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追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

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追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心
追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

作者:陀先润、彭小梅、何兴强、郭斌、王连江等《在野党》社员

责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吴可正

2025年9月10日,由陈老师带队追责中共病毒车队来到德州达拉斯市中心举行街头集会游行。中共病毒车以骷髅与新冠病毒造型象征中共制造的“病毒灾难”,吸引了路人驻足关注。新冠疫情给全世界造成了巨大损失,中共隐瞒疫情真相、推卸责任,必须追究法律与道义上的责任。大家共同呼吁美国政府就疫情向中共索赔,并进一步制裁中共在美国社会的渗透、长臂管辖与破坏性影响。

本次车队游行将继续在美西、美东多地游行最后直指华盛顿DC,旨在唤醒更多民众认清中共危害,凝聚国际社会力量,推动多方位制裁中共,让真相与正义得到伸张。

The CCP Virus Accountability Convoy – Downtown Dallas

追责中共病毒车队-达拉斯市中心

Authors: Tuo Xianrun, Peng Xiaomei, He Xingqiang, Guo Bin, Wang Lianjiang, and other members of The Opposition Party

Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Wu Kezheng

On September 10, 2025, the CCP Virus Accountability Convoy, led by Teacher Chen, came to downtown Dallas, Texas, to hold a street rally and parade. The CCP Virus Vehicle, decorated with skulls and COVID-19 virus models, symbolized the “virus disaster” created by the CCP, attracting passersby to stop and watch. The COVID-19 pandemic has caused tremendous losses to the world. The CCP concealed the truth of the pandemic and shirked responsibility, and it must be held accountable legally and morally. Everyone jointly called on the U.S. government to demand compensation from the CCP for the pandemic, and to further sanction the CCP’s infiltration, long-arm jurisdiction, and destructive influence in American society.

This convoy parade will continue in many places across the western and eastern United States, with its final destination being Washington, D.C. It aims to awaken more people to recognize the dangers of the CCP, unite the strength of the international community, promote multi-faceted sanctions against the CCP, and let truth and justice be upheld.

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

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一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

作者:胡德旺

编辑:韩瑞媛 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:Tomorrow

作者记述2020年赴新疆和田考察的亲身经历。通过沿途的装甲车、岗哨及与官员的对话,揭示了所谓“产业园”如同监狱,维族工人疑似被强制劳动。文章旨在以第一手见闻戳破中共关于新疆“稳定繁荣”的谎言,证实外媒报道非虚。

2020年3月,应朋友之邀,我陪同他前往新疆考察商业投资。这次实地之行,让我彻底认清了中共宣传的虚伪,也证实了外媒关于新疆的报道并非空穴来风。我要用自己的亲身经历,揭开中共一个被精心掩盖的谎言。

初抵和田:和平表象下的肃杀之气

2020年3月26日,我们抵达和田机场。刚走出航站楼,我就被眼前的景象震惊了:机场广场上停着武警的装甲车,上面荷枪实弹的武警全副武装。这不是我在内地熟悉的场景,和平时期的机场,何以需要如此戒备?

我们下飞机后,被专门人员直接接走,无法自由接触任何人。先到医院抽血化验,再送至宾馆隔离两天。等到第三天,才被允许进入所谓的“鞋业产业园区”进行考察。

“产业园”之路:战区般的戒备

从宾馆出发,路途虽不远,但一路上岗哨密布,堪称“三步一小岗,十步一大岗”。有的荷枪实弹,有的手持警棍;每隔一段路,车辆还要被拦下检查,警犬围车搜嗅。这种戒备,分明是战时状态,而非一个“社会稳定”的地区。

高墙铁网:名为园区,实为监狱

到了所谓的产业园区,我第一眼看到的不是繁荣,而是高耸的围墙,上面密布铁丝网与监控摄像头。这更像一座监狱,而非一个普通工厂。进入车间,我看到许多维吾尔族员工正在流水线上工作。我想用手机拍下这真实场景,却立刻被朋友制止。他警告说:园区内布满监控,拍摄会带来严重麻烦。我只能忍痛删除那段影像。

官员的“真心话”:揭开强制劳动的面纱

在考察过程中,我们与当地官员有过一段对话:

工人来源? 官员称,这些人大多是“无业者、单身男性或有不安定倾向的人”,被集中到园区劳动。

是否有工资? 他回答:“有,但很低。头一个月500元,第二个月600元,熟练的也许能拿到一两千。”——这一数字仅为江浙工人工资的十分之一。

若工人不服从? 官员冷笑着说:“不用担心,他们怕汉人。捣乱的会被收拾,再不行,旁边就是监狱,直接送进去。” 后来我们确实在园区外看到了那座监狱。

能否自由外出? 官员答:“不可以。园区有宿舍、食堂,他们平时不能随意外出。” 望着铁丝网和关卡,答案不言自明。

当问及为何要在新疆发展劳动密集型产业时,官员给出了三点理由:反恐需要,把“不安定人员”集中管理;响应习近平的“脱贫”指标;以及集中管理比分散监控更省钱。

结语:谁才是谎言的制造者

这次新疆之行让我彻底认清:外媒关于“集中营”和强制劳动的报道,并非虚构;而中共媒体所宣传的“社会稳定、经济发展、民族和谐”,才是彻头彻尾的谎言。

亲眼所见的装甲车、岗哨、铁丝网与监狱,不是繁荣的象征,而是恐惧与压制的写照。亲耳听到的官员回答,更让我确信:那些维吾尔族工人,并非自由的劳动者,而是被强制集中管理的人。

中共习惯指责外媒“造谣抹黑”,但实际上,它才是最大的谎言制造者。真相无法被铁丝网与宣传口号所掩盖,只要更多人敢于揭露、敢于发声,世界才会看到真实的新疆。

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

(图为机场广场前的装甲车和武警)

(图为围墙带铁丝网的鞋业园区)

A visit to Xinjiang made me see through the lies of the Communist Party of China.

Author: Hu Dewang

Editor: Han Ruiyuan Responsible Editor: Luo Zhifei Translation: Tomorrow

The author recounts her personal experience during a 2020 visit to Hotan, Xinjiang. Through encounters with armored vehicles, checkpoints, and conversations with officials along the way, she reveals that the so-called “industrial park” resembles a prison, with Uyghur workers suspected of being subjected to forced labor. The article aims to expose the CCP’s lies about Xinjiang’s “stability and prosperity” through firsthand observation and to verify the authenticity of foreign media reports.

In March 2020, at the invitation of a friend, I accompanied him on a business investment trip to Xinjiang. This field trip thoroughly exposed the hypocrisy of CCP propaganda and confirmed the validity of foreign media reports about Xinjiang. I will use my personal experience to expose a carefully concealed CCP lie.

Arriving in Hotan: A solemn atmosphere beneath the surface of peace

On March 26, 2020, we arrived at Hotan Airport. As soon as we exited the terminal, I was shocked by the sight: armed police armored vehicles parked in the airport plaza, armed officers fully armed with live ammunition. This wasn’t a scene I was familiar with in mainland China. Why was the airport so heavily guarded during peacetime?

After we disembarked, we were met by specialized personnel and were not allowed to interact with anyone. We first went to the hospital for blood tests and then were quarantined in a hotel for two days. It wasn’t until the third day that we were allowed to enter the so-called “shoe industry park” for an inspection.

The Road to an “Industrial Park”: War-Zone-Like Alertness

The journey from the hotel wasn’t far, but the road was densely packed with guards, like “a small post every three steps, a large one every ten steps.” Some were armed with guns, others with batons. Every so often, vehicles were stopped and inspected, with police dogs surrounding and sniffing them. This level of security clearly betrayed a wartime state, not a “socially stable” region.

High walls and iron fences: called a park, but actually a prison

Arriving at the so-called industrial park, my first sight wasn’t prosperity, but towering walls clad in barbed wire and surveillance cameras. It felt more like a prison than a typical factory. Entering the workshop, I saw many Uyghur employees working on the assembly line. I tried to film this scene with my phone, but my friend immediately stopped me. He warned me that the park was saturated with surveillance cameras and that filming would lead to serious trouble. I reluctantly deleted the video.

Officials’ “True Words”: Unveiling Forced Labor

During our visit, we had a conversation with local officials:

Where do the workers come from? Officials explained that they are mostly “unemployed, single men, or those with unstable tendencies” who have been brought together to work in the industrial park.

Is there a salary? He replied: “Yes, but it’s very low. 500 yuan in the first month, 600 yuan in the second month, and skilled workers might get 1,000 or 2,000 yuan.” – This figure is only one-tenth of the wages of workers in Jiangsu and Zhejiang.

What if the workers disobeyed? The official sneered, “Don’t worry, they’re afraid of the Han Chinese. Those who cause trouble will be punished. If things get worse, there’s a prison right next door, and they’ll be sent straight to the prison.” Later, we did see the prison outside the industrial park.

Could they leave the park freely? The official replied, “No. The industrial park has dormitories and a cafeteria, so they can’t leave at will.” Gazing at the barbed wire and checkpoints, the answer was self-evident.

When asked why they wanted to develop labor-intensive industries in Xinjiang, officials gave three reasons: counter-terrorism needs, centralized management of “unstable individuals”; responding to Xi Jinping’s “poverty alleviation” targets; and centralized management is more cost-effective than decentralized surveillance.

Conclusion: Who is the maker of lies?

This trip to Xinjiang made me realize clearly that the foreign media reports on “concentration camps” and forced labor are not fictional; and the “social stability, economic development, and ethnic harmony” promoted by the Chinese Communist Party media are outright lies.

The armored vehicles, guard posts, barbed wire, and prisons I witnessed were not symbols of prosperity, but rather images of fear and repression. The officials’ responses I heard firsthand further convinced me that the Uighur workers were not free laborers but subjects of forced centralized management.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is accustomed to accusing foreign media of fabricating rumors and slander, but in reality, it is the biggest fabricator of lies. The truth cannot be hidden behind barbed wire and propaganda slogans. Only when more people dare to expose and speak out can the world see the true Xinjiang.

一次新疆考察,让我看清中共的谎言

(The picture shows armored vehicles and armed police in front of theairport square)

(The picture shows the shoe industry park with barbed wire fence)

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

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海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

作者:袁崛  (中国民主党党史法规部长)

编辑:朱虞夫   责任编辑:罗志飞   翻译:何兴强 校对:冯仍

继中国民主党浙江筹备委员会于一九九八年六月二十五日申请注册后,六月三十日朱虞夫单独上街散发《中国民主党成立宣言》被抓,香港“中国人权民运信息中心”卢四清发了新闻稿,但是没有引起太大反响,朱虞夫在杭州凯旋派出所“留置”二天后释放。中共于七月九日陆续开始了对浙江民主党人的大抓捕,这次大抓捕激起了海内外媒体的极大反响。联合国人权委员会玛丽·罗宾逊女士的关注,迫使中共释放了被捕人士。中共的强力镇压并没有让中国的民主人士屈服,反而激发了他们的斗志,开展了一系列的声援、救援。山东筹委会的申请成立更将这场民主党人对自由民主的执著追求推向更高的一个层次。

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

部分浙江民主党成员:前排王荣清、吕耿松、胡远明,中排邹巍、胡臣、陈开频、戚惠民,后排陈树庆、吴义龙、毛庆祥、来金彪

中国律师“中国民主党事件”法律后援会成立

法律后援会提出五点声明,包括“为维护宪法、法律的尊严,使公民政治自由不受侵犯,律师部分代表自发组成‘法律后援’,义务为浙江王有才、王东海等人辩护,执行律师职务。王有才、王东海等人申请组建“中国民主党”的行为,是依据宪法并履行法定程序的合法行为,也是法律不禁止的行为。要求立即释放王有才等涉及建党案的所有人员”。

中国律师界浙江建党案法律后援会   起草人:王文江  

联署人:周国强,张鉴康 王文江

后援会联络人:徐文立 (010-63517814 北京)

 

「中国民主党海外後援会」成立

海内外民运联手声援中国民主党组党运动,希望借此冲破党禁、加速中国民主进程。总部设在纽约的中国民主正义党表示,该党结合了十八个海外民运团体共同成立「中国民主党海外後援会」,和中国异议人士共同冲破党禁、致力中国民主运动。「中国民主党」海外发言人徐水良表示,成立後援会获得各民运团体的热烈回应,主要是希望藉由後援会的成立,将海内外民运人士团结起来,所达成的三点共识分别是:一、成立中国民主党海外後援会;二、 後援会以现有各民运组织为基础,欢迎各界人士和组织参加;三、後援会是临时性的组合形式,由各组织委派联络人及若干个人组成磋商小组来协调各种後援工作。参与「中国民主党海外後援会」的团体, 包括民联阵、中国民主党(王若望先生)、中国民主正义党、中国民主团结联盟、中国战略研究所、中国之春、北京之春等机构和组织。海外后援会得到了国内中国民主党人的授权,一九九八年七月中国民主党浙江筹委会祝正明等给海外签发了授权信。

王炳章、王希哲等人出席中国民主党海外工作会议,声援国内组党运动

「中国民主党山东筹委会」成立   国内组党第二波

设在香港的中国人权民运信息中心透露,在联合国人权专员罗宾逊到大陆访问前夕,山东省三名异见人士谢万军、刘连军及姜福祯九月五日宣布组建「中国民主党山东筹委会」,并将申请书及建党宣言等文件,邮寄给北京的大陆民政部及山东省民政厅。

申请人: 谢万军 刘连军 姜福祯 一九九八年九月六日

电话:0538-2820226 电话:0536-8270510 电话:0532-3844255

 

中国民主党浙江筹委会给中国民主党山东筹委会发送贺电

谢万军、刘连军、姜福祯先生及中国民主党山东筹委会全体同志:

欣闻中国民主党山东筹备委员会成立,我们感到极大的鼓舞和兴奋。 开放党禁是一切民主之本,一切自由和人权之本,中国人民已经为之不屈不挠地奋斗了一个世纪。……我们愿和你们建立良好的伙伴关系,互通信息,互相声援。我们密切地关注着你们的每一个行动,愿意尽一切力量来支持你们。 紧握你们的手!

中国民主党浙江筹委会全体同志 于杭州

1998 年9月6日(朱虞夫签发)

从左至右:李锡安、姚遵宪、王有才、邓焕武、毛庆祥、傅升、凌小平、王荣清、朱虞夫


Support for the China Democracy Party at Home and Abroad – Establishment of the Shandong Preparatory Committee

Author: Jue Yuan (Minister of Party History and Regulations, China Democracy Party)

Editor: Yufu Zhu   Chief Editor: Zhifei Luo

After the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee applied for registration on June 25, 1998, on June 30 Zhu Yufu went out alone to distribute the Declaration on the Founding of the China Democracy Party and was arrested. Lu Siqing of the Hong Kong–based “Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy in China” issued a press release, but it did not initially attract much attention. Zhu Yufu was “detained” for two days at the Kaixuan Police Station in Hangzhou before being released.

On July 9, the CCP began a large-scale crackdown on Zhejiang democracy activists. This wave of arrests triggered strong reactions from overseas media. The attention of Mary Robinson, then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, forced the CCP to release those arrested. The regime’s heavy-handed repression did not break the will of China’s democrats; instead, it inspired greater resolve, leading to a series of support and rescue efforts. The application to establish the Shandong Preparatory Committee further elevated the determination of China Democracy Party members in their pursuit of freedom and democracy.

海内外声援民主党   山东筹委会成立

Some members of the Zhejiang Democracy Party:

Front row: Wang Rongqing, Lü Gengsong, Hu Yuanming

Middle row: Zou Wei, Hu Chen, Chen Kaiping, Qi Huimin

Back row: Chen Shuqing, Wu Yilong, Mao Qingxiang, Lai Jinbiao

Establishment of the Legal Aid Association for the “China Democracy Party Case”

The Legal Aid Association issued a five-point statement, including:

To uphold the dignity of the Constitution and the law, and to ensure that citizens’ political freedoms are not infringed, some lawyers voluntarily formed the “Legal Aid Association” to provide free defense for Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and others.

They declared that the actions of Wang Youcai, Wang Donghai, and others in applying to establish the “China Democracy Party” were conducted in accordance with the Constitution and legal procedures. These actions were lawful and not prohibited by law.

They demanded the immediate release of all those involved in the party-formation case.

Drafted by: Wang Wenjiang

Co-signers: Zhou Guoqiang, Zhang Jiankang, Wang Wenjiang

Contact person for the Legal Aid Association: Xu Wenli (Beijing, Tel: 010-63517814)

Establishment of the “China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association”

Human rights and pro-democracy activists at home and abroad joined forces to support the China Democracy Party’s founding movement, hoping to break through the CCP’s party ban and accelerate China’s democratic process.

The New York–based “China Democracy and Justice Party” announced that it had joined with 18 overseas pro-democracy groups to form the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association, working together with domestic dissidents to challenge the ban and advance the democratic movement.

Xu Shui-liang, overseas spokesperson of the China Democracy Party, said the establishment of the Support Association received warm responses from various pro-democracy organizations. The association was formed around three points of consensus:

To establish the China Democracy Party Overseas Support Association.

The Support Association would be based on existing democracy organizations but open to individuals and groups from all sectors.

The Support Association would be a temporary coalition, with each organization appointing liaison officers and individuals to form a consultative group to coordinate support activities.

Groups participating in the Overseas Support Association included:

The Alliance for Democracy in China (Minlian Zhen)

China Democracy Party (Wang Ruowang)

China Democracy and Justice Party

China Democratic Solidarity Alliance

China Strategic Research Institute

China Spring

Beijing Spring

The Overseas Support Association was authorized by domestic members of the China Democracy Party. In July 1998, Zhu Zhengming and others of the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee issued an authorization letter to overseas supporters.

Photo: Wang Bingzhang, Wang Xizhe, and others attending a China Democracy Party overseas working meeting, supporting the domestic party-formation movement.

Establishment of the “China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee” – Second Wave of Domestic Party-Building

The Hong Kong–based Information Center for Human Rights and Democracy reported that, on the eve of UN High Commissioner Mary Robinson’s visit to mainland China, three Shandong dissidents—Xie Wanjun, Liu Lianjun, and Jiang Fuzhen—announced on September 5, 1998, the formation of the “China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee.” They mailed their application documents and founding declaration to the Ministry of Civil Affairs in Beijing and to the Shandong Provincial Civil Affairs Department.

Applicants:

Xie Wanjun

Liu Lianjun

Jiang FuzhenDate: September 6, 1998Contact numbers: 0538-2820226, 0536-8270510, 0532-3844255

Congratulatory Telegram from the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee to the Shandong Preparatory Committee

“To Mr. Xie Wanjun, Mr. Liu Lianjun, Mr. Jiang Fuzhen, and all comrades of the China Democracy Party Shandong Preparatory Committee:

We are greatly encouraged and excited to learn of the establishment of the Shandong Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party. The lifting of the party ban is the foundation of all democracy, all freedom, and all human rights. The Chinese people have fought unyieldingly for this cause for over a century. … We hope to establish a strong partnership with you, exchange information, and support each other. We are closely following every one of your actions and are willing to give our utmost support. We firmly grasp your hands!”

Signed: All comrades of the China Democracy Party Zhejiang Preparatory Committee

Hangzhou, September 6, 1998 (Issued by Zhu Yufu)

Photo (left to right): Li Xian, Yao Zunxian, Wang Youcai, Deng Huanwu, Mao Qingxiang, Fu Sheng, Ling Xiaoping, Wang Rongqing, Zhu Yufu

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

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许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

作者/编辑:钟然

责任编辑:罗志飞 校对:冯仍

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

许志永(1973年3月2日—),河南省民权县人,中国法律学者、维权人士,“新公民运动”主要发起人之一,长期致力于推动公民权利、教育平等和法治建设。他被认为是中国最具代表性的人权捍卫者之一,却因坚持自由、公义和非暴力抗争而多次遭中共迫害。

许志永本科毕业于河南大学法律系,后在北京大学法学院取得法学博士学位,留校任教于中国政法大学。他性格温和,却一贯坚持理性表达和公民责任感。2003年,他作为公益律师参与推动“孙志刚事件”的舆论与法律救济,直接促成国务院废除“收容遣送制度”,这是中国法治史上具有里程碑意义的一次进步,也使他被广泛视为公民维权运动的先行者。

2005年,他与朋友创办公益组织“公盟”,关注教育平权、环保与弱势群体权益。然而,随着组织影响力扩大,他开始受到当局严密监控。2009年,当局以“偷逃税款”为由取缔公盟,并以“逃税罪”判处许志永有期徒刑两年,这被普遍认为是政治性打压。

出狱后,许志永并未沉默,而是于2012年提出“新公民运动”。这一运动核心理念是:公民通过理性、和平、非暴力的方式推动中国社会的公正与宪政改革。新公民运动的标志性诉求包括:官员财产公开、教育平等、反腐败与公民社会建设。他倡导以“同城聚会”等形式让普通公民交流社会问题、学习法律知识,从而培养独立思考与公民意识。

然而,这一系列活动很快遭到镇压。2013年7月,许志永被以“聚众扰乱公共场所秩序罪”逮捕,2014年1月,北京法院判处他四年徒刑。入狱期间,他多次受到苛刻待遇,但依旧坚持信念,撰写大量反思文章。

2017年刑满释放后,他虽被持续监控,却继续以写作和公开演讲呼吁社会改革,强调非暴力公民抗争的重要性。2020年初,新冠疫情爆发后,许志永在网络上发表《劝退书》,呼吁习近平下台,要求恢复言论自由与公民权利。这份文字再次触怒当局。同年2月,他在广州被捕,随后被秘密羁押,遭受长时间隔离和酷刑。2021年4月,北京市法院以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”重判他有期徒刑14年,剥夺政治权利四年。这是近年来中国对知识分子与人权捍卫者最沉重的一次判决,震惊海内外。

许志永始终强调“自由、公义、爱”,他坚信一个健康的国家必须建立在公民社会与宪政民主的基础之上。他曾说:“公民的责任,就是在黑暗中点亮一盏灯。” 中共极权政府为了延续统治,不惜混淆是非,把公民对真理与正义的追求视为威胁。它不是回应社会问题、改善治理,而是用高压手段去压制异议,把敢于发声的人打成“罪人”。这种做法既剥夺了公民的基本权利,也让整个社会陷入恐惧与沉默。许志永这样的知识分子本应是国家进步的良心,却被当局痛下杀手,这无疑暴露出极权的脆弱与虚伪。他的人生经历反映了当代中国知识分子在追求真理与正义道路上的苦难与坚持。

 

Xu Zhiyong: A Civic Fighter Guided by Freedom, Justice, and Love

Author/Editor: Ran Zhong

Chief Editor: Zhifei Luo

Summary: Xu Zhiyong, a legal scholar and civic movement advocate, has long championed freedom, justice, and nonviolent resistance, promoting the rule of law and educational equality. For this, he has been repeatedly sentenced by the Chinese Communist Party, becoming a symbol of the conscience and resistance of China’s intellectuals.

许志永:以自由、公义、爱为信念的公民斗士

Xu Zhiyong (born March 2, 1973), a native of Minquan County, Henan Province, is a Chinese legal scholar, human rights activist, and one of the main initiators of the “New Citizens’ Movement.” He has dedicated his life to advancing civic rights, educational equality, and constitutional governance. Widely regarded as one of China’s most representative human rights defenders, he has been repeatedly persecuted by the Chinese Communist authorities for his steadfast commitment to freedom, justice, and nonviolent resistance.

Xu graduated from the Department of Law at Henan University and later earned his PhD in law at Peking University, where he stayed on to teach at China University of Political Science and Law. Though mild in temperament, he consistently upheld rational expression and civic responsibility. In 2003, as a public interest lawyer, he helped push for legal and media attention to the “Sun Zhigang incident,” which directly led to the State Council’s abolition of the “custody and repatriation” system. This was a landmark moment in China’s legal history and earned him recognition as a pioneer in the country’s rights defense movement.

In 2005, he co-founded the public-interest organization “Gongmeng” (Open Constitution Initiative) with friends, focusing on educational equality, environmental issues, and the rights of vulnerable groups. However, as the organization’s influence grew, it came under strict state surveillance. In 2009, authorities shut down Gongmeng on allegations of “tax evasion” and sentenced Xu to two years in prison for “tax-related crimes”—a move widely recognized as politically motivated repression.

Upon his release, Xu did not remain silent. In 2012, he launched the “New Citizens’ Movement,” which emphasized promoting social justice and constitutional reform in China through rational, peaceful, and nonviolent means. Its hallmark demands included official asset disclosure, equal access to education, anti-corruption, and the building of a civic society. He encouraged citizens to hold “same-city gatherings,” where ordinary people could discuss social issues, learn legal knowledge, and foster independent thinking and civic awareness.

This initiative quickly came under suppression. In July 2013, Xu was arrested on charges of “gathering crowds to disrupt public order,” and in January 2014, a Beijing court sentenced him to four years in prison. During incarceration, he endured harsh treatment but continued to hold firm in his beliefs, writing numerous reflective essays.

After completing his sentence in 2017, though constantly monitored, Xu continued to advocate reform through writing and public speaking, stressing the importance of nonviolent civic resistance. In early 2020, amid the COVID-19 outbreak, he published an open letter titled A Call for Resignation, urging Xi Jinping to step down and demanding the restoration of freedom of speech and citizens’ rights. This enraged the authorities once again. In February of that year, he was arrested in Guangzhou, secretly detained, subjected to prolonged isolation and torture. In April 2021, a Beijing court sentenced him to 14 years in prison for “inciting subversion of state power” and deprived him of his political rights for four years. This was one of the harshest sentences against a Chinese intellectual and human rights defender in recent years, shocking both domestic and international audiences.

Xu Zhiyong has consistently emphasized the values of “freedom, justice, and love,” firmly believing that a healthy nation must be founded on civil society and constitutional democracy. He once said: “The responsibility of a citizen is to light a lamp in the darkness.” The CCP regime, in order to preserve its rule, deliberately distorts right and wrong, branding the pursuit of truth and justice as a threat. Rather than addressing social problems or improving governance, it resorts to repression, silencing dissent and criminalizing those who dare to speak out. This approach strips citizens of their fundamental rights and plunges society into fear and silence. Intellectuals like Xu Zhiyong, who should serve as the moral conscience of national progress, are instead ruthlessly targeted—laying bare the fragility and hypocrisy of authoritarian rule. His life embodies both the suffering and the perseverance of contemporary Chinese intellectuals in their pursuit of truth and justice.

美东大游行第三站-新墨西哥州

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美东大游行第三站-新墨西哥州

作者:杨长兵

编辑:李聪玲   责任编辑:胡丽莉   翻译:何兴强

2025年9月9日,美东大游行的队伍继续前行。在陈维明先生的带领下,我们怀着坚定的信念,来到了新墨西哥州——这是大游行的第三站。一路走来,无论风雨,我们始终坚持一个核心目标:让全世界看见、听见、记住——中共病毒的真相!

中共病毒席卷全球,带来了数以百万计的死亡和无数家庭的破碎。然而,中共政权却选择掩盖事实、撒谎欺骗,把人类的灾难当成维稳和巩固权力的工具。这种冷酷与漠视,不仅是对中国人民的背叛,更是对全人类的犯罪。

陈维明先生和民主人士们肩负着沉重而光荣的使命。他们用艺术、用行动、用游行来唤醒世界良知。无论是在纽约、德州,还是今天的新墨西哥,我们高举横幅,展示“中共病毒头像”,呼喊口号,要让人们看清独裁政权制造灾难的真实面目。

美东大游行不仅是一场抗议行动,更是我们的责任。我们相信,真相不会永远被掩盖,正义终将到来。今天,我们在新墨西哥州继续发声,明天,我们将在更多的地方汇聚力量。

让世界记住:追责中共,刻不容缓!唯有真相,才能带来自由与希望。

 

East Coast Grand March – Third Stop: New Mexico

Summary: The East Coast Grand March arrived in New Mexico, where democracy activists exposed the truth about the CCP virus, called for accountability, and spread freedom and hope.

Author: Yang Changbing

Editor: Congling Li  Chief Editor: Lili Hu  Translator:XingQiang He

On September 9, 2025, the East Coast Grand March continued forward. Under the leadership of Mr. Chen Weiming, we came to New Mexico—the third stop of the march—with firm conviction. Along the way, through wind and rain, we have upheld one core mission: to let the world see, hear, and remember—the truth about the CCP virus!

The CCP virus swept across the globe, causing millions of deaths and countless broken families. Yet, the Chinese Communist regime chose to cover up the facts, spread lies and deception, and use humanity’s tragedy as a tool to maintain stability and consolidate power. Such coldness and disregard are not only a betrayal of the Chinese people but also a crime against all humanity.

Mr. Chen Weiming and democracy activists bear a heavy yet honorable mission. They use art, action, and marching to awaken the world’s conscience. Whether in New York, Texas, or today in New Mexico, we hold high our banners, display the “CCP virus head,” and shout our slogans to reveal the true face of the dictatorship that created this catastrophe.

The East Coast Grand March is not merely a protest—it is our responsibility. We believe that the truth cannot be hidden forever and that justice will ultimately prevail. Today, we speak out in New Mexico; tomorrow, we will gather strength in more places.

Let the world remember: Holding the CCP accountable brooks no delay! Only truth can bring freedom and hope.

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

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为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

作者/编辑:张致君

责任编辑:罗志飞  翻译:程铭

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

图为要捐款打台湾的张雪峰。(视频截图)

近日,中国教育界网红张雪峰在一次公开活动中放出豪言:“若解放军攻台,我愿捐款五千万。” 这句话瞬间引爆了网络。有人称赞他“有家国情怀”,有人批评他“鼓动战争”,也有人讽刺说,他这是在借民族主义热度为自己再次博取流量。无论人们如何解读,这一言论无疑反映了当下中国社会舆论的一种奇怪氛围:“攻打台湾”正在被越来越多人视为一种必然的未来选择。

事实上,张雪峰并非唯一的声音。从官方宣传到网络民粹,从军方表态到民间舆论,都在不断强化一个叙事:统一台湾不仅是民族大义,更是中共必须完成的历史使命。 然而,当我们深入思考,会发现“攻台必然论”并非出于民族情感或历史宿命,而是中共政权在自身逻辑、合法性危机、经济困境、国际博弈与舆论操控的多重推动下走上的一条险路。

中共之所以一定要攻打台湾,并不是因为台湾问题本身不可调和,而是因为中共的体制逻辑已将自己逼入死角。张雪峰“捐款5000万”的豪言,不过是这个逻辑下社会被裹挟的缩影。

从历史来看,自1949年国共内战结束以来,中共就将台湾视为“必须统一的领土”。随着中国取代台湾在联合国的席位,“一个中国”的原则逐渐成为中共最核心的外交红线。北京政府不断要求各国在建交时承认“台湾是中国的一部分”,甚至逼迫许多小国与台湾断绝邦交。

这种长期“一中原则”的坚持反而成为了中共的枷锁。一旦台湾事实上独立,并获得国际社会广泛承认,那么中共数十年的外交叙事就会彻底破产,国家主权的合法性将受到致命打击。对一个专制政权而言,意识形态的失败几乎等同于政权合法性的失败。

习近平上台后提出“中华民族伟大复兴”,并将台湾问题视为其中的关键拼图。中共宣传机器不断灌输:如果台湾不能统一,那么“民族复兴”就不完整。这种政治设定将台湾与中共的执政合法性牢牢捆绑在一起。

换言之,台湾问题早已不是单纯的两岸事务,而是中共政权合法性的一部分。正因如此,中共无法容忍台湾继续保持民主制度与事实独立,否则“复兴大业”将彻底沦为空话。

中共自称是马克思主义政党,实际上,随着经济改革与权贵资本主义的盛行,马克思主义在中国早已失去了吸引力。意识形态的真空需要新的合法性来源,民族主义恰好成为最佳替代。

在这种情况下,“统一台湾”不仅是政治任务,更是民族主义的最高象征。台湾越是坚持民主制度,就越显得中共的专制落后;而要消除这种对比,中共唯一能做的就是“收复台湾”。

再结合近些年国内政治走向,习近平通过修宪取消任期限制,通过反腐运动集中权力,看似巩固了政权,实际上却让一切责任都集中在个人身上。经济下滑、腐败未除、社会矛盾激化,民众对中共的不满不断积累。

在这种背景下,发动对台战争成为习近平维系统治的一种极端选择。因为一旦国内矛盾爆发,他几乎没有退路,只能通过外部战争转移压力。

过去,中共依靠经济增长换取民众的顺从。然而如今,中国经济陷入困境:房地产泡沫破裂,失业率高企,年轻人“躺平”,社会流动性下降。没有了“发展神话”,中共需要新的合法性叙事。“统一台湾”恰好成为新的执政口号与维稳手段。

中共执政面对中国社会问题的层出不穷:人口老龄化、养老金缺口、医疗与教育不平等、城乡差距扩大。而解决这些问题就需要制度改革,但改革必然触碰既得利益,中共不会冒险。于是,它选择了最简单的办法:制造外部冲突,把矛盾转移到“民族大义”上。

当经济陷入长期停滞时,战争常常被专制政权视为“重启按钮”。通过军事动员,国家可以重新集中资源,政府可以以“国家安全”为名加强对经济的掌控。对中共而言,攻台可以让它在短期内实现权力再分配,转移经济危机。

张雪峰说的“中共解放军攻打台湾,他就捐款5000万支持攻台”的言论,本质上就是社会“战争幻想”的一个缩影。许多人相信,只要打下台湾,就能带来经济复苏、民族振奋,甚至个人机会。但这种幻想忽视了战争的代价:死亡、破坏、制裁与长期动荡。

随着国际社会对中共的认识越来越多,中共在国际社会越来越孤立,中共如果“成功收复台湾”,便能制造一种“不可阻挡的崛起”幻象,迫使其他国家承认现实,扭转中国在国际社会共同认识上的衰落。而这种心理也正是中共要赌上国运攻台的原因。

从网红老师张雪峰的“攻台”言论中,我们可以再一次清晰的感受到,民族主义是中共最常用的统治工具。相比复杂的制度改革,煽动“爱国情绪”既简单又高效。只需宣传“台湾是中国的”,就能让民众忘记失业、通胀与贫困。

如今在高度审查的中国互联网钟,反战声音被删除,支持武统的声音被放大,久而久之,形成了“全社会一致”的假象。张雪峰作为公众人物,不表态,就可能被攻击为“不爱国”;因此,事后他又再次发布视频说他已经准备好了,用升学的手段,把中国大陆的学生渗透到台湾,以此为中共的统战做准备,以证明其对党的忠诚。

在这样的宣传与蛊惑下,普通人并不真正理解战争的代价,却被舆论裹挟,成为战争叙事的附庸。张雪峰的言论正说明:即便是受过教育的知识分子,也可能沦为民族主义的工具。

中共之所以一定要攻打台湾,并不是因为台湾问题本身无法和平解决,而是因为中共体制逻辑的必然性:张雪峰“捐款5000万”的言论,只是这种氛围下的缩影。它说明,即便是社会名人,也被中共政党机器的宣传与蛊惑下,顺应民族主义洪流,甚至主动参与其中。

然而,攻台并非坦途,它伴随着巨大的军事、经济与政治风险。战争也许能给中共的执政带来短期合法性,但无法解决长期的体制困境。一个依赖战争维系的政权,终将被战争本身吞噬。

政府,一定是要建立在人民的选票上的。

政府,一定是要接受人民的监督的。

Why must the Communist Party of China attack Taiwan?

——Let’s start with Zhang Xuefeng’s “donation of 50 million” remarks

Author/Editor: Zhijun Zhang

Editor-in-Chief: Zhifei Luo  Translator: Ming Cheng

为什么中共一定要攻打台湾 ——从张雪峰“捐款5000万”言论谈起

The picture shows Zhang Xuefeng, who wants to donate to Taiwan. (Video screenshot)

Recently, Zhang Xuefeng, an Internet celebrity in the Chinese education industry, said in a public event: “If the People’s Liberation Army attacks Taiwan, I am willing to donate 50 million yuan.” This sentence instantly detonated the Internet. Some people praise him for “has patriotism”, some people criticize him for “inciting war”, and some people sarcastically say that he is using the heat of nationalism to gain traffic for himself again. No matter how people interpret it, this statement undoubtedly reflects a strange atmosphere of current Chinese public opinion: “attacking Taiwan” is being regarded as an inevitable future choice by more and more people.

In fact, Zhang Xuefeng is not the only voice. From official propaganda to online populism, from military statements to public opinion, a narrative is constantly being strengthened: the unification of Taiwan is not only a national justice, but also a historical mission that the Communist Party of China must complete. However, when we think deeply, we will find that the “Inevitability of Attacking Taiwan” is not based on national emotions or historical fate, but a dangerous path taken by the Communist Party of China regime under the multiple promotion of its own logic, legitimacy crisis, economic difficulties, international games and public opinion manipulation.

The reason why the Communist Party of China must attack Taiwan is not because the Taiwan issue itself cannot be reconciled, but because the institutional logic of the Communist Party of China has pushed itself into a dead end. Zhang Xuefeng’s bold statement of “donating 50 million” is just a microcosm of the hostage society under this logic.

Historically, since the end of the Kuomintang-Communist Civil War in 1949, the Communist Party of China has regarded Taiwan as “a territory that must be unified”. As China replaces Taiwan’s seat in the United Nations, the principle of “one China” has gradually become the core diplomatic red line of the Communist Party of China. The Beijing government constantly requires countries to recognize that “Taiwan is a part of China” when establishing diplomatic relations and even forces many small countries to break off diplomatic relations with Taiwan.

This long-term adherence to the “One-China Principle” has become a shackle for the Communist Party of China. Once Taiwan is in fact independent and widely recognized by the international community, the Communist Party of China’s decades of diplomatic narrative will be completely bankrupt, and the legitimacy of national sovereignty will be fatally hit. For an authoritarian regime, the failure of ideology is almost equivalent to the failure of regime legitimacy.

After Xi Jinping took to the pose the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation” and regarded the Taiwan issue as the key puzzle. The propaganda machine of the Communist Party of China constantly instills that if Taiwan cannot be unified, then the “national rejuvenation” will not be complete. This political setting firmly binds Taiwan and the ruling legitimacy of the Communist Party of China.

In other words, the Taiwan issue is no longer a simple cross-strait affair, but a part of the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China regime. For this reason, the Communist Party of China cannot tolerate Taiwan’s continued democratic system and factual independence, otherwise the “rejuvenation cause” will be completely empty words.

The Communist Party of China claims to be a Marxist political party. In fact, with the prevalence of economic reform and powerful capitalism, Marxism has long lost its attractiveness in China. The ideological vacuum requires a new source of legitimacy, and nationalism happens to be the best alternative.

In this case, “unification of Taiwan” is not only a political task, but also the highest symbol of nationalism. The more Taiwan adheres to the democratic system, the more the autocratic backward the Communist Party of China appears; to eliminate this contrast, the only thing the Communist Party of China can do is to “recover Taiwan”.

Combined with the domestic political trend in recent years, Xi Jinping has abolished the term of office through constitutional amendment and concentrated power through the anti-corruption movement. It seems to have consolidated the regime, but in fact it has concentrated all the responsibility on individuals. With the economic downturn, corruption not being eliminated, and social contradictions intensifying, people’s dissatisfaction with the Communist Party of China continues to accumulate.

Against this background, launching a war against Taiwan has become an extreme choice for Xi Jinping to maintain his system. Because once domestic conflicts break out, he has almost no way out and can only divert pressure through external wars.

In the past, the Communist Party of China relied on economic growth in exchange for the obedience of the people. However, today, China’s economy is in trouble: the real estate bubble is bursting, the unemployment rate is high, young people are “lying flat”, and social mobility is declining. Without the “development myth”, the Communist Party of China needs a new narrative of legitimacy. “Unification of Taiwan” has become a new governing slogan and a means of maintaining stability.

The Communist Party of China is facing endless social problems in China: population aging, pension gap, medical and education inequality, and the widening gap between urban and rural areas. Solving these problems requires institutional reform, but reform is bound to touch vested interests, and the Communist Party of China will not take risks. Therefore, it chose the simplest way: to create external conflicts and transfer contradictions to “national righteousness”.

When the economy is in a long-term stagnation, war is often regarded as a “restart button” by authoritarian regimes. Through military mobilization, the country can re-concentrate resources, and the government can strengthen its control over the economy in the name of “national security”. For the Communist Party of China, attacking Taiwan can enable it to achieve the redistribution of power in the short term and transfer the economic crisis.

Zhang Xuefeng’s statement that “if the People’s Liberation Army of the Communist Party of China attacks Taiwan, he will donate 50 million yuan to support the attack on Taiwan” is essentially a microcosm of the “war fantasy” of society. Many people believe that as long as Taiwan is hit, it can bring economic recovery, national uplifting, and even personal opportunities. But this illusion ignores the cost of war: death, destruction, sanctions and long-term unrest.

With the increasing international community’s awareness of the Communist Party of China and the increasing isolation of the Communist Party of China in the international community, if the Communist Party of China “successfully recovers Taiwan”, it can create an illusion of “unstoppable rise”, forcing other countries to recognize the reality and reverse the decline of China’s common understanding in the international community. And this mentality is also the reason why the Communist Party of China wants to bet on the National Games to attack Taiwan.

From the “attacking Taiwan” remarks of Internet celebrity teacher Zhang Xuefeng, we can once again clearly feel that nationalism is the most commonly used governing tool of the Communist Party of China. Compared with complex institutional reforms, inciting “patriotism” is both simple and efficient. Just by promoting “Taiwan belongs to China”, people can forget about unemployment, inflation and poverty.

Nowadays, in the highly censored Chinese Internet clock, the anti-war voices have been deleted and the voices in support of armed unification have been amplified. Over time, the illusion of “the unity of the whole society” has been formed. As a public figure, Zhang Xuefeng may be attacked as “unpatriotic” if he does not take a stand. Therefore, he later released a video again saying that he was ready to infiltrate mainland Chinese students into Taiwan by means of further education, so as to prepare for the united front of the Communist Party of China and prove his loyalty to the Party.

Under such propaganda and deception, ordinary people do not really understand the cost of war but are held hostage by public opinion and become vassals of the war narrative. Zhang Xuefeng’s remarks show that even educated intellectuals may be reduced to tools of nationalism.

The reason why the Communist Party of China must attack Taiwan is not because the Taiwan issue itself cannot be resolved peacefully, but because of the inevitability of the Communist Party of China’s institutional logic: Zhang Xuefeng’s “donation of 50 million” is just a microcosm of this atmosphere. It shows that even social celebrities are also followed by the torrent of nationalism and even actively participate in it under the propaganda and deception of the political party machine of the Communist Party of China.

However, the attack on Taiwan is not a smooth road, and it comes with huge military, economic and political risks. War may bring short-term legitimacy to the ruling of the Communist Party of China, but it cannot solve the long-term institutional dilemma. A regime that depends on war for maintenance will eventually be swallowed up by the war itself.

The government must be based on the people’s votes.

The government must be supervised by the people.

美西-美东反共车队大游行

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美西-美东反共车队大游行

作者:罗志飞
编辑:赵杰 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吴可正

美西-美东反共车队大游行

我是中国民主党员罗志飞。2025年9月6日,美西-美东反共车队大游行开启了旅程。我作为视频文案制作人,为反共运动添砖加瓦感到非常荣幸!我们不反对中国人民,而是反对践踏人权、操控世界的极权政权。面对疫情隐瞒、跨境迫害和渗透民主社会的威胁,我们必须行动!呼吁美国政府调查中共责任、保护海外异议人士、推动全球防疫透明机制。朋友们,让我们团结起来,为自由与正义发声!!!

Grand Protest Motorcade from America’s West to East Against the CCP

Author: Luo Zhifei
Editor: Zhao Jie Responsible Editor: Hu Lili Translator: Wu Kezheng

美西-美东反共车队大游行

I am Luo Zhifei, a member of the Chinese Democratic Party. On September 6, 2025, the West-to-East grand motorcade against the CCP began its journey. As the scriptwriter for the video, it is my honor to contribute to the movement! We are not opposed to the Chinese people—we are opposed to an authoritarian regime that violates human rights and wields undue influence over the world. In the face of pandemic cover-ups, cross-border persecution, and threats of infiltration into democratic societies, we must act! I call on the U.S. government to investigate the CCP’s responsibility, protect dissidents abroad, and work toward global transparency in public health. Friends, let us unite and raise our voices for freedom and justice!!!

《告中国军人书》:你究竟在保谁的国?

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作者:国内退伍老兵
编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:罗志飞 翻译:吴可正

亲爱的中国军人,现役与退伍的战士们:
你是否曾在阅兵场上昂首阔步,却从未踏进真正的战场?
你是否在“保家卫国”的口号中敬礼,却从未看清谁才是真正的敌人?
你是否问过自己——我保的是谁的家?卫的是谁的国?

一、历史不能装饰,抗战不能伪造!
“淞沪会战你在哪?我在延安。南京保卫战你在哪?我在延安……我是抗战中流砥柱。”
这是对一个从未上过前线却最先登上功劳榜者的无声讽刺!

如今,中共在9月3日再次上演“抗战胜利大阅兵”,
把避战之辈打扮成民族英雄,
把背后收割者包装成中流砥柱!

可你心知肚明:
是谁在敌后观望,却不与敌正面交锋?
是谁打着“保存自己”的旗号,耗尽同胞鲜血?
是谁在抗战尾声大肆扩军,以枪口对准同胞?

抗战,是中华民族的血泪,不是中共的化妆舞台!

二、军魂应归人民,而非服务独裁!
你还记得“人民子弟兵”的誓言吗?
“军装再华美,也是百家衣;军饰再丰厚,也是千家饭!”
“我们没有资格,也绝不能向生养自己的人民举起任何武器!”

但今天的你:
驱散的是讨薪的工人,
镇压的是呼吁公平的学生,
站岗的是红色资本的维稳红线,
退役时却无编、无房、无保障!

你在为谁站岗?为谁举枪?谁又在牺牲你的人生、遮蔽你的良知?

三、你愿意为谁牺牲?为谁流血?
2025年的今天,中国青年失业率突破20%,
退伍老兵被边缘化,现役军人家庭还在为房贷发愁。

而你保卫的是谁?
是财政堆出的红二代,
是垄断滋养的特供阶级,
是靠“维稳预算”吃人不吐骨的权贵集团!

你服役时,是维稳螺丝;
你退役后,是弃用工具;
你若沉睡,就注定沦为这个体制的代罪羔羊!

四、脱下假勋章,戴上良知的光环!
当权力命你举枪对准人民——

请你记住:
“吾戎吾矛,民脂民膏;吾饰吾袍,民赋民俸。”
人民,才是你真正的衣食父母!
向人民举枪,就是背叛军魂;
向良心低头,就是出卖天良!

“谁侵害我们的人民,谁就是我们的敌人,不死不休!”
脱下那身被污染的军装,站回人民中来!
拒绝为极权挡子弹,拒绝为谎言站岗!
保家卫国,不等于保党卫私!
忠诚人民,才是军人真正的归宿!

五、这是觉醒者写给战士的呐喊!
你不该是专制机器的齿轮,
你应是民族正义的中流砥柱!

你不该是阅兵背景的工具人,
你应是推翻暴政的先行军!

守土护民,使命记牢!
天良难欺,军魂长耀!

当9月3日的阅兵礼炮响起,
愿你脱帽低头,为真理默哀;
当高音喇叭宣称胜利,
愿你闭目静思,为人民觉醒!

哪怕你只是一人,
也请在内心高呼——

我,不再为独裁而战!

An Open Letter to China’s Soldiers: Whose Country Are You Really Defending?

Abstract: This is an open letter to active-duty and retired members of China’s armed forces. It exposes how the CCP has falsified the history of the War of Resistance and bent the military to the service of dictatorship. It urges soldiers to recognize that the people are their true providers; that “defending the country” is not the same as defending a party’s private interests. Refuse to raise your rifle for tyranny or to stand guard for lies. Guard your conscience and the soul of the army—be the backbone of national justice.

Author: A demobilized veteran inside China

Editor: Li Congling Responsible editor:Luo Zhifei Translator: Wu Kezheng

Dear Chinese soldiers—both active-duty and retired:

Have you ever marched with head held high on a parade ground, yet never set foot on a real battlefield?Have you saluted under the slogan “defend home and country,” yet never seen clearly who the true enemy is?Have you asked yourself—whose home am I defending? Whose country am I protecting?

I. History cannot be prettified, and the War of Resistance cannot be falsified!

“Where were you during the Battle of Shanghai? I was in Yan’an.Where were you during the Defense of Nanjing? I was in Yan’an…I am the pillar of the War of Resistance.”

This is a silent mockery of one who never set foot on the front lines, yet was the first to climb onto the honors list!

Today, as the CCP once again stages a “Victory in the War of Resistance” parade on September 3,those who shunned battle are dressed up as national heroes,and those who reaped from the rear are packaged as the “mainstay.”

But you know in your heart:Who watched from behind the lines, refusing direct engagement with the enemy?Who, under the banner of ‘self-preservation,’ drained the blood of their compatriots?Who, at the war’s end, expanded their forces and turned their gun barrels upon compatriots?

The War of Resistance is the blood and tears of the Chinese nation—not a theatrical stage for the CCP’s cosmetics.

II. The army’s soul must belong to the people, never in service of a dictator!

Do you still remember the oath of being the “people’s army”?“However splendid the military uniform, it is still the clothing woven from a hundred families.However plentiful the military decorations, they are still meals taken from a thousand households.”

“We have neither the right, nor must we ever dare, to raise any weapon against the very people who gave us life.”

But today, you—It is workers demanding their wages that you disperse,It is students crying out for fairness that you suppress,It is the red lines of “stability maintenance” for red capital that you guard,Yet when you retire, there is no post, no housing, no security!

For whom are you standing guard? For whom are you raising your gun?And who is sacrificing your life while shrouding your conscience?

III. For whom are you willing to die? For whom to bleed?

In today’s China, 2025, youth unemployment has broken through 20 percent.Demobilized veterans are cast to the margins, and families of active-duty soldiers still struggle under the weight of mortgages.

And whom are you truly defending?The princelings propped up by state coffers,The special-supply class fattened by monopoly,The power elite that devours the “stability-maintenance budget,” gnawing even the bones!

In service, you are a screw in the stability-maintenance machine;In retirement, you are a tool cast aside.If you remain asleep, you are doomed to become the scapegoat of this system!

IV. Take off the fake medals; wear the halo of conscience!

When power orders you to raise your gun at the people—remember:“My arms and my spear are forged from the people’s fat and marrow;my decorations and my robe are paid for by the people’s taxes and stipends.”

The people are your true providers.To point your gun at the people is to betray the soul of the army;to bow your head to conscience is to surrender your humanity!

“Whoever harms our people is our enemy, we fight to the death!”Take off the uniform that has been stained; return to the ranks of the people.Refuse to block bullets for tyranny; refuse to stand guard for lies.Defending home and country is not the same as defending a party’s private interests.Loyalty to the people is a soldier’s true home.

V. A cry from the awakened to the warriors!

You are not meant to be a cog in an autocratic machine,you should be the backbone of national justice!

You are not meant to be a prop in the backdrop of a parade,you should be the vanguard that topples despotism!

Guard the land and protect the people, engrave the mission in your heart!Conscience cannot be deceived, the soul of the army will shine!

When the salutes thunder on September 3,may you remove your cap and bow your head—in mourning for truth.When the loudspeakers proclaim “victory,”may you close your eyes and reflect—for the people’s awakening.

Even if you are alone,shout within your heart——

I will no longer fight for dictatorship!

拒绝中共洗脑教育,走出自我觉醒道路

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拒绝中共洗脑教育,走出自我觉醒道路

作者:毛一炜
编辑:赵杰 责任编辑:胡丽莉 翻译:吕峰

拒绝中共洗脑教育,走出自我觉醒道路

我是中国民主党员毛一炜。这张照片是2024年9月,我站在六四自由雕塑公园前,举着“END CCP”的牌子。从初中开始,我就学会了“翻墙软件”,看到了外面的世界,也看到了中共独裁的真面目。六四屠杀、言论封锁、对异议者的打压,让我彻底明白,中国没有自由,没有民主。三十五年过去了,六四还没有得到平反,中共依然靠谎言和暴力维系统治。我坚决反对中共独裁,要求民主宪政。为了六四,为了民主,为了自由。

Rejecting CCP Indoctrination:

Walking the Path of Self-Awakening

Author: Yiwei Mao

Editor: Jie Zhao Managing Editor: Lili Hu Translation: Lyu Feng

拒绝中共洗脑教育,走出自我觉醒道路

I am Yiwei Mao, a member of the China Democracy Party.This photo was taken in September 2024, when I stood in front of the June Fourth Freedom Sculpture Park, holding a sign that read “END CCP.”

Since middle school, I had already learned to use circumvention software to bypass the Great Firewall. Through it I saw the outside world, and I also saw the true face of the CCP’s dictatorship. The June Fourth massacre, the censorship of speech, and the suppression of dissidents made me fully realize that China has neither freedom nor democracy.

Thirty-five years have passed, yet June Fourth has still not been vindicated. The CCP still clings to power through lies and violence. I firmly oppose the CCP dictatorship and call for democracy and constitutional government.

For June Fourth, for democracy, for freedom.