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理性与信念:那些坚持发声的人

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理性与信念:那些坚持发声的人

声援江西良心犯,呼唤言论自由与人权的尊严

作者:张宇     
编辑:冯仍  责任编辑:胡丽莉 校对:林小龙 翻译:彭小梅

 在沉默的土地上,总有人选择开口。

他们的声音或许微弱,却让空气变得不同;他们的脚步或许孤单,却为后来的路照亮了方向。

在某些地方,说出真话需要勇气,坚守良知更像一种冒险。当权力的墙壁越来越高,真相的光芒便只能从裂缝中透出。有人因此失去了自由,有人被迫隐入尘埃,但他们留下的痕迹,却成了这个时代最清醒的注脚。

“良心犯”一词由彼得·本南森于1961年5月28日在《伦敦观察家报》发表的《被遗忘的囚犯》中首次提出。该词常与人权组织国际特赦组织有关。与政治犯不相同。良心犯可以指因政治见解、性取向、族群、宗教而入狱的任何人,也可以指因非暴力表达其信念而被监禁或迫害的人。

这个词语也许听起来遥远,却关乎我们每一个人。当表达与沉默、信念与顺从之间只剩一线之隔,一个社会的灵魂正在经受考验。因为衡量一个时代的文明,不在于它拥有多少财富与奇迹,而在于:它如何对待那些仍然相信真理的人。

理性与信念:那些坚持发声的人

 江西维权人士李宜雪于2022年4月14日遭派出所辅警猥亵,向警方指控后反被送入江西省精神病院强制关押56天。重获自由后,她又发声揭露自身遭遇等。12月22日,南昌官方通报,街道再次把她抓进了精神病院。江西省有关方面应立即依法释放维权人士李宜雪出精神病院!中国的“被精神病”历史必须被结束!

中国江西南昌人张晓东在2022年11月15日被拘,2023年2月被检方控其涉嫌寻衅滋事,而证据是其在微信群、朋友圈、QQ群的言论,是典型因言获罪。2024年3月19日开审,同年5月获刑,二审维持原判,刑期:有期徒刑4年。8月28日获悉其由南昌第一看守所转至赣江监狱。张晓东无罪,释放张晓东!

 中国江西维权访民朱玉芳,2006年,因其经营的4家洁具店被政府骗拆,且拒不兑现当时的拆迁协议,被迫走上维权之路,然上访10年,不仅毫无果效,反被地方当局视为重点维稳控制和打击对象,且被多次绑架、关黑监狱、 遭受酷刑、截访、遣返原籍。2016年11月14日,其被江西省萍乡市安源区法院一审以“寻衅滋事罪”判处有期徒刑3年;其不服上诉,2017年1月13日,经江西省萍乡市中级法院二审裁决,依然维持原判,后送江西省女子监狱服刑;2018年5月25日,被减刑3个月提前释放;出狱后, 其一直就被枉法冤判申诉。2021年12月3日,因到江西省高级法院申诉遭拒,就到法院门外举牌呼吁,12月11日,被江西省萍乡市安源区警方再次以涉嫌“寻衅滋事罪”刑拘。2022年8月6日,终被江西省萍乡市安源区法院一审以“寻衅滋事罪”秘密判处有期徒刑4年,刑期至2025年12月10日;其不服判决,提起上诉,二审维持原判,已于2023年1月转到江西省女子监狱服刑。

 习近平统治中国已逾十年,为力求集中控制而在全国各地加强镇压。中国不存在独立的公民社会,缺乏言论、结社、集会或宗教自由,人权捍卫者和其他被视为批评政府人士尽遭迫害。中国政府将文化和种族截然不同的西藏人和维吾尔人视为威胁,对他们实施特别严酷的镇压。数十万维吾尔人仍受监禁,为中国政府在新疆危害人类罪行的一部分。中国政府并扼杀香港长期受保障的公民自由。或许他们被关在高墙之后,或许他们的名字被刻意抹去,但良知不会被封存,真相也不会永远沉默。

 一个社会,可以用权利维持秩序,却无法用恐惧维系信任。真正的力量,从来不是掌控,而是聆听;真正的安定,也不是沉默,而是人心中仍有光。

所以我在此声援江西良心犯,捍卫言论自由权利,抗议中国共产党打压异议人士!立即释放江西良心犯!停止政治迫害!

Reason and Conviction: Those Who Keep Speaking Out

In Solidarity with the Prisoners of Conscience in Jiangxi — A Call for Freedom of Speech and the Dignity of Human Rights

Author:Yu Zhang
Editor: Reng Feng Executive Editor: Lili Hu Proofreader: Xiaolong Lin Translator: Xiaomei Peng

Abstract:Through the cases of three prisoners of conscience in Jiangxi Province, this article exposes the Chinese Communist Party’s repression of freedom of expression and belief. The author calls for an end to political persecution, the release of all those imprisoned for their faith and speech, and the restoration of reason and moral conviction in society.

On a land of silence, there are always those who choose to speak.

Their voices may be faint, yet they make the air tremble; their steps may be solitary, yet they illuminate the road for those who follow.

In certain places, speaking the truth demands courage, upholding one’s conscience is closer to an adventure. As the walls of power grow higher, truth can only shine through the cracks. Some lose their freedom; others are forced into the shadows — yet the traces they leave behind become the clearest footnotes of our time.

The term “prisoner of conscience” was first introduced by Peter Benenson on May 28, 1961, in The Observer under the article “The Forgotten Prisoners.” It is closely associated with Amnesty International and differs from the concept of a political prisoner. A prisoner of conscience is anyone imprisoned or persecuted for their beliefs, political opinions, ethnicity, religion, or sexual orientation — provided they have neither used nor advocated violence.

Though the term may sound distant, it concerns every one of us. When the line between expression and silence, conviction and submission, grows thin, the soul of a society is being tested. The true measure of civilization lies not in its wealth or miracles, but in how it treats those who still believe in truth.

On April 14, 2022, Jiangxi rights activist Li Yixue was sexually assaulted by an auxiliary police officer. After she filed a report, she was forcibly committed to the Jiangxi Provincial Psychiatric Hospital for 56 days. Upon release, she spoke out publicly about her experience — only to be detained again on December 22 after local authorities in Nanchang ordered her recommitted.

The Jiangxi authorities must immediately release Li Yixue from the psychiatric hospital. China’s shameful history of “psychiatric persecution” must end.

A resident of Nanchang, Jiangxi, Zhang Xiaodong was detained on November 15, 2022. In February 2023, prosecutors charged him with “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” The so-called “evidence” consisted of his posts in WeChat groups and online circles — a textbook case of being punished for speech.

He was tried on March 19, 2024, sentenced in May to four years in prison, and later transferred to Ganjiang Prison. Zhang Xiaodong is innocent — free Zhang Xiaodong!

A businesswoman from Pingxiang, Jiangxi, Zhu Yufang began her petitioning journey in 2006 after the government unlawfully demolished her four bathroom-supply stores and refused compensation. Over the next decade, her petitions brought no justice; instead, she became a “key stability-control target.” She was kidnapped, detained in black jails, tortured, intercepted, and repeatedly sent back to her hometown. On November 14, 2016, the Anyuan District Court sentenced her to three years in prison for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.” She appealed, but the higher court upheld the verdict. After early release in 2018, she continued to seek redress for her wrongful conviction. In December 2021, after being denied the right to appeal at the Jiangxi Provincial High Court, she held a sign in protest outside the building. On December 11, she was arrested again and later secretly sentenced to four years in prison in August 2022. Her appeal was rejected, and she remains imprisoned in Jiangxi Women’s Prison until December 10, 2025.

After more than a decade in power, Xi Jinping has intensified nationwide repression in the name of centralized control. There is no independent civil society in China; freedoms of speech, association, assembly, and religion are all denied. Human rights defenders and government critics are relentlessly persecuted. Ethnic Tibetans and Uyghurs — distinct in culture and faith — are deemed threats to the regime and subjected to extreme suppression. Hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs remain detained, victims of crimes against humanity committed by the Chinese government in Xinjiang. Hong Kong’s once-protected civil liberties have been crushed. They may be hidden behind high walls, their names erased from the public record. Yet conscience cannot be imprisoned, and truth will never remain silent.

A society may maintain order through authority, but it cannot build trust through fear. True strength lies not in control but in the willingness to listen; true stability is not silence, but the light that still shines within people’s hearts.

Therefore, I stand in solidarity with the prisoners of conscience in Jiangxi, and I defend the right to freedom of speech. I denounce the Chinese Communist Party’s persecution of dissidents. Free the prisoners of conscience in Jiangxi! End political persecution now!

活动通知:洛杉矶 10月19日 《全球覺醒》第四十三期 三載回望四通橋

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活动通知:洛杉矶 10月19日 《全球覺醒》第四十三期 三載回望四通橋
活动通知:洛杉矶 10月19日 《全球覺醒》第四十三期 三載回望四通橋

《全球覺醒》第四十三期

自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】三載回望四通橋:良知不滅,勇氣不息

時間:2025年10月19日(星期日)4:00PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

歷史,總有回響。當我們在此紀念彭立發時,也正是人們追思萬潤南先生的日子,那位以「四通」命名橋樑的先行者。

三年前的十月,四通橋上,彭立發以肉身抗爭,舉起兩幅橫幅,讓全世界看到了極權之下最孤獨、也最震撼的吶喊。 他喚醒了無數沉默的人。那不是一場偶然的行動,而是一種覺醒——提醒我們:在高壓體制中,仍有人敢以生命對抗謊言,呼喚自由。

我們在此集會,不只是紀念,更是延續那份勇氣。那一天的吶喊,穿透封鎖,點燃白紙革命的火種,也成為新時代公民抗爭的象徵。

1984年,萬潤南創辦「四通公司」,匯聚知識與青年力量,推動思想解放;89年,他支持學生運動,六四後流亡海外,仍堅守真理之聲。他的一生如一座橋,連接理想與良知,也映照了後來那座「四通橋」的意義。

一個是思想啟蒙者,一個是行動者,他們雖屬不同時代,卻在10月13日命運交會:一個以思想反抗愚昧,一個以行動揭穿謊言。他們共同提醒我們自由與尊嚴,不只是理想,而是必須被守護的現實。

三年間,四通橋被裝上更多監控,出現「守橋員」;人們又在電線桿上貼標語,或許還會有「守桿員」。這荒誕景象說明:恐懼屬於權力,勇氣屬於人民。封鎖未解、恐懼猶在,我們要讓良知不滅,讓那一天的呼聲再度響起。

三年後的今天,四通未息,橋仍在風中。

不要核酸要吃飯,不要封控要自由,

不要謊言要尊嚴,不要文革要改革,

不要領袖要選票,不做奴才做公民。

罷免獨裁國賊習近平!

時間:2025年10月19日(星期日)4:00PM(下午)

地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館

地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活動召集人:劉廣賢/楊陽

活動規劃:孫曄/李傑

活動主持:易勇

組織者:

于越6263849029/劉炳良6268612558

陳斌9093780791/趙文龍6265420004

郗大鵬6268003116/邢倫基6265656311

活動義工:于海龍/王彪/卜青松/劉樂園/張維清/鐘文/勞紹海/陳錦波

攝影:Ji Luo/陸敏健/王永/張允密

主辦單位:

中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部

中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部

自由鍾民主基金會

活动收集:胡丽莉

历史视野下的中共独裁:为什么中国总走不出“独裁怪圈”

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历史视野下的中共独裁:为什么中国总走不出“独裁怪圈”

作者:赵雪峰
编辑:李之洋 责任编辑:李聪玲 校对:林小龙 翻译:刘芳

我们回望中国历史,会发现一个惊人的循环:反抗暴政、打倒旧主、再出现新的皇帝。从陈胜、吴广的起义开始,我们的政治故事就像陷入了一个永恒的回圈。每一次改朝换代都带着热血与激情,但最终几乎都走向了新的极权。我们一次次推翻不义的秩序,却始终没能学会——如何限制新的权力。

一、起义有勇气,但没制度

“王侯将相宁有种乎?”陈胜、吴广这句呐喊,点燃了平民反抗的火种。那是中国人第一次大声说出——我们也想当家做主。但他们打碎了旧秩序,却没建立起新的规则。此后两千年,历史一再重演:靠愤怒起事,靠暴力夺权,靠个人权威维稳。旧皇帝倒了,新皇帝照旧。百姓换了旗号,却没换命运。

二、朱元璋的“暴力模板”

自秦以后,独裁的模式被制度化了。到了朱元璋,独裁更加变本加厉。他从乞丐变成皇帝,用铁血手段统一天下,却也建立了一个恐惧维系的国家。功臣被杀、官员噤声、百姓沉默。朱元璋确实结束了战乱,但他让整个社会学会了一个危险逻辑——“服从才能换来安全”。这种逻辑,成了后来几百年专制政治的底色。

三、太平天国:理想变成灾难

太平天国打着“反清复明”的旗号,起初看似为民请命。可一旦掌权,就迅速堕入另一种极端:以“天王”名义行独裁,动员靠信仰,统治靠军权。理想越伟大,现实越荒唐。这场运动的结局告诉我们:没有制度的理想,越纯粹就越危险。

四、现代化的歧路:列宁式党国的崛起

进入近代,中国也尝试过现代化——宪政、议会、地方自治。但军队未国家化、财政不透明、司法不独立。结果,仍是谁有枪谁说了算。中共就在这种乱局中崛起,借助列宁式党军体系与意识形态控制社会。革命成功后,他们立刻用“历史使命”取代了“人民授权”,让中国走进了一个“现代外壳包裹下的极权时代”。

五、独裁怪圈为什么打不破?

第一,掌权者怕失去权力、怕被清算,于是只能继续高压维稳;反对派又不信任制度,只能以非常手段反抗——信任崩塌,循环永续。

第二,社会太弱,国家太强。没有独立的媒体、工会、社团、学术空间,公共讨论的土壤贫瘠。

第三,法治被工具化。法律不是为了限制权力,而是为了维稳。

第四,科技进步反而让监控更高效,独裁的成本越来越低。

历史视野下的中共独裁:为什么中国总走不出“独裁怪圈”

六、海外民运的盲点:反共不等于民主

很多人以为,只要“反共”就是民主派。但反共的理由千差万别:仇恨、民族主义、权力欲……都有。

问题在于,民主不是推翻谁,而是建立规则。在一些民运圈中,常见三种误区:一是先定罪、后程序;二是用个人崇拜代替制度建设;三是热闹很多,规则很少。如果反抗只是喊口号、发声明,而不能形成制度化力量,那就只是另一次轮回。

七、走出怪圈的路:制度、社会与文化

中国要想摆脱独裁,不靠圣君,而靠三样东西:

制度上:军队国家化、权力分立、司法独立;

社会上:发展自治社团,让公民能在规则中合作;

文化上:从“英雄崇拜”转向“制度信任”,从“谁好谁坏”转向“是否可监督、可更替”。

民主并不浪漫,它只是让人“可以预期、不再害怕”的生活。

未来或有不同路径——渐进改革、危机重建、或外部规则推动——但无论哪种,都必须防止倒退。

新闻自由、政党竞争、选举透明、任期制度——缺一不可。

只有让权力能上能下、能查能罚,中国才可能真正告别“换皇帝不换系统”的宿命。

从陈胜吴广到朱元璋,再到太平天国与中共,中国的历史像一场无休止的循环剧。每一代人都热血地在问:“要推翻谁?”却极少有人认真思考:“权力该如何被约束?”

真正的民主,不靠激情革命,而靠冷静的制度建设。

当反抗的怒气化为规则,当人们学会信任程序胜过领袖!

CCP Dictatorship in Historical Perspective: Why China Cannot Escape the “Cycle of Despotism”

Author: Zhao Xuefeng
Editor: L Zhiyang    Executive Editor: LI Congling Proofread: LIN Xiaolong Translator: LIU Fang

Abstract: From a historical perspective, this essay examines why China remains trapped in a “cycle of despotism,” arguing that rebellions against tyranny often mutate into new autocracy due to institutional absence, a fragile civil society, and an unbalanced rule of law. Only by building checks and balances and a robust civic sphere can China break free.

Looking back at Chinese history, we see a striking loop: resist tyranny, topple the ruler, then crown a new emperor. Since the uprising of CHEN Sheng and WUGuang, our political narrative has seemed caught in a perpetual cycle. Every dynastic change begins in blood and passion yet ends in renewed absolutism. Time and again we overthrow an unjust order, yet fail to learn the essential lesson—how to limit the power that replaces it.

I. Courage in Revolt, Absence in Institutions

“Are princes and marquises born to their stations?”—this cry from Chen Sheng and Wu Guang ignited the spark of popular resistance. It marked the first time Chinese commoners loudly declared: we, too, wish to rule our own house. But while they shattered the old order, they failed to found a new set of rules. For the next two millennia, history replayed itself: uprisings fueled by rage, power seized by violence, stability maintained by personal authority. The old emperor falls, the new emperor rules the same. People change the banner, not their fate.

II. ZHU Yuanzhang’s “Violence Template”

After Qin, the model of dictatorship became institutionalized. Under Zhu Yuanzhang, it intensified further. Rising from beggar to emperor, he unified the realm with iron and blood, but also built a state sustained by fear: meritorious officials were executed, bureaucrats silenced, and commoners cowed. He ended the chaos of war, but taught society a perilous logic—“only obedience buys safety.”

That logic colored the next several centuries of autocratic politics.

III. The Taiping: Ideal Turned Catastrophe

The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, waving the banner of “overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming,” at first seemed to speak for the people. Once in power, however, it plunged into another extreme: dictatorship in the name of a “Heavenly King,” mobilization by faith, and rule by the gun. The grander the ideal, the more farcical the reality. Its end warns us: the purer an ideal, the more dangerous it becomes without institutions.

IV. The Detour of Modernization: The Rise of the Leninist Party-State

In modern times China attempted constitutionalism, parliamentarianism, and local self-government. Yet the military was not nationalized, public finance lacked transparency, and the judiciary remained non-independent; in the end, the gun still decided. The CCP rose amid this disorder, relying on a Leninist party–army system and ideology to control society. After victory, it quickly replaced “popular mandate” with a “historical mission,” ushering China into an era of totalitarianism cloaked in modern trappings.

V. Why Is the Cycle of Despotism So Hard to Break?

First, those in power fear losing it—or being purged—so they cling to repression; opponents distrust institutions and resort to extra-legal means. Trust collapses, and the cycle feeds on itself.

Second, society is too weak while the state is too strong. Without independent media, unions, associations, or academic space, the soil for public deliberation is barren.

Third, the rule of law is instrumentalized: law serves stability maintenance, not the limitation of power.

Fourth, technological advances make surveillance ever more efficient, lowering the cost of dictatorship.

VI. A Blind Spot in the Overseas Movement: Anti-CCP ≠ Democracy

Many assume that being “anti-CCP” automatically means being pro-democracy. But people oppose the CCP for many reasons—hatred, nationalism, and raw lust for power among them.

The real issue is that democracy is not about whom you topple but what rules you establish. Common pitfalls in some circles include: convicting first and processing later; substituting personality cults for institution-building; and lots of noise with few rules. If resistance remains slogans and statements without institutional force, it is merely another turn of the wheel.

VII. The Way Out: Institutions, Society, and Culture

To escape despotism, China must rely not on sage-kings but on three essentials:

Institutionally: nationalization of the military, separation of powers, and judicial independence;

Socially: cultivate autonomous associations so citizens can cooperate within rules;

Culturally: shift from hero worship to trust in institutions, from judging “who is good or bad” to asking“can power be supervised and replaced.”

Democracy is not romantic; it merely allows a life that is predictable and no longer ruled by fear.

The road ahead may differ—gradual reform, post-crisis reconstruction, or externally driven rules—but in any case backsliding must be prevented.

Press freedom, party competition, transparent elections, and term limits—none can be dispensed with.

Only when power can rise and fall, and can be audited and punished, can China truly leave behind the fate of “changing emperors without changing the system.”

From Chen Sheng and Wu Guang to Zhu Yuanzhang, to the Taiping and the CCP, China’s history resembles an endless cycle-play. Each generation passionately asks, “Whom shall we overthrow?”—but rarely, “How should power be constrained?”

True democracy relies not on fervent revolutions but on the cool construction of institutions.

When the anger of resistance becomes rules, when people learn to trust procedures more than leaders, then China may finally set foot on the road to freedom.

10月1日:国殇日,不是国庆

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10月1日:国殇日,不是国庆

作者:毛一炜
编辑:钟然 责任编辑:韩瑞媛 校对:程筱筱 翻译:吕峰

1949年后,中共以暴力篡夺政权,以意识形态奴役民族。自由、法治与信仰被摧毁。真正的中国是中华民国,是民主与人性的象征。纪念国殇日是为了警醒与重生。

1949年10月1日,中共在北京宣布“建国”。但那并不是中国的诞生,而是中国被劫持的开始——中华民国在大陆的政权被武力篡夺,合法政府被迫退守台湾。从此,一个靠谎言和暴力起家的政党,窃据国家机器,用意识形态奴役整个民族。

中华民国是辛亥革命的成果,是亚洲第一个共和政体。它有宪法、有国会、有新闻与言论自由。哪怕年轻、脆弱,却象征着中国人追求民主与法治的开端。那是一个可以辩论总统、批评政府的时代,一个中国人终于以“公民”身份面对国家的时代。

10月1日:国殇日,不是国庆

而中共的到来,终结了这一切。它用阶级斗争取代法治,用党性取代良知,用领袖崇拜取代信仰。

七十多年过去,中国的现代化被独裁体制所扭曲——1958至1962年的大饥荒,三千万以上同胞饿死在“人民公社”的口号下;1966至1976年的文化大革命,摧毁了知识、文化与家庭;1989年的天安门血案,坦克碾碎了青年一代对自由的希望;而在今日的新疆、西藏、香港,自由被掐断,语言与信仰被迫沉默。

中共一边高喊“国庆”,一边制造国殇。它不代表中国,它只是以“中国”的名义继续统治中国人。真正的中国是什么?是孙中山所言的“民有、民治、民享”;是1947年中华民国宪法确立的民主制度;是社会坚持的选举、司法独立与新闻自由。那才是中国应有的模样——一个自由而有人性的国家。

10月1日提醒我们:中国被偷走了,真正的国家被迫退守台湾,十四亿人民被囚禁在一党专政之下。纪念“国殇日”,不是为了仇恨,而是为了清醒;不是为了撕裂,而是为了重建信念。唯有认清中共不等于中国,我们才能重新走上救赎与重生的道路。

让我们重新喊出:“中华民国才是中国,中共不是中国!”让这句话,不只是口号,而是觉醒的起点。

October 1: National Day of Mourning, Not National Day

Author: Mao Yiwei
Editor: Zhong Ran Executive Editor: Han Ruiyuan Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Lyu Feng

After 1949, the Chinese Communist Party seized power through violence and enslaved the nation with its ideology. Freedom, the rule of law, and faith were destroyed. The true China is the Republic of China — a symbol of democracy and humanity. To commemorate the National Day of Mourning is to awaken the conscience of the nation and seek its rebirth.

On October 1, 1949, the Chinese Communist Party proclaimed the “founding of the state” in Beijing. But that was not the birth of China — it was the beginning of its captivity. The legitimate government of the Republic of China was overthrown by force and driven to retreat to Taiwan. From that moment, a party built on lies and violence usurped the state apparatus and used ideology to enslave an entire people.

The Republic of China was the fruit of the Xinhai Revolution — the first republic in Asia. It had a constitution, a parliament, and freedom of the press and speech. Though young and fragile, it embodied the Chinese people’s first pursuit of democracy and the rule of law. It was an era when one could debate the president, criticize the government, and, at last, stand before the nation as a “citizen.”

10月1日:国殇日,不是国庆

With the arrival of the Chinese Communist Party, all of that came to an end. It replaced the rule of law with class struggle, conscience with party loyalty, and faith with the worship of a supreme leader.

Over the past seventy years, China’s modernization has been twisted by dictatorship. Between 1958 and 1962, the Great Famine claimed the lives of more than thirty million people under the slogan of the “People’s Commune.” From 1966 to 1976, the Cultural Revolution destroyed knowledge, culture, and families. In 1989, the Tiananmen Massacre crushed an entire generation’s hope for freedom under the tracks of tanks. And today, in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Hong Kong, freedom has been extinguished, and both language and faith have been forced into silence.

While the Communist Party celebrates its so-called “National Day,” it continues to create national tragedy. It does not represent China — it merely rules over the Chinese people in the name of “China.”

What, then, is the true China? It is the vision of Sun Yat-sen — “of the people, by the people, for the people.” It is the democratic system established by the 1947 Constitution of the Republic of China. It is the society that upholds elections, judicial independence, and freedom of the press.

That is what China should be — a free and humane nation.

October 1 reminds us of this:China has been stolen. The true nation was forced to retreat to Taiwan, while 1.4 billion people remain imprisoned under one-party rule.

To commemorate the “National Day of Mourning” is not to foster hatred, but to awaken clarity; not to deepen division, but to rebuild faith.

Only by recognizing that the Chinese Communist Party is not China can we find the path toward redemption and rebirth.

Let us proclaim once again:“The Republic of China is China — the Communist Party is not China!”Let these words be more than a slogan — let them be the beginning of awakening.

声援中华民国

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声援中华民国

作者:赵雪峰
编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:程筱筱 翻译:tomorrow

我是中国民主党党员赵雪峰,2025年10月11日,我参加了茉莉花行动,庆祝中华民国建国114周年。我手举《在野党》杂志第14期站在洛杉矶中国领事馆门前,象征着对中共极权体制的公开抗议与对自由民主理念的坚定捍卫。《在野党》是一本让中共瑟瑟发抖、寝食难安的刊物,因为它代表着真相与觉醒的力量,我为自己能成为该杂志的撰稿人而感到自豪与荣耀。

声援中华民国

Supporting the Republic of China is supporting ourselves

Author: Zhao Xuefeng
Editor: Feng Reng Editor-in-Chief: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translation: tomorrow

I’m Zhao Xuefeng, a member of the China Democracy Party. On October 11, 2025, I participated in the Jasmine Revolution to celebrate the 114th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China. I stood in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, holding the 14th issue of “Opposition Party” magazine, a symbol of open protest against the CCP’s totalitarian system and a steadfast defense of the ideals of freedom and democracy. “Opposition Party” is a publication that makes the CCP tremble and lose sleep because it represents the power of truth and awakening. I am proud and honored to be a contributor to the magazine.

声援中华民国

I gave a speech on the spot calling on Chinese people around the world to unite and support the Republic of China, which means supporting freedom, democracy and human rights; it means supporting ourselves and resisting the Chinese Communist Party, which means resisting dictatorship, autocracy and tyranny.

中国的“K签证”

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中国的“K签证”

一场关在防火墙里的“国际化”闹剧

作者:冯仍
编辑:钟然     责任编辑:罗志飞     翻译:tomorrow

根据2021年第七次人口普查数据,中国境内外籍人士总数为84.5万人,占全国总人口的比例仅为0.06%。这意味着在十几亿人口的中国,几乎看不到外国人的影子。这个比例比印度、日本、乃至许多非洲国家都低,只略高于朝鲜。换句话说,中国几乎是世界上最“单一种族”的大国。

然而,就在这样的现实下,北京却在今年10月1日高调推出所谓“K签证”政策,宣称要从全球吸引理工科(STEM)领域人才,打造“中国版H-1B签证”。按照宣传口径,这是一项“高水平对外开放”的新举措,目的是和美国争夺科技人才。

中国的“K签证”

但讽刺的是,这项签证政策刚一宣布,舆论几乎全线翻车。微博话题“#K签证会让外国人抢走我们的饭碗吗#”登上热搜,评论区成了排外与怨气的宣泄场。人民日报不得不亲自下场“科普”,试图挽救形象;然而网民的愤怒却并非因为他们“仇外”,而是因为他们早已被体制教会了“封闭与敌意”。

中国政府多年来筑起的信息防火墙,让绝大多数中国人几乎没有与外部世界直接交流的机会。外国人稀少,外语教育僵化,海外媒体被屏蔽——于是,整个互联网舆论生态自然滑向一种封闭、狭隘的民族主义。于是,当K签证出现时,这种“防火墙下的国际化”就成了一场闹剧:民众害怕外国人会“侵占中国”,甚至出现“防止印度化”“五胡乱华重演”的荒诞论调。

但问题的根源,其实并不在于K签证本身,而在于一个长期被禁锢在谎言体系里的社会。一个连自己公民都不信任的政权,又凭什么能吸引外国人才?

看看现实:同样的时间,中国的青年失业率达到18.9%,而且这还是“优化后”的数字;22岁的女留学生张雅笛因为参与“挺藏会”活动被指控“煽动分裂国家罪”,可能面临十五年刑期;网络博主户晨风因为表达不同意见被封号、被围剿。——在这样一个“言论可致罪”的国家,外国人真的敢来吗?

即便他们来了,又会发现自己身处一个“没有WhatsApp、没有YouTube、不能自由上网”的信息孤岛。连最基本的交流都成问题,又何谈创新?

事实上,K签证并不是“开放”的象征,而是当局焦虑的产物。它不是为了吸引人才,而是为了制造一个“我们仍在开放”的假象,好让国际投资者相信这个体制依然稳定、可靠。但对内,它照旧封锁信息、打压异见;对外,它竖起笑脸,企图在全球舞台上争取科技与资本。

这是一场典型的“双面开放”:外向的面具,内向的灵魂。

因此,中国真正需要的“K签证”,并不是发给外国人的,而是发给自己的青年。让他们能够自由迁徙,不被户籍束缚;能够自由表达,而不被删帖封号;能够自由选择信仰,而不用担心被指控“邪教”;能够凭努力改变命运,而不是靠“关系”与“背景”。

只有当中国青年首先成为真正意义上的“公民”,而不是“被统治的对象”,中国才有资格谈对外开放。否则,无论发出多少签证,建多少“人才引进园区”,都只不过是在一堵更高的墙上贴一张“欢迎光临”的标语。

真正的开放,不是让外国人来,而是让中国人走出去、说真话、活得像人。K签证能解决的,只是数字;制度改变的,才是命运。

China’s “K Visa”

A Farce of “Internationalization” Behind the Firewall

Author: Feng Reng
Editor: Zhong Ran     Editor-in-Chief: Luo Zhifei     Translation: tomorrow

Abstract: China’s K visa attempts to attract foreign scientific and technological talents, but closed information, suppression of dissent and youth difficulties make it difficult to achieve true openness. Institutional reform is the key to attracting talents and social development.

According to the seventh national census in 2021, the total number of foreign nationals in China was 845,000, representing only 0.06% of the country’s total population. This means that in a country with a population of over one billion, foreigners are virtually invisible. This proportion is lower than that of India, Japan, and even many African countries, and only slightly higher than that of North Korea. In other words, China is almost the most “ethnically homogeneous” country in the world.

Yet, amidst this reality, Beijing launched the so-called “K visa” policy on October 1st of this year, claiming to attract STEM talent from around the world and create a “Chinese version of the H-1B visa.” This was promoted as a new initiative of “high-level opening up” aimed at competing with the United States for scientific and technological talent.

中国的“K签证”

Ironically, as soon as this visa policy was announced, public opinion turned against it. The Weibo hashtag, “#WillK Visas Let Foreigners Steal Our Jobs#,” trended, and the comments section became a forum for xenophobia and resentment. The People’s Daily was forced to personally address the issue in an attempt to salvage its image. However, netizens’ anger stemmed not from their perceived xenophobia but from the fact that they had long been conditioned by the system to be closed-minded and hostile.

The information firewall erected by the Chinese government over the years has left the vast majority of Chinese people with virtually no opportunities to interact directly with the outside world. With few foreigners, rigid foreign language education, and censored overseas media, the entire online public opinion ecosystem has naturally slid into a closed, narrow-minded nationalism. Consequently, when the K visa was introduced, this “internationalization behind the firewall” became a farce: citizens feared foreigners would “invade China,” even leading to absurd rhetoric about “preventing Indianization” and a “repeat of the Five Barbarians’ Invasion of China.”

But the root of the problem lies not in the K visa itself, but in a society that has long been trapped in a system of lies. How can a regime that doesn’t even trust its own citizens attract foreign talent?

Consider the reality: During the same period, China’s youth unemployment rate reached 18.9%, and that’s an “optimized” figure; 22-year-old international student Zhang Yadi was charged with “inciting secession” for participating in the “Pro-Tibet Association” and faces a possible 15-year prison sentence; online blogger Hu Chenfeng was blocked and targeted for expressing dissenting opinions. In a country where “speech can be a crime,” do foreigners really dare to come?

Even if they do come, they’ll find themselves on an information island with no WhatsApp, no YouTube, and no free internet access. How can innovation be achieved when even basic communication is a problem?

In reality, the K visa isn’t a symbol of “openness” but rather a product of the authorities’ anxiety. It’s not intended to attract talent, but rather to create the illusion of “openness,” reassuring international investors that the system remains stable and reliable. Internally, however, the government continues to block information and suppress dissent. Externally, it maintains a smiling face, attempting to win over technology and capital on the global stage.

This is a classic example of “double-sided opening”: an outward-looking mask, an introverted soul.

Thus, the “K visa” China truly needs isn’t one for foreigners, but for its own young people.

It allows them to move freely, unconstrained by household registration; to express themselves freely without being blocked; to choose their faith freely without fear of being accused of “cultism”; and to change their destiny through hard work, not relying on connections or background.

Only when China’s youth become true “citizens,” rather than “subjects of rule,” can China truly speak of opening up to the outside world. Otherwise, no matter how many visas are issued or how many “talent introduction parks” are built, it will merely be putting a “Welcome” sign on a taller wall.

True openness isn’t about letting foreigners in, but about letting Chinese people go out, speak the truth, and live like human beings.

K visas only address numbers; it’s the system that changes destiny.

何愚:我曾经是一個天使

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作者:何愚(He Yu)
編輯:gloria wang 责任编辑:胡丽莉 校对:冯仍 翻译:tomorrow

我曾经是一只天使
不是在天上
就是在圆形的田野里
圆形的边缘
有蓝色的花边

我才不顾那漂亮的花边
小河的鱼儿
用长长的胡须
牵着我浪走了世界

我才不顾天上的云朵摇摇欲坠
牧羊的小伙
用他奶奶的话儿
给我讲着古言

我就是一只天使
他们不信
我也不信
慢慢地 我也相信了他们

2020年3月29日

I used to be an angel

Text: He Yu
Editor: Gloria Wang Editor-in-Chief: Hu Lili Proofreader: Feng Reng
Translator: tomorrow

I was once an angel—
not in the sky,
but in a round field,
its edges trimmed
with blue lace.

I cared nothing
for that lovely lace.
The little river’s fish,
with their long whiskers,
took me drifting
around the world.

I cared nothing
for clouds trembling above.
A shepherd boy,
with his grandmother’s words,
told me ancient tales.

I was an angel,
they didn’t believe it.
I didn’t believe it either.
Slowly—
I began to believe them.


作者更多文章请见:

https://sites.google.com/view/he-yu/home

https://yibaochina.com/?p=256916

https://minzhuzhongguo.org/?p=110475

https://beijingspring.com/bj2/2010/500/713202435608.htm

https://www.zyd1998.com/archives/5196

https://beijingspring.com/bj2/2010/500/713202435608.htm

零八宪章(一)

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2008年12月9日初稿,12月22日改定

附录:征求意见文本

零 八 宪 章

今年是中国立宪百年,《世界人权宣言》公布60周年,“民主墙”,诞生30周年,中国政府签署《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》10周年。在经历了长期的人权灾难和艰难曲折的抗争历程之后,觉醒的中国公民日渐清楚地认识到,自由、平等、人权是人类共同的普世价值;民主、共和、宪政是现代政治的基本制度架构。抽离了这些普世价值和基本政制架构的“现代化”,是剥夺人的权利、践踏人性、摧毁人的尊严的灾难过程。21世纪的中国将走向何方,是继续这种威权统治下的“现代化”,还是认同普世价值、融入主流文明、建立民主政体?这是一个不容回避的世纪抉择。

1840年的中西冲突揭开了中华大地上“数千年未有之大变局”的序幕。洋务运动开始了器物层面的模仿,戊戌变法尝试了制度更新,辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延续2000多年的君主专制,建立了亚洲第一个共和国。但是囿于当时内忧外患、社会纷争的特定历史条件,共和政体只是昙花一现,这片土地旋即陷入了军阀割据。器物模仿和制度更新的失败,推动国人深入到对文化病根的反思,遂有以“科学与民主”为旗帜的“五四”新文化运动,但由于内战频繁和日本入侵,中国政治民主化历程被迫中断。抗日战争胜利后的中国再次开启宪政历程,但国共内战的结果却让中国陷入了现代极权主义的深渊,1949年建立的“新中国”,名义上是“人民主权”,实质上是一党专制。中共垄断了所有政治、经济和社会资源,制造了反右、大跃进、文革、六•四、打压民间宗教活动和维权运动等一系列人权灾难,致使数千万人失去生命,国家付出了极为惨重的代价。

二十世纪后期的“改革开放”,使中国摆脱了毛泽东时代的普遍贫困和绝对极权,民间财富和民众生活水平有了大幅度提高,个人的经济自由和权利得到部分恢复,公民社会开始生长,民间对人权和政治自由的呼声日益高涨。执政者也在进行走向市场化和私有化的经济改革的同时,开始了从拒绝人权到逐渐承认人权的转变。1998年中国政府签署了两个重要的国际人权公约,2004年把“尊重和保障人权”写进宪法,今年又承诺制订和推行《国家人权行动计划》。但是,这些政治进步迄今为止大多停留在纸面上,有法律而无法治,有宪法而无宪政,仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系专制统治、排拒政治变革,由此导致官场腐败,法治难立,人权不彰,道德沦丧,社会两极分化,经济畸形发展,自然环境和人文环境遭到双重破坏,公民的自由、财产和追求幸福的权利得不到制度化的保障,各种社会矛盾不断积累,不满情绪持续高涨,特别是官民对立日益激化,正在酿造着灾难性的暴力冲突,现行体制的落伍已经到了非改不可的地步。

当此决定中国未来命运的历史关头,让我们廓清100多年来的现代化历程,重申如下基本价值理念:

自由:自由是普世价值的核心之所在。言论自由、出版自由、信仰自由、集会自由、结社自由、迁徙自由、罢工自由和游行示威的自由等等都是自由的具体体现。自由不昌,则中国距文明尚远矣。

人权:人权不是国家赐予,而是每个人与生俱来就应享有尊严和自由。保障人权,既是政府的首要目标和公共权力合法性的基础,也是“以人为本”的内在要求。中国的历次政治灾难都与执政当局对人权的无视密切相关。人是国家的主体,国家服务于人民,政府为人民而存在。

平等:每一个个体的人,不论社会地位、职业、性别、经济状况、种族、肤色、宗教或政治信仰,其人格、尊严、自由都是平等的。必须落实法律面前人人平等的原则,落实公民的社会、经济、文化、政治权利平等的原则。

共和:共和就是“大家共治,和平共生”,就是多种利益成分、不同社会集团、多元文化与信仰追求的群体,在平等参政、公平竞争、共同议政的基础上,进行共同治理。

民主:最基本的涵义是人民主权和民选政府。民主具有如下基本特点:(1)政权的合法性来自人民,政治权力来源于人民;(2)政治统治经过人民选择,(3)公民享有真正的选举权,各级政府的主要政务官员必须通过定期的竞选产生。(4)尊重多数人的决定,同时保护少数人的基本人权。一句话,民主使政府成为“民有,民治,民享”的现代公器。

宪政:宪政是通过法律规定和法制来保障宪法确定的公民自由和权利的原则,限制并划定政府权力和行为的边界,并提供相应的制度设施。

在中国,帝国皇权的时代早已一去不复返了;在世界范围内,威权体制也日近黄昏;公民应该成为真正的国家主人。祛除依赖“明君”、“清官”的臣民意识,张扬权利为本、参与为责的公民意识,实践自由,躬行民主,尊奉法治,才是中国的根本出路。藉此,我们本着负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下基本主张:

1、根据前述价值理念修改宪法,删除现行宪法中不符合主权在民原则的条文,使宪法真正成为人权的保证书,真正成为公共权力的许可状。

2、构建分权制衡的现代政府,保证立法、司法、行政三权分立。确立法定行政和责任政府的原则,防止行政权力过分扩张;政府应对纳税人负责;公务员应保持政治中立;在中央和地方之间建立分权与制衡制度,中央权力须由宪法明确界定授权,地方实行充分自治。

3、各级民意机关和立法机构由直选产生,立法秉持公平正义原则,实行立法民主。

4、司法应超越党派,实行司法独立,保障司法公正;设立宪法法院,建立违宪审查制度,维护宪法权威。尽早撤销严重危害国家法治的各级党的政法委员会,避免公器私用。

5、实现军队国家化,提高军队职业化水平。军人应效忠于宪法,效忠于国家,在政治上保持中立,政党组织应从军队中退出。

6、切实保障人权,维护人的尊严。设立对最高民意机关负责的人权委员会,防止政府滥用公权侵犯人权,尤其要保障公民的人身自由,任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、传讯、审问、处罚,废除劳动教养制度。

7、全面推行民主选举制度,落实一人一票的平等选举权。行政首长的直选应立即开始在县市省和国家各级推行。定期自由竞争选举和参选行政官员是不可剥夺的基本人权。

8、废除现行的城乡二元户籍制度,落实公民一律平等的宪法权利,保障公民的自由迁徙权。

9、保障公民的结社自由,将现行的社团登记审批制改为备案制。在中国现行国情下,特别要以宪法和法律规范政党行为,取消一党垄断执政特权,确立政党活动自由和公平竞争的原则,实现政党政治正常化和法制化。

10、和平集会、游行、示威和表达自由,是宪法规定的公民基本自由,不应受到执政党和政府的非法干预与违宪限制。

11、落实言论自由、出版自由和学术自由,保障公民的知情权和监督权;制订《新闻法》和《出版法》,废除现行《刑法》中的“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”条款,杜绝以言治罪。

12、保障宗教自由与信仰自由,实行政教分离,宗教信仰活动不受政府干预。审查并撤销限制或剥夺公民宗教自由的行政法规、行政规章和地方性法规;禁止以行政立法管理宗教活动。废除宗教团体(包括宗教活动场所)必经登记始获合法地位的事先许可制度,代之以无须任何审查的备案制。

13、取消服务于一党统治、带有浓厚意识形态色彩的政治教育与政治考试,推广以普世价值和公民权利为本的公民教育。

14、确立和保护私有财产权利,实行自由、开放的市场经济制度,保障创业自由,消除行政垄断;设立对最高民意机关负责的国有资产管理委员会,合法有序地展开产权改革,明晰产权归属和责任者;开展新土地运动,推进土地私有化,切实保障公民尤其是农民的土地所有权。

15、确立民主财政和保障纳税人的权利。建立权责明确的公共财政制度构架和运行机制,建立各级政府合理有效的财政分权体系;对赋税制度进行重大改革,以降低税率、简化税制、公平税负。非经社会公共选择过程,民意机关决议,行政部门不得随意加税、开征新税。通过产权改革,引进多元市场主体和竞争机制,降低金融准入门槛,为发展民间金融创造条件,使现有金融机构充分发挥活力。

16、建立覆盖全体国民的社会保障体制,使国民在教育、医疗、养老和就业等方面得到最基本的保障。

17、保护生态环境,提倡可持续发展,为子孙后代和全人类负责;明确落实国家及其各级官员必须为此承担的相应责任;发挥民间组织在环境保护中的参与和监督的作用。

18、以平等、公正、宽容的姿态参与维持地区和平与发展,塑造一个负责任的大国形象。维护香港、澳门的自由制度。在自由民主的原则下,寻求海峡两岸之间平等谈判与合作互动的方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁荣的可能途径和制度设计,最终在联邦制的架构下建立中华共同体。

19、实现转型正义,为历次政治运动中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家属恢复名誉,给予国家赔偿;释放所有政治犯和良心犯,释放所有因信仰而获罪的人员;成立真相调查委员会,查清历史事件的真相,厘清责任,伸张正义;在此基础上寻求社会和解。

中国作为世界大国,作为联合国安理会五个常任理事国之一和人权理事会的成员,理应为人类和平事业与人权进步做出自身的贡献。但令人遗憾的是,在当今世界的所有大国里,唯独中国还处在威权主义政治生态中,并由此造成连绵不断的人权灾难和社会危机,影响到中华民族自身发展乃至于对整个人类文明的贡献——这一局面必须改变!政治民主化变革不能再拖延下去。

为此,我们本着勇于践行的公民精神,公布《零八宪章》。我们希望所有具有同样危机感、责任感和使命感的中国公民,不分朝野,不论身份,以各自的方式积极参与公民运动,共同推动中国社会的伟大变革,以期早日建成一个自由、民主、宪政的国家,实现国人百余年来锲而不舍的追求与梦想。

宪章首批签名者152人:

(略)

以下待确认:

(略)

何愚 摘自中文笔会:张裕:刘晓波 笔会和《零八宪章》的几个稿本

Charter 08 (I)

First draft, December 9, 2008, revised, December 22

Appendix: Text for Comment

Charter 08

(Draft for Comment)

This year marks the centennial of China’s constitutional establishment, the 60th anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 30th anniversary of the founding of the “Democracy Wall” (initiated and organized by Mr. Zhu Yufu in 1988), and the 10th anniversary of the Chinese government’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. After enduring a long period of human rights disasters and a difficult and tortuous struggle, awakening Chinese citizens have increasingly come to realize that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values ​​shared by humanity; and that democracy, republicanism, and constitutionalism are the fundamental institutional framework of modern politics.”Modernization” stripped of these universal values ​​and the fundamental political framework is a disastrous process that deprives people of their rights, tramples upon human nature, and destroys their dignity. Where will China head in the 21st century? Will it continue this “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal values, integrate into mainstream civilization, and establish a democratic system? This is an unavoidable choice of the century.

The Sino-Western conflict of 1840 marked the beginning of a major transformation unprecedented in thousands of years across China. The Westernization Movement initiated imitation at the level of artifacts, the Hundred Days’ Reform attempted institutional renewal, and the Xinhai Revolution superficially ended the monarchy that had lasted for over 2,000 years, establishing Asia’s first republic. However, due to the specific historical conditions of internal and external troubles and social strife, the republican system was short-lived, and the land soon fell into warlordism.The failure of imitating objects and updating systems pushed the Chinese people to reflect deeply on the root causes of cultural problems, which led to the May Fourth New Culture Movement with “science and democracy” as its banner. However, due to frequent civil wars and the Japanese invasion, China’s political democratization process was forced to be interrupted.After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, China once again embarked on the path of constitutional government. However, the outcome of the Chinese Civil War plunged China into the abyss of modern totalitarianism. The “New China” established in 1949 nominally advocated “popular sovereignty,” but in reality was a one-party dictatorship. The CCP monopolized all political, economic, and social resources, inflicting a series of human rights disasters, including the Anti-Rightist Movement, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution, the June 4th Incident, and the suppression of popular religious activities and rights protection movements. These resulted in the loss of tens of millions of lives and a heavy price for the country.

The “reform and opening up” of the late 20th century lifted China out of the widespread poverty and absolute totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era. Private wealth and living standards increased significantly, individual economic freedoms and rights were partially restored, civil society began to grow, and public demands for human rights and political freedoms grew louder. While the ruling party was carrying out economic reforms toward marketization and privatization, it also began a shift from a rejection of human rights to a gradual recognition of them.In 1998, the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions. In 2004, it incorporated “respecting and protecting human rights” into its constitution. This year, it pledged to develop and implement a national human rights action plan. However, these political advances have largely remained on paper. The political reality remains that there are laws without the rule of law, and a constitution without constitutional governance.The ruling group continues to insist on maintaining autocratic rule and reject political change, which has led to official corruption, difficulty in establishing the rule of law, lack of human rights, moral decline, social polarization, abnormal economic development, and double damage to the natural and human environments. Citizens’ freedom, property and right to pursue happiness are not institutionally guaranteed. Various social contradictions continue to accumulate, and dissatisfaction continues to rise. In particular, the confrontation between officials and the people is becoming increasingly intensified, which is brewing catastrophic violent conflicts. The backwardness of the current system has reached a point where it must be changed.

At this historic juncture that will determine China’s future, let us clarify the course of modernization over the past century and reaffirm the following fundamental values:

Freedom: Freedom is the core of universal values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of belief, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of movement, freedom to strike, and freedom of demonstration are all concrete manifestations of freedom. Without freedom, China remains far from civilization.

Human rights: Human rights are not granted by the state; rather, they are the dignity and freedom that every person is born with. Protecting human rights is not only the government’s primary goal and the foundation of the legitimacy of public power, but also an inherent requirement of a “people-centered” approach. China’s past political disasters have been closely linked to the ruling authorities’ disregard for human rights. People are the core of the state; the state serves the people, and the government exists for the people.

Equality: Every individual, regardless of social status, occupation, gender, economic status, race, skin color, religion, or political beliefs, is equal in personality, dignity, and freedom. The principle of equality before the law and the equal social, economic, cultural, and political rights of citizens must be upheld.

Republic: Republic means “joint governance and peaceful coexistence”, which means that groups with various interests, different social groups, diverse cultures and beliefs will jointly govern on the basis of equal participation in politics, fair competition and joint discussion of politics.

Democracy: Its most basic meaning is popular sovereignty and democratically elected government. Democracy has the following basic characteristics: (1) The legitimacy of the regime comes from the people, and political power originates from the people; (2) Political rule is chosen by the people; (3) Citizens enjoy genuine electoral rights, and key government officials at all levels must be elected through regular elections. (4) The decisions of the majority are respected, while the basic human rights of the minority are protected. In short, democracy makes the government a modern public institution “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Constitutionalism: Constitutionalism is the principle of safeguarding the citizens’ freedoms and rights established in the Constitution through legal provisions and legal system, limiting and defining the boundaries of government power and behavior, and providing corresponding institutional facilities.

In China, the era of imperial power is long gone; worldwide, authoritarian systems are also nearing their twilight years. Citizens should become the true masters of their country. Eliminating the subject mentality of relying on “wise rulers” and “honest officials,” promoting a civic consciousness based on rights and responsibility, practicing freedom, practicing democracy, and upholding the rule of law are the fundamental path forward for China. Therefore, in the spirit of responsible and constructive citizenship, we propose the following fundamental propositions regarding the country’s political system, citizens’ rights, and social development:

1. Amend the Constitution in accordance with the aforementioned values ​​and remove provisions in the current Constitution that are inconsistent with the principle of popular sovereignty, so that the Constitution truly serves as a guarantee of human rights and a true license for public power.

2. Build a modern government with checks and balances, ensuring the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Establish the principles of statutory administration and responsible government to prevent the excessive expansion of executive power. The government should be accountable to taxpayers; civil servants should maintain political neutrality. Establish a system of separation of powers and checks and balances between the central and local governments. Central power must be clearly defined and authorized by the Constitution, and local governments should exercise full autonomy.

3. All levels of public opinion organs and legislative bodies shall be directly elected, and legislation shall uphold the principles of fairness and justice, practicing legislative democracy.

4. The judiciary shall transcend partisanship, exercise judicial independence, and guarantee judicial fairness. A constitutional court shall be established, and a system of constitutional review shall be established to safeguard the authority of the Constitution. Party political and legal committees at all levels that seriously undermine the rule of law in the country shall be abolished as soon as possible to prevent the misuse of public resources for private purposes.

5. The military shall be nationalized and its professionalism enhanced. Soldiers shall be loyal to the Constitution and the nation, and remain politically neutral. Political parties shall withdraw from the military.

6. Effectively protect human rights and uphold human dignity. A human rights commission accountable to the highest public authority should be established to prevent the government from abusing public power and violating human rights. Citizens’ personal freedom must be guaranteed, and no one should be subjected to illegal arrest, detention, summons, interrogation, or punishment. The reeducation-through-labor system should be abolished.

7. Fully implement a democratic electoral system and ensure the equal right to vote, with one person, one vote. Direct elections of administrative heads should be implemented immediately at the county, city, provincial, and national levels. Regular, free, and competitive elections for and participation in administrative office are inalienable fundamental human rights.

8. Abolish the current dual urban-rural household registration system, implement the constitutional rights of equal opportunity for all citizens, and safeguard citizens’ right to free movement.

9. Guarantee citizens’ freedom of association by replacing the current registration and approval system for social organizations with a filing system. Given China’s current national conditions, it is particularly important to regulate the behavior of political parties in accordance with the Constitution and laws, eliminate the one-party monopoly on ruling privileges, establish the principles of free party activities and fair competition, and achieve the normalization and legalization of party politics.

10. Freedom of peaceful assembly, procession, demonstration, and expression are fundamental civil liberties enshrined in the Constitution and should not be subject to illegal interference or unconstitutional restrictions by the ruling party and government.

11. Implement freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom, safeguarding citizens’ rights to know and oversight; formulate a Press Law and a Publishing Law, abolish the “incitement to subvert state power” provision in the current Criminal Law, and put an end to criminalizing people for their speech.

12. Guarantee religious freedom and freedom of belief, implement the separation of religion and state, and ensure that religious activities are free from government interference. Review and revoke administrative regulations, rules, and local laws that restrict or deprive citizens of religious freedom; prohibit the use of administrative legislation to manage religious activities. Abolish the prior authorization system that requires religious groups (including religious venues) to obtain legal status and replace it with a filing system that does not require any review.

13. Abolish political education and examinations that serve one-party rule and are heavily tinged with ideology, and promote civic education based on universal values ​​and citizens’ rights.

14. Establish and protect private property rights, implement a free and open market economic system, guarantee freedom of entrepreneurship, and eliminate administrative monopolies; establish a State-owned Assets Management Commission accountable to the highest public opinion organ, carry out property rights reform in a legal and orderly manner, clarify property ownership and responsibilities; launch a new land movement, promote land privatization, and effectively protect the land ownership of citizens, especially farmers.

15. Establish democratic finance and safeguard taxpayer rights. Establish a public finance system framework and operational mechanism with clear responsibilities and powers, and establish a rational and effective system of fiscal decentralization at all levels of government. Carry out major reforms to the tax system to reduce tax rates, simplify the tax system, and ensure fair tax burdens. Administrative departments may not arbitrarily increase or impose new taxes without a public choice process and a resolution by public opinion bodies. Through property rights reform, introduce diversified market players and a competitive mechanism, lower financial entry barriers, create conditions for the development of private finance, and enable existing financial institutions to fully revitalize themselves.

16. Establish a social security system covering all citizens, ensuring they receive the most basic protections in education, healthcare, retirement, and employment.

17. Protect the ecological environment, promote sustainable development, and take responsibility for future generations and all of humanity. Clearly define the responsibilities that the state and its officials at all levels must assume in this regard. Furthermore, leverage the role of non-governmental organizations in participating in and overseeing environmental protection.

18. Participate in maintaining regional peace and development with an attitude of equality, fairness, and tolerance, and cultivate the image of a responsible major power. Uphold the free systems of Hong Kong and Macao. Under the principles of freedom and democracy, seek solutions for equal negotiation and cooperative interaction across the Taiwan Strait. With great wisdom, explore possible paths and institutional designs for the common prosperity of all ethnic groups, ultimately establishing a Chinese community within a federal framework.

19. Achieve transitional justice, restore the reputation of those who suffered political persecution in previous political movements and their families, and provide state compensation; release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, and release all those convicted for their beliefs; establish a truth-finding committee to ascertain the truth of historical events, clarify responsibilities, and uphold justice; and seek social reconciliation on this basis.

As a major world power, one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, and a member of the Human Rights Council, China should make its own contributions to the cause of human peace and the advancement of human rights. Unfortunately, among all the major powers in the world today, China alone remains trapped in an authoritarian political environment. This has resulted in continuous human rights disasters and social crises, impacting the development of the Chinese nation and even its contribution to human civilization as a whole. This situation must change! Political democratization cannot be delayed any longer.

To this end, we, in the spirit of courageous civic action, publish Charter 08. We hope that all Chinese citizens, regardless of government or opposition, who share a common sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, will actively participate in the civic movement in their own ways and jointly promote the great transformation of Chinese society, with the goal of establishing a free, democratic, and constitutional nation at an early date, and realizing the unwavering pursuit and dream of the Chinese people for over a century.

The first 152 signatories of the Charter are:

(omitted)

The following are pending confirmation:

(omitted)

He Yu, Excerpted from the Chinese PEN Center: Zhang Yu: Liu Xiaobo, PEN Center, and Several Drafts of Charter 08

Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Feng Reng

Translation: tomorrow

我的兄弟邹巍

0
我的兄弟邹巍

作者:小乔
责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:刘芳

我的兄弟邹巍

我和邹巍兄弟相识于十年前,而在此之前,我们于网络上的交流则更早,早在2008年我去国之前,邹巍兄弟就曾邀约我去杭城一见,那时我所在的城市上海距离杭州不过一、两小时的车程,且杭州是我“故地”,90年代我曾在杭打工两年,对这座风光旖旎、人文荟萃的城市颇多好感,无奈彼时我已被有司“重点关照”,非但有过被从旅游地“押解”回沪的经历,还往往连累到当地接待的盆友被盘问等诸多不便,因此我对邹兄弟的邀约犹疑未决。

后来,我去国五载,又经历一番“曲折”回国,兜兜转转,在于网络“神交”多年之后,我才在2015年第一次见到了邹巍兄弟。邹巍兄弟衣着简朴,语言平和,对待朋友非常热心、真诚。那之后,我们就成了无话不谈的朋友,多数时候是通过网络。

邹兄弟曾是浙大毕业的高材生,但由于“众所周知”的原因,他却多年来无法正常工作,生活陷于困顿。而在此困厄中,他依旧有着达观的生活态度和对人的真诚、善意与乐于助人。对于时局,他比我乐观,认为“世界潮流浩浩荡荡,顺之者昌,逆之者亡”,“道路是曲折的,前途是光明的”,文明的潮流势不可挡,我等“但问耕耘莫问收获”。而我则在去国飘零五年后,回来再度面临故园的种种凋敝,尤其经历过 2017 年的重大打击后,又眼见着役情、封控等种种的末世疯狂,愈发地心灰意冷,深陷个人的渺小与无力感,只能在命运的潮流中随波逐流,以“躺平”面对无常。

邹兄弟每年主持着杭城朋友为各地难友的“送饭”,并时不时为公义挺身而出身体力行。之后我又去过杭城三四回,每一次邹兄弟总是热情地为我和朋友张罗安顿住处,并尽力抽空陪我们在秀丽的西子湖畔和运河两岸观光游览。未曾想去岁夏,邹兄弟只不过与其他几位朋友,就在孙中山先生发出上一段中的感慨“名言”之地散散步,献上几束花,竟让他与另一位兄弟身陷囹圄,至今已有半载。

一月前的岁末之交,我于公历2024年的最后一日再度来到杭城,暂居于之前邹兄弟介绍认识的另一位好友家中,我们回忆起往昔与邹兄弟在一起的快乐时光,担忧着他目下的处境,尤其他还是一位几年前曾做过癌症手术的病患者,虽说他手术后的定期复查显示预后不错,一直没有复发迹象,但他如今所处的恶劣环境……想起邹兄弟前几年每一年的岁末张罗着为杭城和其他地方的难友“送饭”,如今为他人抱薪者遭逢风刀霜剑严相摧,我们却不知能为他做点什么?不禁扼腕长叹。

第二天,朋友开车带我去一家养老院,探望了邹兄弟八旬高龄的老母,老人家神气清朗,对我和朋友的探望一再表示谢意。我们只能尽量安慰老人:邹巍有很多的朋友都很敬重、关注他,他没什么大事,很快就会回来。而我这样对老人说时,是“心虚”的,因为天知道邹兄弟这一次的劫难会是多久?我从朋友那里了解到,邹兄弟的父亲身体状况更不好,需要长期住医院,且神志已不太清醒,无法交流,因此去探望与否可能意义不大。之前邹兄弟长期在家照顾年迈父母,他唯一的妹妹则长期在国外工作,担负着家里主要的经济重担。

邹巍“出事”以后,妹妹回国将原本在家由邹巍照顾的母亲安顿进了一家条件不错的养老院,而父亲的身体状况,已经只适合长期住在医院里。由于要负担两位老人每月不菲的生活和医疗费用,妹妹不能放弃国外的工作,因此只得将两位老人安顿下来后,委托在杭城的朋友照顾、处理日常一些事宜。我暂时放弃了去医院探望邹父的打算,请那位朋友帮忙约了几位与邹巍的“按情”相关的朋友,一起吃饭、交流,想了解更多的信息,判断下一步的按情走向。

当我们吃完午饭,回到附近一位朋友的办公室茶叙时,不幸有司突然找上门来,进门就问:“你们这里哪位是上海来的?”我站起身答道:“我是。”这种突如其来的“不可描述”的“意外”状况,令我颇感觉诧异,毕竟在此之前我的三四次来杭未曾经历过如此待遇,包括最近一次与邹巍见面的2023年夏,那次我还与刚出“炼狱”不久的艳丽妹子同行,在杭城邹兄弟与其他几位朋友轮番陪同,足足逛了五天……感谢有司那次的不“逐客”之恩。(此处省略1000字)

总之,在我抵达杭城的翌日,新年元旦,我被有司下达了“逐客令”,便衣同志客气地开车“礼送”我至火车站,确认我订好了回程票后,说道:我们就不跟车站这边的同志打招呼了,免得对你造成不便……这次大概有些特殊情况不巧,下次适当的时候你可以再来。我不想与具体工作人员起什么冲突,但还是怀着郁闷的心情,在新年的第一天“被迫”离开了杭城。而我原本的计划也只不过在此停留两三天,只是想探望一下邹兄弟的父母,见几位朋友了解一下相关信息,原本也打算3号就离开。

今天是除夕夜,面对着美酒佳肴和亲朋的欢声笑语,我不禁又想到了蒙难的邹巍兄弟,不知道他在那边过得好不好?过年了,可吃得上一口可口的饭菜?可有汤圆或水饺?就在去年春节,邹巍兄弟还在微信聊天时邀我带上年迈的父亲去杭城一游,说吃住他来安排,我因为父亲年迈,不欲在寒冷冬日里远行而错过了与邹兄弟见面的一次机会。

总以为来日方长,天涯未远,江湖再见有时。而今故人零落已无声,重来不见昔时容,空忆起“桃李春风一杯酒”,但愿不会是“江湖夜雨十年灯”。

“此后如竟没有炬火,我便是唯一的光”,邹巍兄弟,我知道,你是怀着乡贤这般的信念与使命感,自我选择了自己的路。我虽满心牵挂,也只能目送你的征程,并在心里默默为你祝福。兄弟,新年好!多保重!我们期待着你的归来。

My Brother ZOU Wei

Author: Xiaoqiao
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Liu Fang

I first met my brother ZOU Wei ten years ago, though our exchanges online began much earlier. As far back as 2008, before I went abroad, ZOU had already invited me to visit him in Hangzhou. At that time, I was living in Shanghai, only an hour or two away by train, and Hangzhou was a place dear to me. I had worked there for two years in the 1990s and held a deep affection for that city of graceful scenery and rich culture. I was, at that time, already under “special attention” from the authorities. I had once been escorted back to Shanghai from a trip and had often caused trouble for any friends who received me, as they would be questioned afterward. For that reason, I hesitated to accept Wei’s invitation.

Later, after spending five years abroad and enduring a circuitous return home, I finally met my brother ZOU Wei in person in 2015—after years of friendship nurtured only through the internet. He dressed plainly and spoke softly, yet his kindness and sincerity radiated. From then on, we became close, sharing everything, though most of our conversations still took place online.

Wei was a top graduate of Zhejiang University, but for reasons that need no elaboration, he had long been unable to find steady employment and lived in financial hardship. Yet even amid those struggles, he remained optimistic, kindhearted, and ever ready to help others. He was far more optimistic about the world than I. Wei believed that ‘the tide of history is irresistible; those who follow it will prosper, those who defy it will perish.’ He liked to quote, ‘The road is tortuous, but the future is bright.’ Civilization, he would say, always moves forward. As for us, ‘we should sow without asking when we will harvest.’ I, having returned from five drifting years abroad, found myself disillusioned by decay at home—especially after the blows of 2017 and the madness of the pandemic and lockdowns. I felt small, helpless, and could only choose to lie still and let the current carry me.

Every year, Wei organized meals for those in need across Hangzhou and other places. Whenever I visited the city—three or four times in total—he would warmly arrange everything for my stay, taking time to accompany us along the West Lake and the Grand Canal. But last summer, fate turned cruel. Wei and a few friends merely walked by a spot where Sun Yat-sen once uttered a famous line about the destiny of the nation. They laid a few flowers there—and for that simple act, Wei and another companion were imprisoned. It has been half a year since.

At the end of 2024, I returned to Hangzhou again. Staying with an old friend Wei had introduced, we reminisced about our times together and worried about him—especially since he had undergone cancer surgery a few years before. His follow-up tests had shown good recovery, but now, in such harsh conditions, how could his health endure? Every New Year’s Eve, he would once organize meals for others; now the one who carried the torch has been struck down, and we, left behind, can only sigh in helplessness.

The next day, a friend drove me to a nursing home to visit Wei’s elderly mother. She was in her eighties, yet her eyes still bright. She thanked us repeatedly for coming. We tried to reassure her, saying that Wei had many friends who cared about him and that he would surely return soon. But as I spoke, my heart faltered—who could truly say how long his ordeal would last? I learned from a friend that Zou’s father was in even poorer health—he needed to stay in the hospital for long-term care. His mind was no longer clear, and he could hardly communicate, so visiting him would have meant little. For many years, Wei had been caring for his aging parents at home, while his only sister worked abroad, carrying most of the family’s financial burden.

After Wei’s “incident,” his sister returned to China and placed their mother—whom Wei had been caring for—into a well-appointed nursing home. Their father, whose condition had worsened, could now only remain in the hospital permanently. Because she must bear the considerable monthly expenses for both parents’ living and medical costs, Wei’s sister could not give up her job overseas. After arranging for their care, she entrusted some friends in Hangzhou to look after the elderly couple and handle their daily matters. I decided not to visit the hospital for the time being and instead asked one of those friends to invite several people familiar with Wei’s case to have a meal together, to exchange information and learn more about the situation, hoping to understand where things might go next.

After lunch, we were having tea when officials suddenly appeared, asking, ‘Who here is from Shanghai?’ I stood up and said, ‘I am.’ Such unexpected visits surprised me—none of my earlier trips to Hangzhou had drawn such attention, even my meeting with Wei in the summer of 2023, when we spent five carefree days exploring the city. (About 1,000 words omitted here for brevity.)

The next morning, New Year’s Day, I was given a ‘departure notice.’ Plainclothes officers courteously drove me to the train station, confirming my ticket home. ‘We won’t inform the staff here,’ one said. ‘We don’t want to cause you trouble.’ …It seems there were some special circumstances this time. Perhaps you can come again when the time is right. I did not wish to argue with the staff or cause any conflict, but I still left Hangzhou with a heavy heart on the first day of the new year—forced to depart. My plan had been simple: to stay only two or three days, visit Wei’s parents, meet a few friends, and learn more about his situation. I had even intended to leave on the third.

Now it is New Year’s Eve. Surrounded by fine food, wine, and the cheerful voices of family and friends, my thoughts once again turn to my unfortunate brother Zou. I cannot help but wonder—how is he doing over there? It is the New Year; can he at least have a warm and satisfying meal? Perhaps a bowl of dumplings or sweet rice balls? Just last Spring Festival, my brother Zou invited me over WeChat to bring my elderly father to Hangzhou for a visit. He said he would take care of everything—our meals and lodging alike. But because of my father’s age, I hesitated to travel far in the cold of winter, and thus missed what would become a chance to see him once more.

I thought there would be plenty of time ahead, that distance was never too great, and that someday, somewhere, we would meet again in this wandering world.

Now, the years have fallen silent. I can no longer see his face, only remember the warmth of our friendship. I recall the ancient line of poetry, “A cup of wine beneath the blossoms in spring,” and pray it will not become “a decade of lamplight flickering through rain and exile”.

‘If no torch remains, I will be the light.’ My brother Wei, I know that you chose your path out of conviction and faith. Though I am filled with worry, I can only watch your journey from afar and silently wish you well. Brother, Happy New Year. Take care. We await your return.

双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

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双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

作者:曾群兰

编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:罗志飞

我叫曾群兰,来自江西吉安。2025年10月11日,我与中国民主党人及海外民运人士一道,参加了由  中国民主党、《在野党》杂志社、中国民主人权联盟及全能基督灭共阵线联合主办的——《双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动》

作为本次活动的主持人之一及《在野党》杂志社宣发部副部长。

我怀着无比激动与庄严的心情,站在洛杉矶这片自由的土地上,高举青天白日满地红的旗帜,与志同道合的朋友们一同缅怀历史、呼唤自由。
双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动

Commemoration of the Double Tenth Day and the 759th Jasmine Action

Author: ZENG QunlanEditor: HU Lili · Executive Editor: LUO Zhifei Translator: LIU Fang

My name is ZENG Qunlan, and I come from Ji’an, Jiangxi Province.

On October 11, 2025, together with members of the China Democracy Party, overseas democracy activists, and human rights advocates, I participated in the Commemoration of the Double Tenth Day and the 759th Jasmine Action, co-hosted by the China Democracy Party, Opposition Party magazine, the Chinese Democratic and Human Rights Alliance, and the Almighty Christ Anti-Communist Front.

I served as one of the hosts of the event and as Deputy Director of the Publicity Department of The Opposition Party magazine.

With deep excitement and solemn emotion, I stood on the free soil of Los Angeles, raising high the Blue Sky, White Sun, and a Wholly Red Earth flag, joining like-minded friends in remembering history and calling out for freedom.

双十节纪念暨第759次茉莉花行动