然
责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译: 吕峰 校对:冯仍

三个月,三起学生集体中毒事件。2025年9月11、12日接连两起,读者甚至来不及分辨是哪所学校的事情,相关信息就被“和谐”了。

毒雨下的花朵

2025年9月12日,中国山东省济宁市兖州区朝阳学校,138名师生食物中毒,出现呕吐、腹痛等症状送医。

此前一天,2025年9月11日,广东省汕尾市普宁华美实验学校发生94名小学生食物中毒事件。

仅两个月前2025年7月,中国西北甘肃省天水市一所幼儿园超过200名儿童出现铅中毒症状。检测结果显示,幼儿园食物样本的含铅量超出国家安全标准2,000倍,培心幼儿园共有233名儿童血液中铅含量超标。

回顾过去,自互联网兴起以来,儿童食品安全问题便时常进入公众视野。从举国震惊到层出不穷,人们逐渐对此类新闻产生了“免疫”,只希望这些越来越频繁爆出的新闻不是发生自己孩子的学校。

2004年,安徽阜阳多名婴儿因食用劣质“假奶粉”导致营养不良,出现头大身小的“大头娃娃”症状。最终至少有13名婴儿死亡,数百人受害。这是中国最早震动全国的儿童食品安全丑闻之一。

2008年,全国爆出婴幼儿奶粉普遍被添加三聚氰胺,以虚增蛋白质含量,三鹿集团是其中典型代表。全国至少有30多万婴幼儿患泌尿系统结石,5万多住院治疗,6人死亡。此次事件影响极大,当时总理也曾到医院看望患儿,但事后事件的根本问题并未得到有效解决。

2018年10月18日,每学期学费高达6万人民币的上海中芯国际学校爆出食品安全丑闻。有家长得到孩子反馈吃不饱,家长群体在与校方沟通参观后厨,校内厨房所存番茄和洋葱已经严重腐烂变质。

2018年09月,江西万安县宝山乡、涧田乡、顺风乡的中、小学均出现学生食物中毒事件。原因是由教育局招标的“珍百味”统一配送营养餐出现发霉、变质等问题,导致学生食用后腹痛、呕吐等。

2019年3 月,四川成都七中实验学校家长实地探访食堂,拍摄到仓库中堆放的发霉蔬菜、过期肉类,甚至老鼠横行的画面。视频在网络热传,引发轩然大波。

2019年历史重演,湖南郴州再现“大头娃娃事件”,婴儿因服用被医生推荐、误导为奶粉的固体饮料“舒尔呔”和“倍氨敏”,出现营养不良、智力发育迟缓及头骨畸形等症状,引发严重健康问题。

2023年6月,江西工业职业技术学院一名女学生在食堂餐盘中发现疑似“老鼠头”的异物。她将照片上传网络后迅速发酵,当地市场监管局却认定是“鸭脖子”,引发公众普遍质疑。“鼠头鸭脖”一度成为网络热词。此案成为近年来最具代表性的校园食品安全信任危机。

“鼠头鸭脖”无异于现代版的指鹿为马,一条条触目惊心的儿童食品安全新闻接连上演,官员承诺的一定会给个“交代”,最终不过是一块封住悠悠众口的“胶带”。

Flowers Beneath the Poisoned Rain

Author/Editor: Zhong Ran
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lyu Feng

Three months, three incidents of mass student poisoning. On September 11 and 12, 2025, two cases occurred back-to-back. Readers hardly had time to distinguish which school was involved before the related information was “harmonized” (censored).

毒雨下的花朵

On September 12, 2025, at Chaoyang School in Yanzhou District, Jining City, Shandong Province, China, 138 teachers and students suffered food poisoning and were sent to the hospital with symptoms such as vomiting and abdominal pain.

The day before, on September 11, 2025, a food poisoning incident occurred at Puning Huamei Experimental School in Shanwei City, Guangdong Province, affecting 94 elementary school students.

Just two months earlier, in July 2025, more than 200 children at a kindergarten in Tianshui City, Gansu Province, northwest China, showed symptoms of lead poisoning. Test results revealed that the lead content in food samples from the kindergarten exceeded the national safety standard by 2,000 times, and a total of 233 children at Peixin Kindergarten were found to have excessive levels of lead in their blood.

Looking back, ever since the rise of the internet, the issue of food safety for children has repeatedly entered the public spotlight. From incidents that once shocked the entire nation to cases that now occur one after another, people have gradually developed a kind of “immunity” to such news, merely hoping that the next report will not involve their own child’s school.

In 2004, in Fuyang, Anhui Province, multiple infants developed malnutrition after consuming substandard “fake milk powder,” resulting in the “big head baby” symptom—heads disproportionately large compared to their bodies. In the end, at least 13 infants died and hundreds were harmed. This was one of the earliest child food safety scandals in China to shock the entire nation.

In 2008, it was revealed nationwide that infant formula had been widely adulterated with melamine to artificially inflate protein content, with the Sanlu Group being a typical example. Across the country, at least 300,000 infants developed urinary tract stones, more than 50,000 were hospitalized, and 6 died. The impact of this incident was enormous—the Premier at the time even visited affected children in the hospital. However, the fundamental problems behind the scandal were never effectively resolved afterward.

On October 18, 2018, a food safety scandal broke out at Shanghai SMIC Private School, where tuition fees reached as high as 60,000 RMB per semester. Some parents reported that their children complained of not getting enough to eat. When the parent group communicated with the school and inspected the kitchen, they found that the tomatoes and onions stored there were already severely rotten and spoiled.

In September 2018, cases of student food poisoning occurred in primary and secondary schools in Baoshan, Jiantian, and Shunfeng Townships of Wan’an County, Jiangxi Province. The cause was traced to the “Zhen Baiwei” company, which had won the education bureau’s contract to provide unified nutritious meals. The meals were found to be moldy and spoiled, leading to abdominal pain, vomiting, and other symptoms among students after consumption.

In March 2019, parents of students at Chengdu No. 7 Experimental School in Sichuan conducted an on-site visit to the cafeteria and filmed footage showing piles of moldy vegetables, expired meat, and even rats running rampant in the storage area. The video spread widely online, sparking a huge public outcry.

In 2019, history repeated itself in Chenzhou, Hunan Province, with the reemergence of a “Big Head Baby” incident. Infants, after being misled by doctors into consuming the solid drinks “Shuer Tai” and “Beianmin” as if they were infant formula, developed malnutrition, delayed intellectual development, and cranial deformities, resulting in serious health problems.

In June 2023, a female student at Jiangxi Vocational and Technical College of Industry discovered a foreign object in her cafeteria meal that appeared to be a “rat’s head.” After she uploaded photos online, the issue quickly went viral. However, the local Market Supervision Bureau concluded that it was a “duck’s neck,” which triggered widespread public skepticism. The phrase “rat head, duck neck” briefly became a trending buzzword on the internet. This case turned into one of the most representative crises of trust in campus food safety in recent years.

The “rat head, duck neck” controversy was nothing short of a modern version of “pointing at a deer and calling it a horse.” One shocking food safety scandal after another continues to unfold, while officials’ promises to “give an explanation” ultimately amount to nothing more than a strip of tape sealing the mouths of the public.

替天行道,何罪之有?

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替天行道,何罪之有?

一一中国著名维权人士邹巍将面临法庭审判

作者:范展平
责任编辑:张致君 翻译:吕峰

替天行道,何罪之有?

中共杭州市拱墅区检察院目前已对浙江维权领袖邹巍提起公诉。令人啼笑皆非的是,对这位被浙江省弱势群体视为“及时雨”的替天行道者,当局竟以“寻衅滋事罪”起诉。众所周知,寻衅滋事是仗势欺人的恶霸和地痞流氓的行为,而这正是邹义士最鄙视、最痛恨的人。显然,当局这样做是为了给邹巍抹黑,矮化他在人民心目的高大形象。为了还事实一个真相,笔者采访了浙江省的一些访民,让他(她)们谈谈对邹巍先生在帮助弱势群体方面的感受。

下面是笔者对几个当事人的采访。

🔹朱瑛娣(杭州市居民,因祖房被杭州市上城区政府非法强占,很早就参加了维权活动):邹巍这个人,是天下难得的好人。我们这帮老百姓,在维权中最缺的是法律帮助。由于缺乏法律知识,我们到处碰壁。邹巍精通法律,利用他掌握的法律知识热心地帮助我们,教我们如何利用法律武器保护自己。邹巍家里的书架上书摆得满满的,大部分是法律书和维权案例。他这个人是个大忙人,除了看书,,就是到处跑,指导、帮助别人维权。有时候他还在吃饭,或正在忙其他事情,只要我们一个电话,他就马上放下手头的活,骑上自行车赶往出事的地方。他帮助我们最多的可能是写诉状,民事的、行政的、经济的他都写,申请书、申诉状、控告信也都写。按照我们许多维权者粗略统计,邹巍帮别人写的各种诉状至少有几千份。我们在北京上访,请人写状子是500元一份,邹巍是一分钱也不收的,最多是吃顿便饭。这样一来,我们也省了许多钱。我们这群弱势人员,都把邹巍叫做“及时雨”,把他与梁山的宋江相比。

🔹梁丽婉(杭州市拱墅区苋桥镇农民,因政府非法强拆而上访维权):说起邹巍,我们维权的人都把他比作梁山上的宋江,叫他“及时雨”。其实,他这个及时雨比宋江的及时雨还要滋润,而且施布也要广得多,因为宋江的雨露,滋润的是落难的江湖好汉,而邹巍的雨露滋润的则是普通老百姓,特别是那些债重冤深的生活在悲惨世界里的人。在本世纪初的政府强拆中,我家房子被拆,丈夫被打伤,当时我一筹莫展,绝望得想寻短见,幸亏邹巍及时帮助了我,给,了我活下去勇气。象我这样得到邹巍及时帮助的人很多,如朱瑛娣、沈利华、冯国君、程惠云、杜大姐、陈渭相、汪玉芬、裘玉梅、汪天生、邢根宝、徐志明、施荷芬、汤柳叶、徐传松以及安吉县的沈志华、徐菊芳,天台县的徐江姣、温岭县的郭晏溱、嘉兴市的成菊英等人。在邹巍的启发下,我加入了维权斗争的行列。我的许多姊妹,也差不多有着跟我同样的经历。可以说,没有邹巍,杭州乃至整个浙江的维权运动不会有那样的勃勃生机。

🔹徐江姣(浙江省天台县农民,上世纪九十年代,她到杭州打工,乡干部向她借钱未成,便诬她破计划生育,带人扒了她家的房子,从此她走上维权之路,被称为“坚持抗战二十年的维权战士”):我是在杭州上访的过程中认识邹巍的。当时,我的信访不仅没有答复,而且还被公安机关拘留。于是我就向天台县法院起诉公安局,天台法院驳回后我又向台州市中级法院上诉,但上诉后仍维持原判,于是我就跑到杭州向省高级法院申诉。在省法院门口,有很多人同情我,建议我去找邹巍,说他很有办法。我早就知道邹巍的名字,但没有见过面,也很想见见这位传奇式的人物,于是就用好心人提供给我的邹巍的手机号码给他打了电话。没想到,不到15分钟,邹巍就骑着一辆旧自行车来了。他看了一会我的申诉状,说光写事实不行,还要写法律条款及理论依据,让共产党自己打自己的嘴巴。于是他帮我修改了申诉状并补充了许多法律依据。刚修改完毕,又有别的访民电话打来了,他来不及吃午饭,骑着那辆旧自行车离去了,临走时他还反复关照我,遇到问题再找他。后来我也融入了杭州的维权队伍,多次与邹巍接触。他丰富的法律知识,他那毫不利己专门利人的担当精神,深深地感动了我,激励着我,使我能坚持维权二十年。最后在邹巍和黄琦老师的帮助下,我二十年艰难维权总算有了一定的结果。我真的很感谢邹巍。现在这样的好人却被抓了,老天真是瞎了眼!

🔹沈志华(安吉县农民,因村里歧视妇女,不分给她土地,由此而走上维权道路。她曾多次去北京上访,多次被关押,甚至被关进精神病医院):我很早就到深圳去打工,认识了一位军官并结了婚。婚后不久失了业,就回老家种田,但村里早把田地分光了,连一分田也没有给我留下来。于是我去村里论理,结果被村支书打了一顿,此后我先后去乡里、县里、市里、省里和北京上访。因参加维权,丈夫受到上面的压力与我离了婚。在安吉时,有个叫申屠大军的人对我说,杭州有个维权领袖叫邹巍,你去找他,他肯定会帮你。我到杭州找到了邹巍,那天是一个炎热的日子,是在浙江展览馆东侧见的面。他给我的印象是一个很朴实的人,骑着一辆28吋的旧自行车(这是他的主要交通工具,它驼着他走遍了杭州市的大街小巷及杭州周边的每一个村庄),穿着一件白色的衬衫,戴着一副高度近视的眼镜,镜片上还滴着汗,看得出他己经累得满头大汗,因为他正从另一位维权者那里赶来。我们找了一处树荫坐下。他看了我历次上访的控告书后,匆匆地写了一份申诉书,然后带着我去找一家打印店打印。忙完后已经是下午一点多了,我们就近在一家小吃店吃了碗面,这时又有一个维权者电话打来了。他指给我去省高级法院的路后,又骑着自行车匆匆地走了。此后,在邹巍的介绍下,我在杭州认识了很多朋友,参加了更多的维权活动。尽管共产党不可信,但我还是一直在坚持通过法律维权。

🔹严忠良(杭州市余杭区五常镇农民,因反对官府非法征地拆迁,与妹妹严忠女一走参加了维权运动,多次被关押、拘留):邹巍从事维权运动巳经二十多年了,我也十多年了。我早就听到过邹巍的名字,但真正认识他才七八年时间。因为我们五常地区的维权工作开展得比较好,我们很少同其地方的维权人士发生横向联系。但后来当局采取各种卑劣的手段,分化瓦解、各个击破,有些人因此发生了动摇。我算是一个比较坚定的人,下决心要把维权斗争进行到底。我决定寻找同盟者,觉得邹巍是一个理想的盟友。跟邹巍合作后,我们一直配合得很好。我经过几年的观察,发现邹巍身上有如下几个特点:一是能力很强,能团结人。在我跟邹巍接触的过程中,发现找他的人特别多。不管是杭州的还是外地的,男的还是是女的,年轻的还是年老的,有了麻烦事都来找他。二是他有独特的人格魅力。他人虽然长得不算英俊,也不高大魁梧,却有很强的亲和力,讲话很有感召力、感染力,对人对事具有较敏锐、精准的观察力和判断力。因此,他有象磁铁一样的吸引力,他走到哪里都有一群人围着他转。三是他善于学习且精通法律。他家里书架上、桌子上、床头上都放着法律书籍,民事法律、行政法律、刑事法律、经济法律的都有。正因为他精通法律,所以那么多的人那么多的繁琐的烦人的事,经他指点后,解决起来就比较容易。四是他做事大胆心细,行事作风严谨。之所以有这么多人找他办事,除了他有“全心全意为人民服务”的精神外,还是因为他胆子大,不怕风险,不怕承担责任。要知道,在当下这个世道里,为老百姓办事不是那么好办的,很容易得罪那些当权者。此外,把事情办砸了,也会使被帮助者受到损失。因此,邹巍办事也很仔细,把一件事办得十拿九稳的时候,他才肯放手。

邹巍不仅是一位维权领袖,而且还是一位关心中国民主事业的异议人士。不可思议的是,邹巍是因去年7月13日在浙江省海宁市钱塘江口为纪念中国诺贝尔和平奖获得者刘晓波先生逝世六周年进行海祭而被捕的,但起诉书对这件事绝口不提,反而说他是“寻衅滋事”者,这显然是为了抹黑中国的民主运动,矮化民运人士。为此,笔者采访了中国民主党浙江委员会重要成员毛庆祥先生和戚惠民先生,请他们谈谈对这个案子的看法。

🔹陈树庆:邹魏先生是个义士,他孜孜不倦地帮助弱势群体,帮他们解决了不少实际问题。杭州的维权运动之所以能走在全国的前列,邹巍有不可磨灭的功劳。他的先天下之忧而忧,后天下之乐而乐的精神,也代表了我们中国民主党的精神。事实上,邹巍不仅是维权领袖,而且对中国民主运动的贡献也很大,在我们浙江的民运领袖群体中,他也是其中之一。把推进民主和为普通百姓维权有机结合,是邹巍首先倡导的,这不失为一个伟大的创举。

🔹戚惠民:中共当局把邹巍的维权活动和民主活动称为“寻衅滋事”,太抬高了这一词组的价值。根据《中华人民共和国刑法》第二百九十三条,以下行为可能构成寻衅滋事罪:随意殴打他人且情节恶劣、追逐拦截辱骂恐吓他人且情节恶劣、强拿硬要或任意损毁占用公私财物且情节严重、在公共场所起哄闹事造成秩序严重混乱。上述上这些行为,是地痞流氓、恶棍、二流子等社会渣滓的所作所为。把邹巍这样一个正人君子、维权人士和民运人士的崇高行为,说成是地痞恶棍行为,不仅是对邹巍本人的矮化和污辱,也是对维权运动和民主运动的矮化和污辱。这正是中共当局的险恶用心所在。

To Act on Heaven’s Behalf, What Crime Is There?

— China’s Prominent Rights Defender Zou Wei Faces Trial

Author: Fan Zhanping
Editor-in-Chief: Zhang Zhijun Translator: Lyu Feng

替天行道,何罪之有?

The Gongshu District Procuratorate of Hangzhou has officially indicted Zou Wei, the leading rights defender in Zhejiang. What is both absurd and laughable is that the authorities have chosen to charge this man—who is seen by Zhejiang’s vulnerable groups as a “Timely Rain,” a man who acts on Heaven’s behalf to uphold justice—with the crime of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” Everyone knows that “picking quarrels” is the behavior of bullies and local thugs, precisely the kind of people Zou most despises and detests. It is obvious that the authorities are doing this to smear Zou’s reputation and diminish the heroic image he holds in the hearts of the people.

To restore the truth, I interviewed several petitioners in Zhejiang about their experiences with Zou’s help in defending the rights of the weak.

Voices from the People

🔹 Zhu Yingdi (resident of Hangzhou, whose ancestral home was illegally seized by the Shangcheng District government):“Zou Wei is an exceptionally good man, one rarely found in this world. For us ordinary citizens, the biggest difficulty in defending our rights is the lack of legal knowledge and support. Zou, who is well-versed in the law, passionately helps us and teaches us how to use legal weapons to protect ourselves. His bookshelf at home is packed with legal texts and case studies. He is a very busy man—reading books or running around to guide and assist others in their struggles. Even if he is eating or in the middle of something, a single phone call from us makes him drop everything, jump on his bicycle, and rush to the scene. He has probably helped most by drafting legal complaints for others—civil, administrative, economic—lawsuits, petitions, appeals, accusations. According to our rough estimates, Zou has written thousands of such legal documents for others. In Beijing, petitioners have to pay 500 yuan per legal draft; Zou never charged a penny, at most accepting a meal. Thanks to him, we saved a lot of money. That’s why we call him ‘Timely Rain,’ comparing him to Song Jiang of Liangshan.”

🔹 Liang Liwan (farmer from Xianqiao Town, Gongshu District, Hangzhou, whose home was illegally demolished):“When it comes to Zou, we all compare him to Song Jiang of Liangshan, calling him ‘Timely Rain.’ But actually, his rain is even more nourishing and widespread. Song Jiang only helped stranded outlaws, while Zou helps ordinary people, especially those living in misery and injustice. When my home was demolished at the beginning of this century, my husband was beaten and I was left desperate, even suicidal. Zou’s timely help gave me the courage to live on. Many others, like Zhu Yingdi, Shen Lihua, Feng Guojun, Cheng Huiyun, and more, have also been saved by him. Under his influence, I joined the rights defense movement. Without Zou, the rights movement in Hangzhou and even in Zhejiang would not have flourished as it has.”

🔹 Xu Jiangjiao (farmer from Tiantai County, known as a “rights defender for twenty years”):“I met Zou while petitioning in Hangzhou. After my petitions failed and I was even detained by the police, I sued them but lost at every level of the courts. At the provincial court, people advised me to find Zou. Within 15 minutes of my call, he came on his old bicycle. He read my appeal and said it needed legal references to force the authorities to contradict themselves. He rewrote it with legal reasoning and then rushed off to help someone else without even eating lunch. Later, I worked with him many times. His vast knowledge, his selfless dedication deeply moved me and gave me the strength to fight for 20 years. With his and Huang Qi’s help, my case finally saw some resolution. I am so grateful. For such a good man to be arrested—heaven must be blind!”

🔹 Shen Zhihua (farmer from Anji County, denied farmland because of gender discrimination, repeatedly petitioned and even confined in psychiatric hospitals):“I first met Zou on a hot day in Hangzhou near the Zhejiang Exhibition Hall. He arrived on his 28-inch old bicycle, sweating heavily, rushing from helping another petitioner. After reading my complaint documents, he quickly wrote an appeal, took me to print it, and then hurried off again to help another. Through his introduction, I met many other petitioners and became more deeply involved in rights defense activities. Although the authorities cannot be trusted, I continue to defend my rights through legal means.”

🔹 Yan Zhongliang (farmer from Wuchang Town, Yuhang District, whose land was illegally seized):“Zou has been involved in rights defense for more than twenty years; I’ve been in it for over ten. When I finally met him, I realized his abilities were exceptional. He could unite people, and his charisma was magnetic—wherever he went, people gathered around him. He was courageous yet meticulous, bold enough to challenge authority but careful enough to avoid unnecessary risks. His mastery of law made him indispensable to so many of us. That is why people trusted him so much.”

Beyond Rights Defense

Zou is not only a defender of rights but also a dissident concerned with China’s democratic movement. Unbelievably, he was arrested in July last year for holding a sea memorial at the Qiantang River estuary in honor of Liu Xiaobo, China’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate, on the sixth anniversary of his passing. Yet the indictment makes no mention of this, instead branding him a “troublemaker.” Clearly, this is meant to smear the democratic movement and diminish its leaders.

I interviewed senior members of the Zhejiang Committee of the China Democracy Party, Mao Qingxiang and Qi Huimin, about their views on this case.

🔹 Chen Shuqing:“Mr. Zou is a man of honor, tirelessly helping vulnerable groups and solving many real problems for them. The fact that Hangzhou’s rights movement has taken a leading role in the country is inseparable from his contributions. His spirit of worrying for others before himself and seeking happiness only after others have it embodies the spirit of our China Democracy Party. By integrating the push for democracy with the defense of ordinary people’s rights, Zou made a truly historic innovation.”

🔹 Qi Huimin:“The authorities’ claim that Zou’s rights defense and democratic activities amount to ‘picking quarrels and provoking trouble’ is itself an insult to language. According to Article 293 of the PRC Criminal Law, this crime refers to: wantonly beating others with serious circumstances; chasing, intercepting, humiliating, or intimidating others with serious circumstances; forcibly seizing or destroying public or private property with serious consequences; or causing serious disorder in public places. These are the acts of thugs, bullies, and social scum. To equate Zou—a man of integrity, a defender of rights, and a democratic activist—with such scoundrels is both a humiliation to him and an insult to the rights defense and democracy movements as a whole. This is the malicious intent of the authorities.”

追责中共病毒车队-俄克拉荷马州维尼塔

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追责中共病毒车队-俄克拉荷马州维尼塔

2025年9月12日,CCP Virus 美东行队伍抵达俄克拉荷马州维尼塔(Vinita)。队伍在Loves 加油站停留期间,当地民众纷纷上前表达支持与鼓励。许多居民表示,他们认同游行者揭露中共病毒真相的行动,并与队伍进行了友好交流和合影。

此次停留不仅是行程中的一站,更是民众自发声援的体现。美东行团队表示,他们将继续前行,把中共病毒的真相传递给更多人。

追责中共病毒车队-俄克拉荷马州维尼塔

作者:杨长兵(中国民主党员)

责任编辑:罗志飞

To hold the Communist Party of China accountable for covid-19 virus team

– Vinita, Oklahoma

On September 12, 2025, the anti-CCP Virus U.S. Eastbound team arrived at Vinita, Oklahoma. During the team’s stay at the Loves gas station, the local people came forward to express their support and encouragement. Many residents said that they agreed with the marchers’ actions to reveal the truth about the Chinese Communist Party’s virus and had friendly communicated and took photos with the team.

This stay is not only a stop in the itinerary, but also a manifestation of the spontaneous solidarity of the people. The U.S. Eastbound team said that they will continue to move forward and pass on the truth of the Chinese Communist Party virus to more people.

追责中共病毒车队-俄克拉荷马州维尼塔

Author: Yang Changbing (member of the Chinese Democratic Party)

Editor-in-Chief: Luo Zhifei

追责中共病毒车队 达拉斯小布什总统博物馆

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追责中共病毒车队 达拉斯小布什总统博物馆
追责中共病毒车队 达拉斯小布什总统博物馆

正值“9·11”恐怖袭击24周年纪念日之际,2025年9月11日中共病毒巡游车队部分成员来到达拉斯小布什总统博物馆参观,并在馆内合影留念。我们向工作人员介绍了此次跨州巡游的宗旨,得到了他们的积极回应与热情支持。车队所到之处,传递着我们对自由、人权与民主的呼声,要求追责中共制造的病毒灾难,呼吁国际社会共同制裁中共暴政。

作者:郭斌、彭小梅、何兴强、王连江等《在野党》社员

责任编辑:罗志飞

翻译:吴可正

The CCP Virus Accountability Convoy — George W. Bush Presidential Library and Museum, Dallas

追责中共病毒车队 达拉斯小布什总统博物馆

On the occasion of the 24th anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks, on September 11, 2025, some members of the CCP Virus Accountability Convoy visited the George W. Bush Presidential Library and Museum in Dallas and took group photos inside the venue.

We introduced to the staff the purpose of this interstate convoy parade, and we received their positive response and warm support.

Wherever the convoy goes, it conveys our call for freedom, human rights, and democracy, demands accountability for the virus disaster created by the CCP, and appeals to the international community to jointly sanction the CCP’s tyranny.

Authors: Guo Bin, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Wang Lianjiang, and other members of The Opposition Party

Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Wu Kezheng

中共九三阅兵后,民运应该做些什么?

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——谈民运如何发展与建设

作者:叶长青(大陆大学生)

编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:程铭

中共声势浩大的“九三”阅兵结束了,剩下的是内网和外网粉红群体的一片欢呼雀跃。在内网,对阅兵的叫好声犹如汪洋大海,清醒们者们鸦雀无声,敢怒不敢言;敢言者成了一个个国内新闻媒体上“诋毁九三阅兵”被查处的案例。

这次大阅兵,是习近平及其中共剥削统治集团向全世界秀肌肉、展示其力量的一次活动,深受其宣传系统所害的大多数国人根本认不清中共是残酷的剥削集团的本质,总是把自己和中共想在一起,以为“党和人民是一家人,党好了我就好”为共产党的阅兵欢呼雀跃,殊不知共产党强大了和自己一分钱的关系都没有,真是可悲!正所谓“既是受害者,也是帮凶!”

那么,民运团体应该做些什么?那就是以牙还牙,以血还血!

既然中共举行活动,民运群众们为什么不能举行活动?他们秀肌肉,那么民运组织就反迫害,可以在自由世界的国家,组织支持自由和深受中共迫害的流亡者示威游行。队伍当中一定要招募所在国民众,那么如果有人要是说这是打肿脸充胖子,我要说这是正义,咱们占理,打肿脸充胖子也是没问题的,中共罪恶集团应当全世界共讨之!最重要的是中国民运离不开国际社会的支持,让所在国民众参与进来,可以获得他们的同情和支持。

游行队伍当中可以分成数个方队,由乐队打头阵(可参考法轮功群体的反迫害游行),两侧要有给民众发放传单的自由流动人员,传单上要写上民运目的和捐款信息。队伍行进路线要沿着城市人流大的地方走,开始和结束的地点可以是有特殊意义的地方,或者中共的领事馆。这种游行要每到中共作妖举办活动时,或到了历史上有事件发生的日子就来一次。

在所在国做慈善,也是一个很好很重要的宣传方式,比如给无家可归者分发食物、看望孤寡老人,可以很好的提升公众好感度。

社会知名度决定了一个组织的生存空间的大小,所以民运组织要去寻求媒体的帮助,让民运组织有宣传和发声的渠道。随着互联网视频平台的发展与流行,已经孕育出了一大批明星视频创作者,民运组织可以联系上时政YouTube的节目,以及邀请他们来办公地点采访和考察,提升曝光度。也可以自己培养对做视频感兴趣的党员,建立自己的自媒体频道,频道类型可以是手工、时尚、科技、美食、科普、时政等等,在节目中不时宣传一下。但要注意,必须要用英文,这样才能让受众范围更广。在中国以外,可以让组织成员做那种向外国人宣传中华文化的视频,比如邀请外国人吃中餐,体验中华文化等。把视频发在抖音、快手、B站等中国流行平台。

最后,财务管理一定要公开透明,这样公众才会相信民运组织。

党员文化素质也需要不断提升,可以每周组织一天党员全体读书会,多看文科类的书,看完后组织互相交流,党员有了更高的素质,组织才能更好的发展。

What should the People’s Party of China do after the September 3rd military parade of the Communist Party of China?

——Talk about how to develop and build the People’s Union

Abstract: The September 3rd military parade is a demonstration of the dictatorship of the Communist Party of China. The People’s Movement should fight back with action: organize marches, charity, media cooperation, self-media publicity, attract international support, open and transparent finances, improve the quality of Party members, and expand their influence.

Author: Ye Changqing (mainland college student)

Editor: Li Congling Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Cheng Ming

The powerful “September 3rd” military parade of the Communist Party of China is over, and all that is left is the cheering of the pink groups on the internal and external networks. On the intranet, the shouts of the military parade are like a vast ocean. The sober people are silent and dare not speak out in anger; those who dare to speak have become a case of investigation and punishment for “defamation of the September 3rd Military Parade” in the domestic news media.

This military parade is an activity for Xi Jinping and his Communist Party of China’s exploitative ruling group to show their muscles and show their strength to the world. Most Chinese people, who are deeply affected by its propaganda system, do not recognize the essence of the Communist Party of China as a cruel exploiting group. They always think of themselves and the Communist Party of China together, thinking that “the Party and the people are a family, and the Party is good. I’m fine” cheered for the Communist Party’s military parade, but I didn’t know that the Communist Party had nothing to do with itself when it was strong. It’s really sad! As the saying goes, “both a victim and an accomplice!”

So, what should the People’s movement group do? That is tooth for tooth, blood for blood!

Since the Communist Party of China holds activities, why can’t the masses of the People’s Congress hold activities? If they show off their muscles, then the People’s movement will counter-persecution and organize demonstrations for exiles in support of freedom and persecution by the Communist Party of China in countries of the free world. The team must recruit the people of the country where they are located. Then if anyone says that this is a swollen face and a fat man, I will say that this is justice. Let’s take the point. There is no problem with a swollen face and a fat man. The criminal group of the Communist Party of China should be discussed all over the world! The most important thing is that the Chinese people’s movement cannot be separated from the support of the international community. Let the people of the host countries participate and get their sympathy and support.

The parade can be divided into several square teams, led by the band (you can refer to the anti-persecution march of the Falun Gong group). On both sides, there should be free-moving people who distribute leaflets to the people, and the purpose of the folk movement and donation information should be written on the leaflets. The team’s route should be along the crowded place in the city. The starting and ending places can be places with special significance, or the consulate of the Communist Party of China. This kind of parade should be held every time the Communist Party of China held an event, or on the day of an event in history.

Doing charity in the country is also a good and important way of publicity, such as distributing food to the homeless and visiting the lonely elderly, which can greatly improve the public’s goodwill.

Social popularity determines the size of an organization’s survival space, so the popular movement organization should seek the help of the media so that the popular movement organization can have channels for publicity and voice. With the development and popularity of Internet video platforms, a large number of star video creators have been born. People’s movement organizations can contact current affairs YouTube programs and invite them to interview and inspect offices to improve exposure. You can also cultivate party members who are interested in making videos and establish your own self-media channel. The channel types can be handmade, fashion, technology, food, popular science, current affairs, etc., and publicize it in the program from time to time. However, it should be noted that it must be in English, so as to have a wider audience. Outside China, members of the organization can make videos to promote Chinese culture to foreigners, such as inviting foreigners to eat Chinese food and experience Chinese culture. Post the video on TikTok, Kuaishou, B Station and other popular Chinese platforms.

Finally, financial management must be open and transparent, so that the public can trust the people’s movement organization.

The cultural quality of party members also needs to be constantly improved. You can organize a reading club for all party members one day a week, read more liberal arts books, and organize exchanges with each other after reading. With higher quality, the organization can develop better.