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7月27日 旧金山中国领事馆缅怀太石村人民的勇气,致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲

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7月27日 旧金山中国领事馆缅怀太石村人民的勇气,致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲

July 27 | In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
In Memory of the Courage of the People of Taishi Village, In Tribute to the Sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong

7月27日 旧金山中国领事馆缅怀太石村人民的勇气,致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲

二十年前,在广东番禺,一群普通的村民站了出来,勇敢地行使宪法赋予他们的民主权利,试图通过合法程序罢免贪腐的村干部。他们的村庄,太石村,从此载入历史,成为中国基层民主运动的一座丰碑。

太石村罢免事件,是中国基层民主探索中具有里程碑意义的事件。它不仅揭示了中共政权对民主的深层恐惧与顽固抵制,也向世人展示了公民觉醒的力量。太石村村民的抗争,以及众多维权人士的声援,点燃了中国民主运动的一簇火种,照亮了后来者前行的方向。。著名维权人士郭飞雄因参与支持此事件,先后被判重刑19年:2006至2011年被判刑五年,2015年11月27日被判刑6年:2022年1月被以涉嫌“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”第三次入狱,2023年5月8日被判入狱八年。郭在入狱后健康急速恶化,出现口腔大出血、行走不稳等症状,2016年4月传出性命危急,但监狱方还拒绝提供及时救治,。2022年1月10日清晨,其妻张青病故。多年来他与太石村村民共同谱写的一页抗争历史,至今仍激励着无数追求自由、公义与民主的中国人,是中国追求民主道路上的不朽篇章。

在事件二十周年之际,中国民主党、中国民主基金会谨此发起纪念活动,缅怀太石村人民的勇气,致敬郭飞雄先生的牺牲,并呼吁社会各界,继续奋斗,为实现一个真正自由、民主、法治的新中国而努力.

活动将于7月27日下午2点 在旧金山中国领事馆门口举行

召集人:王军涛/赵长青
组织人:张小驹/郝剑平/郑云/张俊杰
现场负责:罗凤文/耿陆弢/缪青/吴京/罗凤文/黄晓敏
现场事务:关永杰/邢贵/庄帆/刘静涛/杨宇新


July 27 | In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
In Memory of the Courage of the People of Taishi Village, In Tribute to the Sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong




Twenty years ago, in Panyu, Guangdong, a group of ordinary villagers stood up and bravely exercised their democratic rights granted by the Constitution, attempting to remove corrupt village officials through legal procedures. Their village, Taishi Village, was thus written into history and became a monument in China’s grassroots democratic movement.

The Taishi Village Recall Incident is a milestone event in China’s exploration of grassroots democracy. It not only revealed the deep-rooted fear and stubborn resistance of the Chinese Communist regime toward democracy, but also demonstrated to the world the power of civic awakening. The resistance of the villagers in Taishi, along with the support of many rights defenders, ignited a spark in China’s democratic movement and illuminated the path for those who followed.

Renowned rights activist Guo Feixiong was sentenced to a total of 19 years for his involvement in and support of this incident:
 • From 2006 to 2011, he was sentenced to five years;
 • On November 27, 2015, he was sentenced to six years;
 • In January 2022, he was imprisoned for the third time, charged with “inciting subversion of state power,” and on May 8, 2023, he was sentenced to eight years.

After being imprisoned, Guo’s health rapidly deteriorated, with symptoms including severe oral bleeding and unstable walking. In April 2016, reports emerged that his life was in critical danger, yet the prison authorities still refused to provide timely medical treatment. On the morning of January 10, 2022, his wife Zhang Qing passed away.

For many years, the chapter of resistance that he co-wrote with the villagers of Taishi continues to inspire countless Chinese people who yearn for freedom, justice, and democracy. It is an immortal chapter in China’s pursuit of democracy.

On the 20th anniversary of the incident, the China Democracy Party and the China Democracy Foundation hereby initiate a commemorative event to honor the courage of the people of Taishi Village, to pay tribute to the sacrifice of Mr. Guo Feixiong, and to call on all sectors of society to continue the struggle—toward the realization of a truly free, democratic, and law-based new China.



The event will be held on July 27 at 2:00 PM
In front of the Chinese Consulate in San Francisco
Address: 1450 Laguna St, San Francisco, CA 94115

Conveners: Wang Juntao / Zhao Changqing
Organizers: Zhang Xiaoju / Hao Jianping / Zheng Yun / Zhang Junjie
On-site Coordinators: Luo Fengwen / Geng Lutao / Miao Qing / Wu Jing / Luo Fengwen / Huang Xiaomin
Logistics: Guan Yongjie / Xing Gui / Zhuang Fan / Liu Jingtao / Yang Yuxin

中国民主党第748期茉莉花行动:声援方艺融

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中国民主党第748期茉莉花行动:声援方艺融

China Democracy Party – 748th Jasmine Action

中国民主党第748期茉莉花行动:声援方艺融

方艺融被捕一周年:良知仍在坐牢!
今天,是中国公民方艺融在湖南新化高举横幅、抗议中共专制政权整整一周年的日子。
他不是恐怖分子,不是暴力分子,他只是一个20岁出头的青年,用最和平的方式——挂出横幅、喊出真话——表达人民对民主、自由、公正的渴望。
他喊出:“不要特权,要平等!不要封控,要自由!不要独裁,要选票!”
然而这样的声音,换来的却是秘密拘押、强力打压、至今失联。
我们不能沉默。
我们必须让世界知道:还有人记得方艺融,还有人愿意站出来,为他说话,为良知发声!

我们呼吁:
 • 立即释放方艺融;
 • 必须捍卫每一个中国人的发声权、行动权与生存尊严;
 • 拒绝封口,拒绝恐吓,拒绝沉默!
让我们一起,汇聚力量,发出声音,守住希望!
让“做公民,不做奴才”的声音,穿越高墙,抵达每一处良知尚存的心灵!
自由中国,从不被遗忘的他们开始!

活动时间:7月26日(周六)16:00时
活动地点:中共驻洛杉矶领事馆门前
500 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020

活动主持人:
青年部副部长:林养正、《在野党》杂志编辑:程铭
活动负责人:
行动部副部长:倪世成
策划:林养正、张东灏
义工:杨皓、杨长兵、马群
摄影/摄像:陀先润



China Democracy Party – 748th Jasmine Action


In Solidarity with Fang Yirong: Conscience Still ImprisonedOne Year Since Fang Yirong Was DetainedToday marks exactly one year since Chinese citizen Fang Yirong held a banner in public protest in Xinhua, Hunan, speaking out peacefully against the Chinese Communist regime.

He is not a terrorist, not a violent agitator. He is a young man in his early 20s, who used the most peaceful way—holding a banner and speaking truth—to voice the people’s yearning for democracy, freedom, and justice.
He shouted:“No privilege, we want equality!”
“No lockdowns, we want freedom!”
“No dictatorship, we want votes!”
In response, he was secretly detained, forcibly silenced—and remains disappeared to this day.
We cannot remain silent.
We must let the world know:
Fang Yirong is not forgotten.
There are people who remember him,
who speak out for him,
who speak out for conscience!
We demand:- The immediate release of Fang Yirong!
– The protection of every Chinese citizen’s right to speak, act, and live with dignity!
– No more silence. No more fear. No more suppression!
Let us come together,
gather our voices, protect our hope!
Let the call to “Be citizens, not slaves” cross every wall and reach every conscience!
A free China begins with those we refuse to forget.
Date & Time:Saturday, July 26, 2025 – 4:00 PM
Location:In front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles
500 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
Hosts:Lin Yangzheng (Deputy Director, Youth Department)
Cheng Ming (Editor, The Opposition Party Magazine)
Organizer:Ni Shicheng (Deputy Director, Action Department)
Planning Team:Lin Yangzheng, Zhang Donghao
Volunteers:Yang Hao, Yang Changbing, Ma Qun (Translation)
Photo/Video:Tuo Xianrun

重建之路:告别中共幻象,走向自由中国

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The Road to Reconstruction: Farewell to the Illusion of the CCP, Toward a Free China

文/陆乾坤    编辑:冯仍  责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文  翻译:鲁慧文


2025年7月,美国哈德逊研究所发布了一份不同寻常的战略报告:《中共之后的中国——为后极权时代做准备》。主笔余茂春教授与其团队,并没有将目光局限于当前中共政权的危机表现,而是超前一步,思考中国如何从极权体制中走出,并完成民主重建。它并非危言耸听的政治预言,而是一份基于历史经验与现实危机的 “民主转型剧本” 。
它提出一个核心判断:中共政权的垮台不是“是否”,而是“何时”。更关键的是,崩塌不会以可控的、渐进的方式展开,而可能如苏联解体、柏林墙倒塌那样,突然发生、一夜之间。

一、中共不是国家本身
报告首先明确区分了“中共政权”与“中国国家”的本质区别。在过去的几十年里,中共将“党”与“国家”捆绑为一体,使无数国人误以为批评中共就是“反国家”,反独裁就是“乱中国”。
但现实是:中共的统治早已成为中国发展与社会进步的最大障碍。经济结构失衡、房地产泡沫破裂、青年失业率高企、地方财政入不敷出;同时,言论禁锢、司法操控、宗教打压、人心离散,空有体量却丧失动力的机器 ,仅靠维稳与洗脑维持表面秩序。
这正是报告所揭示的“虚假强大”:一个表面团结的政权,在内在已然分裂瓦解;一个庞大的社会,却长期由“未成年政治人格”(缺乏制衡、情绪化决策)操控的中央权力所主导,形成所谓“大社会、小朋友政府”的病态结构。

二、崩塌之后的第一个清晨
报告中提出,美国并不准备以“胜利者姿态”干预中国,而是制定了三阶段的“低可见度参与”方案。首先,是派遣情报人员与特种部队在政权真空出现的第一时间进入关键地区,如北京、上海、广州、成都等,确保战略通信畅通、核设施安全、边境口岸有序。
但这些小规模军事与外交行动,不是为了接管中国,而是为了在混乱初期防止恐慌蔓延,保护民众安全,并寻找地方可信力量建立过渡政权。
报告特别强调“分区接触策略”:即在中国各地自然形成地方自治政权后,不急于重建中央政府,而是容许地方多样化治理,逐步建立从下而上的联邦机制。
这意味着未来中国的转型,并非一蹴而就的“换朝代”,而是一场复杂的国家重构工程。这也是报告强调的:美国在其中的角色,更像“助产士”而非“接管者”。

三、五项民主重建核心工程
为了避免出现“后中共混乱”,报告为中国民主化制定了五项战略工程:

1. 言论与媒体自由的建立
终结新华社、央视与各级宣传部门对信息的控制,设立临时独立媒体平台“Voice of China(中国之声)”,在过渡期提供多元、透明的新闻来源,为全国各地自治力量提供信息互联支持。

2. 民间社会的复兴
取消对非政府组织、宗教团体、地方社群组织的打压,赋予其合法注册地位。报告认为,民间组织网络是社会稳定与恢复治理能力的根基,应鼓励社会自组织能力在地方生长。

3. 教育与司法改革
废除政治洗脑式教材,恢复历史事实教育、世界公民教育与独立思考能力。司法体系则彻底脱离党领导,建立现代法治系统,推进陪审团制度、法官遴选制度、宪法法院建设。

4. 宗教与文化自由
报告特别指出,宗教信仰是抗击极权、重建精神信任的天然力量,也是中共统治下首当其冲的打压对象之一。必须归还被没收的宗教场所,让被流放的宗教领袖回归,全面取消宗教审批制度,保障信仰自由。

5. 宪政民主与制宪大会
通过“全国制宪大会”制定新宪法。宪法需包含多党竞争、新闻自由、司法独立、人权保障等条款,草拟新宪法的过程,必须全民参与,不得由任何“强人”闭门操刀。

四、台湾:镜子、伙伴与共同未来
报告的视野不仅限于大陆内部,也将台湾纳入“后中共中国”的重建蓝图之中,但其定位并非传统的“统一对象”,而是“民主的伙伴”与“制度的镜子”。
台湾的历史经验,尤其是从蒋氏专政到民主宪政的和平转型,已成为华人社会中唯一成功的民主范例。报告建议,未来民主中国应以平等、合作、互尊的方式与台湾展开对话。
台湾可以派出经验丰富的法治专家、公民社会组织者、地方治理顾问,协助大陆在重建早期建立地方自治机制与转型正义框架。
更重要的是,报告主张在新宪法制定时,应讨论与台湾之间的“邦联”关系可能性,或至少承认台湾的政治自主性,而非再次滑入民族主义的“统一”幻象。

最令人振奋的一幕将是:在北京的制宪会场上,台湾代表与大陆各地民选代表并肩而坐,共同决定新中国的制度基石——这不是“收复”与“被收复”,而是文明的共建、命运的同行。

五、中国民主党的角色与历史使命
在这一场未来重建的伟大工程中,中国民主党责无旁贷。
作为中国最早公开主张结束一党专政、实行宪政民主的反对党组织,中国民主党早已预见到中共政权的末路。我们在海内外广泛布局,聚集了大量拥有专业知识、政治理想、行动经验的成员,为中国的制度重构提供智力与人力支撑。

我们清楚,这场转型无法依赖“外力接管”,也不能寄望于“宫廷政变”,必须依靠中国人民的觉醒。也只有组织起来的觉醒,才能构成历史的推力。
因此,民主党当前的工作重点是:
1、建立面向全国的“宪政预备平台”,汇聚各地民主人士与地方社团,共同参与未来制宪大会准备;
2、筹建“自由中国智库”,为过渡期的司法、教育、治理、媒体等系统提供政策蓝图;
3、组建“地方联络协调机制”,一旦中共崩塌,能第一时间与各地自然形成的地方自治力量对接;
4、推动“历史正义与社会宽和”进程,呼吁设立“真相与和解委员会”,让中共时代的压迫不被遗忘,但避免复仇与内战重演。

我们的愿景,是建设一个不再被党控制的中国,一个真正属于人民的共和国。
我们的底线,是非暴力、非报复、非复辟。
我们的目标,是在中国土地上,建立自由、民主、人权、法治与联邦自治并存的现代文明国家。

六、我们准备好了吗?
报告虽然详尽,但它也提出一个无声的疑问:
我们中国人,准备好承担自由的责任了吗?
准备好在没有中央命令的情况下,自己组织、协商、共治吗?
准备好接受多元舆论、包容异见,而不是再寻求一个“新领袖”替我们做决定?
准备好承认台湾存在的现实,并把统一口号转化为协作愿景?
如果答案尚未明确,那就意味着我们要现在开始准备。我们在海外的民主运动,不应只是宣传与揭露,更要成为制度模拟与人才培育的预演场。
我们要建构民间议会、法律实验室、媒体平台、公民教育课程,提前演练自由治理,为未来储备制度与人才。

七、结语:历史的黄河,终将入海
《中共之后的中国》报告最后引用《河殇》的意象:黄河终将入海,黄土与蓝波交汇,沉积新生土地。
我们终将告别那条闭塞、内向、以苦难为荣的黄河,奔向象征自由、包容、向外延展的蔚蓝海洋过去两个世纪,中国曾试图迈入现代世界,却在中共的极权魔咒中走入歧途。但历史不会永远冻结,极权会崩溃,自由会回归。中共不是中国,独裁不是命运。
我们,成为唤醒自由中国第一道曙光的先行者。
愿中国民主党,成为那条引导黄河入海的桥梁与灯塔。

原文引用:China after Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China https://www.hudson.org/politics-government/china-after-communism-preparing-post-ccp-china-miles-yu
2025年7月


The Road to Reconstruction: Farewell to the Illusion of the CCP, Toward a Free China


By Lu Qiankun | Edited by Feng Reng | Chief Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen | Translated by Lu Huiwen


In July 2025, the Hudson Institute in the United States released a groundbreaking strategic report titled “China After Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China.” Authored by Professor Miles Yu and his team, the report does not merely focus on the ongoing crises under the current Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime but takes a step ahead to consider how China can emerge from authoritarian rule and achieve democratic reconstruction. This is not a sensational political prediction, but a “blueprint for democratic transition” grounded in historical lessons and present realities.

At the heart of the report lies a core judgment: the collapse of the CCP regime is not a matter of “if,” but “when.” More importantly, it asserts that the collapse is unlikely to be controlled or gradual, but may occur suddenly and unexpectedly—like the fall of the Berlin Wall or the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

I. The CCP Is Not the Chinese Nation

The report first draws a clear distinction between the CCP regime and the Chinese nation. For decades, the Party has deliberately fused “Party” and “state,” leading many Chinese citizens to mistakenly equate criticism of the CCP with being “anti-China,” or to believe that opposing dictatorship means destabilizing the country.

In truth, the CCP has long become the greatest obstacle to China’s development and social progress. Economic imbalance, the collapse of the real estate bubble, soaring youth unemployment, and widespread local government debt plague the system. Simultaneously, there is censorship of speech, manipulation of justice, religious repression, and growing public disillusionment. What remains is a giant but stagnant machine sustained only by propaganda and surveillance.

The report refers to this as “illusory strength”: a seemingly unified regime that is internally fragmented; a vast society governed by an emotionally reactive and unbalanced central power structure—a “big society ruled by a childish government.”

II. The First Morning After Collapse

The report outlines that the United States does not intend to intervene as a “victor” in post-CCP China but instead proposes a three-phase “low-visibility involvement” strategy. First, intelligence and special forces would be dispatched at the earliest moment of regime collapse to key areas—Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu—to ensure strategic communications, protect nuclear facilities, and maintain border order.

These limited military and diplomatic operations are not to take control, but to prevent mass panic, safeguard civilians, and identify local trustworthy forces to form a transitional authority.

A key concept introduced is the “zonal engagement strategy”: after the natural emergence of localized autonomous governments across China, the focus would not be on rapidly restoring a central regime, but rather on encouraging regional diversity and bottom-up formation of a federal structure.

Thus, China’s transition would not be a mere “dynastic change” but a complex national reconstruction project. The report stresses that America’s role should be that of a midwife, not a caretaker.

III. Five Pillars of Democratic Reconstruction

To avoid post-collapse chaos, the report lays out five strategic projects for China’s democratic rebuilding:
 1. Freedom of Speech and Independent Media
Dismantle control by Xinhua News Agency, CCTV, and propaganda departments. Establish an interim, independent media platform—“Voice of China”—to offer transparent, pluralistic news sources during the transitional period and link autonomous regions.
 2. Revival of Civil Society
End repression of NGOs, religious groups, and community organizations. Grant legal status to these entities. The report views grassroots networks as the foundation of stable governance and advocates for the growth of local self-organization.
 3. Educational and Judicial Reform
Can we tolerate diverse voices and accept dissent, instead of relying on another “strongman” to decide for us?
Can we recognize the political reality of Taiwan and transform calls for unification into visions of cooperation?

If not, then we must begin preparing now.

The overseas democracy movement must move beyond denunciation and exposure and become a rehearsal ground for future governance.
We must build people’s assemblies, legal laboratories, media platforms, and civic education programs—to simulate freedom, train talent, and store up institutional resources for tomorrow.

VII. Conclusion: The Yellow River Will Reach the Sea

The report ends by quoting imagery from River Elegy (He Shang): “The Yellow River will eventually reach the sea.” Yellow silt and blue waves shall converge to form new land.

We shall finally say goodbye to that closed, inward, suffering-glorifying Yellow River—and rush toward the vast ocean that symbolizes freedom, openness, and the outward gaze.

Over the past two centuries, China has tried many times to join the modern world, only to be diverted into authoritarian darkness under the CCP. But history cannot be frozen forever. Tyranny will collapse. Freedom will return. The CCP is not China. Dictatorship is not destiny.

Let us become the first rays of dawn that awaken a free China.
May the China Democracy Party be the bridge and beacon that guides the Yellow River to the sea.

Original Source:
China After Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China
Hudson Institute, July 2025
https://www.hudson.org/politics-government/china-after-communism-preparing-post-ccp-china-miles-yu

《全球覺醒》第三十三期 7月27日 抗議中共網絡暴政,捍衛言論自由!

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《全球覺醒》第三十三期 7月27日 抗議中共網絡暴政,捍衛言論自由!

《Global Awakening》Issue No. 33
Ring the Bell of Freedom Overthrow Tyranny·


《全球覺醒》第三十三期
自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政

【活動主題】:抗議中共網絡暴政,捍衛言論自由!

儘管徵求意見階段遭到廣泛質疑,中國公安部、國家網信辦等六部門以提升網絡安全為名,共同發布的《國家網絡身份認證公共服務管理辦法》,還是於 2025年7月15日起正式強行實施。中國人民的言論自由與個人隱私將受到更嚴密的監視與威脅,距離中共打造的高科技極權社會又進了一步。

什麼是「網絡身份認證」?
它要求每個上網用戶必須實名註冊、實名認證、實名發言,每一個社交帳號都與身份證、手機號碼、人臉、甚至居住地綁定。沒有“網證”,你將無法發文、評論,甚至瀏覽信息。有網民擔心:「網證若被吊銷,就等於在網絡世界被處以極刑」,可能導致社交帳號、支付工具等「一鍵封殺」。「網證一旦失效,將『死無發聲之地』。

中共常說「互聯網不是法外之地」,因此他們將暴政延伸到了互聯網。花費天量巨資打造了世界上最大的網絡防火牆,把中國的「互聯網」變成了一張巨大的局域網,以阻止中國人獲得外界信息。目前十大全球流量最大網站中,有八個在中國被全面屏蔽。現在又啟用這個管理辦法來即時追蹤每個公民的思想動態。目的就是使網民對發言後果產生恐懼,形成「寒蟬效應」。這不是為了網絡安全,而是為了它們政權的安全!

沒有信息和言論的自由就沒有學術和思想的自由,沒有學術和思想自由,談何創新與發展?該管理辦法的出台,再次證明了中共這個邪惡組織為了它們一小撮人的利益,不惜毀掉這個民族的未來!

我們的口號:
抗議「網證」成為數字枷鎖!
沒有言論自由,就沒有真正的安全!
推翻暴政,清算中共!

歡迎你加入我們的抗議行動,為中國的網絡自由發聲!
時間:2025年7月27日(星期日)2:00PM(下午)
地點:中共駐洛杉磯總領館
地址:443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
活動召集人:肖運軍/王德新
活動規劃:劉廣賢/周蘭英
活動主持:王尊福
組織者:
潘榮華6262628543
楊   光8589231588
陳鑫峰6262675196
陳文輝6263412820
史志衛8323097937
季  超2136531900
活動義工:孙晔/王付青/劉樂園/于海龍/王彪/鍾文/盧振華
攝影:Ji Luo/陳錦波
主辦單位:
中國民主黨全國聯合總部美西黨部
中國民主黨全國聯合總部美南黨部
中國民主人權聯盟



《Global Awakening》Issue No. 33
Ring the Bell of Freedom Overthrow Tyranny·

Global Awakening · Democratic Alliance · Eradicate Dictatorship ·
📢 Event Theme: Protest Against CCP’s Cyber Tyranny, Defend Freedom of Speech!

Despite widespread public opposition during the consultation phase, the Ministry of Public Security, the Cyberspace Administration of China, and four other departments have forcibly enacted the Administrative Measures for National Internet Identity Authentication Public Services, under the guise of “enhancing cybersecurity.” This new regulation came into effect on July 15, 2025, and marks yet another step toward the CCP’s construction of a high-tech totalitarian society. Chinese citizens’ freedom of speech and personal privacy are now under tighter surveillance and greater threat.

❓What is “Internet Identity Authentication”?

This policy requires all internet users to register, authenticate, and post under their real names. Every social media account must be bound to a personal ID, phone number, facial data, and even residence information. Without a “Net ID,” users will be unable to post, comment, or even browse content. Some netizens fear:

“If the Net ID is revoked, it’s equivalent to being sentenced to digital death,”
as it could result in total shutdown of social accounts, payment tools, and more—one click away from digital erasure.
“Once your Net ID is invalid, you’ll have nowhere to speak.”

The CCP often claims “The internet is not beyond the law,” but in truth, this is how it extends its tyranny into cyberspace. It has spent enormous resources building the world’s largest firewall, turning China’s internet into a closed intranet to block outside information. Now, with this new measure, they aim to track every citizen’s thoughts in real-time—not to protect cybersecurity, but to protect their regime security.

This creates a climate of fear that silences speech—a chilling effect.

There is no academic or intellectual freedom without information and speech freedom. And without that freedom, how can innovation and development thrive? This regulation once again proves that the CCP is a wicked regime willing to destroy the nation’s future for the benefit of a select few.



🚩Our Slogans:
 • Protest the “Net ID” becoming a digital shackle!
 • Without freedom of speech, there is no real safety!
 • Overthrow tyranny, hold the CCP accountable!



✊ Join us to stand up for China’s internet freedom!
 • 🕒 Date & Time: Sunday, July 27, 2025 at 2:00 PM
 • 📍Location: Chinese Consulate General in Los Angeles
 • Address: 443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020



📣Organizers:
 • Initiators: Xiao Yunjun / Wang Dexin
 • Planners: Liu Guangxian / Zhou Lanying
 • Host: Wang Zunfu



📞Contact Persons:
 • Pan Ronghua: 626-262-8543
 • Yang Guang: 858-923-1588
 • Chen Xinfeng: 626-267-5196
 • Chen Wenhui: 626-341-2820
 • Shi Zhiwei: 832-309-7937
 • Ji Chao: 213-653-1900



💪 Volunteers:

Sun Ye / Wang Fuqing / Liu Leyuan / Yu Hailong / Wang Biao / Zhong Wen / Lu Zhenhua



📸 Photography:

Ji Luo / Chen Jinbo



🏛️ Hosted by:
 • China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters – Western U.S. Branch
 • China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters – Southern U.S. Branch
 • China Democracy & Human Rights Alliance

中共酷吏:傅政华

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中共酷吏:傅政华
中共酷吏:傅政华

傅政华,男,1955年3月生,河北滦县人。中共党员,法律专业出身,长期在公安、政法系统任职,以强硬手段和铁腕风格著称,被视为当代中国“酷吏”代表人物之一。

傅政华早年在北京市公安局刑警系统任职,曾任刑警总队长、副局长、局长,因敢抓敢打、雷厉风行迅速崭露头角。在任北京公安局长期间,他主导多起大规模“维稳”行动,在处理访民、拆迁、群体事件中以强硬著称。

2009年起调入公安部,历任办公厅主任、一局局长(负责情报与反邪教)、副部长等职,成为政法系统核心人物。其间,他主导和推动了多项高压“维稳”行动,其中最具争议的是2015年“709大抓捕”——全国范围内对维权律师和法律人士的打压行动,数百名律师、维权者被带走、关押、酷刑甚至“被认罪”。

2018年,傅政华出任司法部部长,名义上推动“依法治国”,实则继续打压律师群体,加强律师年检管控与“政治审查”。他大力推进“扫黑除恶”专项斗争,但不少案件涉嫌刑讯逼供、程序违法,导致大量冤假错案。

2021年10月,傅政华被中纪委调查,2022年9月被判死刑缓期执行,罪名包括受贿和滥用职权。官方通报称其为“政治上的两面人”,但未触及其在司法迫害与人权打压中的深度角色。

傅政华的一生,是中共政法系统酷吏文化的集中体现。他在任时以“维稳”为名实施强力手段,在落马时则迅速被抛弃,成为权力斗争的牺牲品。他的故事揭示了酷吏的工具命运,也反映出法治在强权下的脆弱。

编辑:胡丽莉
责任编辑:罗志飞
翻译:鲁慧文

中共酷吏:傅政华

Fu Zhenghua,Male, born March 1955, native of Luan County, Hebei Province

Chinese Communist Party member; trained in law; long-serving official in China’s public security and political-legal system.

Fu Zhenghua is widely regarded as one of contemporary China’s most notorious “iron-handed enforcers” — a symbol of the “cruel official” (酷吏) culture entrenched in the CCP’s political-legal establishment. Known for his hardline tactics and authoritarian style, Fu played a central role in some of the most egregious human rights violations of the past two decades.

Fu began his career in the criminal police division of the Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau, rising through the ranks to become chief of the Criminal Investigation Unit, deputy police chief, and eventually the Beijing Police Commissioner. During his tenure, he gained notoriety for leading massive “stability maintenance” campaigns, particularly targeting petitioners, forced eviction protesters, and participants in collective incidents — often through violent and extralegal means.

In 2009, Fu was transferred to the Ministry of Public Security, where he served as Director of the General Office, Director of the First Bureau (responsible for intelligence and anti-cult operations), and later as Vice Minister of Public Security. He became a core figure in the CCP’s political-legal apparatus.

One of the most controversial events under Fu’s leadership was the “709 Crackdown” in 2015 — a coordinated nationwide roundup of rights lawyers and legal activists. Hundreds were detained, disappeared, tortured, and forced to make televised confessions. This marked a new era of suppression against the legal profession in China.

In 2018, Fu was appointed Minister of Justice. While the government promoted his role as a champion of “rule of law,” in reality, Fu intensified political controls over lawyers, expanded the annual license review system, and enforced political loyalty checks. His campaign against organized crime (“扫黑除恶”) resulted in numerous wrongful convictions, often marred by torture, forced confessions, and violations of due process.

In October 2021, Fu was placed under investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. In September 2022, he was sentenced to death with reprieve on charges of bribery and abuse of power. State media described him as a “political double-dealer,” yet his deep involvement in judicial persecution and human rights abuses remained unaddressed.

Fu Zhenghua’s career epitomizes the instrumental role of “cruel officials” in the CCP’s authoritarian governance. While in power, he wielded repression under the banner of “stability maintenance”; once politically expendable, he was swiftly discarded — a pawn in the Party’s internal power struggles.

His downfall reveals the fate of those who serve autocracy with violence: they too become victims of the system they once enforced. Fu’s story exposes not only the fragility of law under authoritarian rule but also the rot at the core of China’s political-legal system.

Editor: Hu Lili
Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei
Translated by: Lu Huiwen

部分因宗教被迫害致死者档案

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部分因宗教被迫害致死者档案

Case Files: Victims Persecuted to Death for Their Religious Beliefs

编辑:胡丽莉 责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

部分因宗教被迫害致死者档案

高蓉蓉,辽宁沈阳艺术学院会计师,因修炼法轮功于1999年被免职。2003年7月被送入龙山劳教所,遭长时间电击酷刑,面部和颈部严重烧伤。她曾试图逃跑,从二楼跳下致多处骨折。2004年10月从医院逃脱,2005年3月再次被捕,6月16日在羁押中去世,年仅37岁。国际特赦组织呼吁对其酷刑致死展开独立调查。

王玉霞(左)王福华(右)

2024年10月11日,61岁的全能神教会基督徒王玉霞10月11日被捕,10月17日警察声称她突发心脏病死亡,可是遗体脸部青肿,一只眼的眼眶瘀青,脖子歪向一侧像是断了,一条腿也断了。49岁的基督徒王福华与王玉霞同日被抓,在经历了9天9夜秘密审讯后,10月20日警方称她突发心梗死亡,熟悉她的人说她身体一直很健康。

高春满,原清华大学教授,1994年接触法轮功,曾将《中国法轮功》译成俄文,并于1996年在圣彼得堡建立首个法轮功炼功点。他在俄罗斯法轮功学界影响深远,2003年获联合国难民身份。因参与国际会议并发表文章,遭中共江泽民集团视为“眼中钉”。2007年,中共以40亿美元合同施压俄方将其遣返。高教授在长期精神迫害中健康恶化,最终于2011年3月14日去世,终年73岁。

吴垚,57岁,是北京海淀区北医附中英文教师,于1996年开始修炼法轮功,迫害发生后,她多次被派出所、“610”人员威胁和骚扰,曾四次被绑架、非法劳教两年。2003年6月11日,被劫持到北京劳教人员调遣处,遭到毒打。2003年6月22日,家属被告知她已“猝死”。

贺雪兆,42岁,郴州资兴市鲤鱼江电厂子弟学校教师,因练习法轮功曾被绑架7次,被非法劳教1年、判刑8年。2005年3月,贺雪兆出狱时已是皮包骨,回家后遭“610”人员24小时监控,于2006年1月13日含冤离世。

张之泉,76岁,中央美术学院毕业,河北省衡水师范学校讲师、漫画家。因修炼法轮功2001年3月19日晚,被警察绑架,后被非法判重刑7年。在河北省第四监狱他被迫害致奄奄一息,于2007年3月被抬出监狱(保外就医),回家后不断遭到当地“610”、公安国保骚扰,于2010年5月1日,含冤离世。

金丽凤,39岁,是葫芦岛市寺儿卜乡新地号村人,本科毕业的日、英文高材生,曾在渤海船舶工业学校任英语教师,于1999年3月开始修炼法轮功,迫害发生后,多次被非法拘留。2001年8月14日,被非法绑架、关押在葫芦岛市看守所,被野蛮灌食。2002年2月12日(大年初一),被迫害致死。

刘丽梅,41岁,东北农业大学副教授,硕士生导师,迫害法轮功行动开始后,她多次被抓,在万家劳教所、万家医院遭受残酷迫害。曾多次绝食抗议,身体受到严重摧残。2003年8月12日,在看守所被迫害致死。

Case Files: Victims Persecuted to Death for Their Religious Beliefs

Editor: Hu Lili | Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen | Translated by: Lu Huiwen

部分因宗教被迫害致死者档案

Gao Rongrong

An accountant at Shenyang Art Institute in Liaoning Province. She was dismissed from her job in 1999 for practicing Falun Gong. In July 2003, she was sent to Longshan Labor Camp, where she was subjected to prolonged electric shock torture, causing severe burns on her face and neck. She once attempted to escape by jumping from the second floor, resulting in multiple fractures. After escaping from a hospital in October 2004, she was rearrested in March 2005 and died in custody on June 16 at the age of 37. Amnesty International called for an independent investigation into her death by torture.

Wang Yuxia (left) and Wang Fuhua (right)

Wang Yuxia, a 61-year-old Christian with The Church of Almighty God, was arrested on October 11, 2024. On October 17, police claimed she had died suddenly of a heart attack. However, her face was swollen and bruised, one eye had a blackened socket, her neck appeared broken, and one leg was fractured. Wang Fuhua, a 49-year-old Christian arrested on the same day, was subjected to nine days and nights of secret interrogation. On October 20, police claimed she had also died of a heart attack, despite witnesses attesting to her previously good health.

Gao Chunman

Former professor at Tsinghua University. He encountered Falun Gong in 1994 and translated Zhongguo Falun Gong into Russian. In 1996, he established the first Falun Gong practice site in St. Petersburg. A prominent figure in the Russian Falun Gong community, he was granted UN refugee status in 2003. Due to his participation in international conferences and published writings, the CCP under Jiang Zemin viewed him as a “thorn in the side.” In 2007, the Chinese government pressured Russia with a $4 billion contract to have him extradited. After prolonged psychological persecution, his health deteriorated, and he passed away on March 14, 2011, at the age of 73.

Wu Yao

A 57-year-old English teacher at Beijing Haidian District’s affiliated middle school of Peking University. She began practicing Falun Gong in 1996 and was repeatedly harassed by local police and “610 Office” agents. She was kidnapped four times and sentenced to two years of forced labor. On June 11, 2003, she was taken to the Beijing Forced Labor Personnel Transfer Center, where she was brutally beaten. On June 22, her family was notified of her sudden death.

He Xuezhao

A 42-year-old teacher at Liyujiang Power Plant Elementary School in Zixing City, Chenzhou, Hunan Province. She was abducted seven times for practicing Falun Gong and was illegally sentenced to one year of labor and eight years of imprisonment. Upon release in March 2005, she was emaciated and placed under 24-hour surveillance by “610 Office” agents. She died on January 13, 2006.

Zhang Zhiquan

A 76-year-old lecturer and cartoonist who graduated from the Central Academy of Fine Arts. He taught at Hengshui Normal School in Hebei Province. Arrested on March 19, 2001, for practicing Falun Gong, he was sentenced to seven years in prison. At the Fourth Prison of Hebei, he was tortured to the brink of death. Released on medical parole in March 2007, he continued to be harassed by the “610 Office” and public security officers. He died on May 1, 2010.

Jin Lifeng

A 39-year-old graduate fluent in Japanese and English from Xindihou Village, Sierbu Township, Huludao City. She taught English at Bohai Shipbuilding School. After she began practicing Falun Gong in March 1999, she was repeatedly detained. On August 14, 2001, she was abducted and held at the Huludao Detention Center, where she was force-fed violently. She died from mistreatment on February 12, 2002 (Lunar New Year’s Day).

Liu Limei

A 41-year-old associate professor and postgraduate advisor at Northeast Agricultural University. She was repeatedly detained after the crackdown on Falun Gong began. She was subjected to severe abuse at Wanjia Labor Camp and Wanjia Hospital. Multiple hunger strikes left her physically devastated. She died in custody on August 12, 2003.

在黑云之下(诗)

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作者:王梦梦

我们离开了,
不是因为风,
不是因为海,
而是因为那座黑塔——
在晨昏之间张开眼睛,
在黑云之下张牙舞爪。

利爪,
撕碎童年与花朵,
撒下冷雨与毒雾,
压住每一寸回忆的呼吸,
封锁每一个真相的出口。

旧日家园在梦中远去,
童年的果树,
氤氲的黄昏,
誓言未竟的爱情,
还有我们深爱的面孔——
皆困于时间的墙后。

我们背负沉重的黑,
在废墟之外寻找光。
不是世界赐予了花园,
是我们,
在废墟上种下了希望。

新的家园在异乡结果,
言语尚未开花,带着沙砾。
但那看不见的根——
正悄悄在自由的土壤中扎深。

那黑塔仍在远方矗立,
但我们挺直身躯,
不再逃离。

编辑:罗志飞 责任编辑:鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

Beneath the Black Clouds

By Wang Mengmeng

We left—
not because of the wind,
not because of the sea,
but because of that black tower—
its eyes opened between dusk and dawn,
its claws bared beneath the black clouds.

Talons,
tearing childhood and blossoms apart,
casting down cold rain and poisoned mist,
suffocating the breath of every memory,
sealing every exit where truth might escape.

The homeland of old fades in dreams—
the fruit trees of our youth,
the misty twilight,
the love whose vow was never fulfilled,
and the faces we cherished—
all trapped behind the walls of time.

We carry the weight of darkness,
seeking light beyond the ruins.

was not the world that gifted us a garden—
it was we,
who planted hope on broken ground.

new home blossoms in exile.
Our tongues have yet to bloom; our dreams still laced with grit.
Yet the unseen roots—
quietly dig deep the soil of freedom.

black tower still looms in the distance.
But we stand upright now.
We will no longer flee.

editor: Luo Zhifei executive editor: Lu Huiwen

六年过去,怒火未熄:纪念721元朗袭击六周年,矛头直指中共暴政

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六年过去,怒火未熄:纪念721元朗袭击六周年,矛头直指中共暴政

Six Years On, the Fire Still Burns: A Vow of Defiance on the Sixth Anniversary of the Yuen Long 7.21 Attack

作者:何清风

编辑:周志刚 责任编辑:罗志飞 鲁慧文 翻译:鲁慧文

【美西时间2025年7月20日】——在“721元朗袭击事件”六周年之际,中国民主党全联总美西党部举行纪念集会,悼念这场震惊国际社会的黑暗事件,也向背后的“真正元凶”——中国共产党发出最强烈的控诉。“我们今天纪念的,不只是香港元朗的流血黑夜。”,集会组织者在演讲中直言不讳,“我们更是在控诉,藏在背后的那个真正的元凶:中国共产党!”。

六年过去,怒火未熄:纪念721元朗袭击六周年,矛头直指中共暴政

2019年7月21日晚,一群身穿白衣、手持铁棍的暴徒在香港元朗无差别袭击市民,造成至少45人受伤。然而,警方长时间缺席、甚至被指与施袭者互动“和谐”,引发了公众对“警黑勾结”的愤怒与恐惧。六年后,这起事件依旧没有彻查结果,真相被遮掩、正义无从伸张。“这不是偶发事件,”,演讲者强调,“这是中共纵容、策动的国家暴力,是极权体制对民主社会的有组织入侵!”。

在当天的纪念活动中,发言者用“红色幽灵”形容中共的扩张势力,直言其正在“渗透、破坏、操控”全球自由世界。“它随时准备洗劫香港、台湾,乃至全世界的民主制度!”,集会不只是追忆,更是一场象征“宣战”的行动。活动口号痛击中共的软肋:

•“打倒中共暴政!”

•“讨还721血债!”

•“自由不是恩赐,是我们怒吼夺回的!”

•“不低头!不退让!不原谅!”

组织者强调:“民主正在被围剿,红色幽灵正在逼近。我们已被逼到墙角,无路可退!”。集会现场群情激昂,参与者举起横幅、敲响战鼓,以“每一次发声都是子弹”、“每一次集结都是反击”为信念,呼吁国际社会勿再对中共暴行沉默、共同制衡极权政权的扩张。

这场名为《721六周年·怒吼誓言》的纪念活动,也再次唤起公众对香港议题的关注,提醒世界:香港仍未真正自由,而中共对人权的威胁亦未停止。“我们站在这里,不是为了哀悼,而是为了宣战!我们不要妥协,我们要终结它、推翻它、埋葬它!”

Six Years On, the Fire Still Burns: A Vow of Defiance on the Sixth Anniversary of the Yuen Long 7.21 Attack

By He Qingfeng

Editor: Zhou Zhigang | Executive Editors: Luo Zhifei, Lu Huiwen | Translated by: Lu Huiwen

[Pacific Time, July 20, 2025] — On the sixth anniversary of the shocking “7.21 Yuen Long Attack,” the Western U.S. Committee of the China Democracy Party held a solemn memorial rally. The event honored the victims of that night of horror and issued a direct, unflinching denunciation of the real mastermind behind the atrocity — the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

六年过去,怒火未熄:纪念721元朗袭击六周年,矛头直指中共暴政

“What we remember today is not just the bloody night in Yuen Long,” declared the rally organizer. “We are here to indict the true culprit behind it all — the Chinese Communist Party!”

On the night of July 21, 2019, a group of white-clad thugs armed with steel rods launched a random and brutal assault on civilians at the Yuen Long MTR station in Hong Kong, injuring at least 45 people. The police were notably absent for an extended period, and some were even seen behaving in a disturbingly “harmonious” manner with the attackers. The incident ignited public outrage and fear over alleged collusion between police and triads.

Six years later, no thorough investigation has been conducted. Truth remains buried, justice denied.

“This was no isolated incident,” emphasized a speaker.

“It was state-sponsored violence, orchestrated and condoned by the CCP — a totalitarian regime waging war on democratic societies!”

At the memorial event, speakers described the CCP as a “red specter” — infiltrating, corrupting, and manipulating the free world.

“It is poised to plunder Hong Kong, Taiwan, and every democratic system on Earth!”

This gathering was not merely a memorial — it was a declaration of war. Chants from the crowd struck at the heart of tyranny:

• “Down with CCP tyranny!”

• “Justice for 7.21 bloodshed!”

• “Freedom is not a gift — it’s a roar we reclaim!”

• “No submission! No retreat! No forgiveness!”

“Democracy is under siege. The red specter is closing in. We have been cornered — there is no retreat!”

Banners were raised, drums beaten, and voices unified in defiance.

With the belief that “every outcry is a bullet” and “every gathering is a counterattack,” participants called on the international community to break the silence and resist the expansion of tyranny.

This event, titled “7.21 · A Vow of Rage”, renewed global attention on Hong Kong and its unfulfilled freedom. It also sounded an alarm:

“The threat of the CCP to human rights is far from over.

We are not here to mourn —

We are here to declare war.

We refuse to compromise.

We will end it, overthrow it, and bury it!”