作者 赵雪峰 编辑 胡丽莉

每年的7月1日被中共定为“建党纪念日”，官方口中是“伟大的节日”，但对亿万中国人民而言，却更像是一个国家噩梦的开始。自1921年成立以来，中国共产党以革命的名义、以“人民”的旗号，实施了无数暴政与迫害，成为20世纪最为残酷的极权政权之一。

在毛泽东时期，中共以“阶级斗争”为纲，制造了三反五反运动、大跃进、文化大革命等一系列人为灾难，造成数千万无辜百姓非正常死亡。从饿殍遍野的农村到红卫兵肆虐的校园，血与泪铺满了共和国的道路。进入邓、江、胡年代，虽稍有松动，却仍掩盖不了体制的极权本质：六四镇压、对异见人士的迫害、对宗教自由的打压，从未停止。

习近平上台以来，极权体制迅速回归，言论空间被全面收紧，个人崇拜死灰复燃。他废除国家主席任期制，修改宪法、集权于一身，封杀网络、打压媒体并强行推行香港国安法、新疆的集中营政策、以及对宗教团体、维权律师的全面打压，都充分暴露了这个政权正在滑向极端独裁的深渊。尤其是在过去五年，中共进一步撕下伪装：在香港，民主派人士遭大规模逮捕，选举制度被改写，基本法名存实亡；在新疆，数以百万计的维吾尔族人被关押在“再教育营”，酷刑、强迫劳动、宗教压迫等侵犯人权行为被国际广泛谴责；在中国大陆，“清零政策”以防疫为名，实施极端封控、封城封户，无数民众因医疗延误、失业破产而陷入绝望；在西藏、内蒙、新疆等地，少数民族文化持续遭打压、语言教育被汉化清洗。

不仅如此，中共对外扩张野心日益明显。在南海大肆造岛军事化，在台湾问题上屡次武力恫吓，干扰全球供应链，输出极权模式。尤其是新冠疫情爆发初期，中共隐瞒疫情、迫害“吹哨人”李文亮，造成病毒扩散全球，引发灾难性后果。中共不断在对俄罗斯、伊朗等独裁政权进行资助共同挑战国际秩序，其对国际社会的不负责任行为令其全球信任度及国家形象急剧下降。

目前，中共在国际上陷入空前孤立。G7国家、欧盟、美国等均已出台制裁或脱钩政策。联合国人权机构多次要求调查其人权纪录，全球民主国家对其技术封锁、产业脱钩的趋势愈发明显。中国的外汇储备、人才、科技出口正面临战略性退潮。

然而这一切并非偶然，这是中共体制逻辑的必然结果：它靠暴力夺权，靠谎言维稳，靠恐惧统治。它天生畏惧真相与自由，注定与现代文明格格不入。历史证明，任何背离正义、反人类的政权都不会长久。柏林墙倒塌、苏共垮台、东欧剧变无一不是极权走向末日的见证。中共政权表面强大，实则内忧外患，其腐败、虚伪、高压与恐惧正在腐蚀根基。中国人民终将觉醒，自由终将到来。

7月1日，不该是对“共产党的生日”的颂歌，而应成为人民反思苦难、追求真相的起点。

July 1st: The CCP’s “Anniversary” and the People’s Suffering

By Zhao Xuefeng | Edited by Hu Lili Translator: Lu Huiwen

Every year, July 1st is celebrated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as its “Founding Anniversary”—a so-called “glorious day” in official narratives. Yet for hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens, it marks the beginning of a national nightmare. Since its founding in 1921, the CCP has used the name of “revolution” and the banner of “the people” to justify a long legacy of violence and oppression, establishing itself as one of the most brutal authoritarian regimes of the 20th century.

During Mao Zedong’s rule, the CCP imposed a reign of terror through relentless “class struggle,” unleashing man-made catastrophes like the Three-anti and Five-anti Campaigns, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution—events that led to the unnatural deaths of tens of millions of innocent civilians. From famine-stricken countryside to Red Guard-occupied schools, the path of the People’s Republic was paved with blood and tears.

In the eras of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao, though repression eased slightly, the fundamental nature of the regime remained unchanged. The Tiananmen Massacre, persecution of dissidents, and crackdowns on religious freedom never ceased.

Since Xi Jinping’s rise to power, authoritarianism has resurged with force. Freedom of expression has been stifled, cult-like personality worship has resurfaced, and Xi has abolished presidential term limits, centralized all power, censored the internet, crushed the media, and enforced draconian laws like the Hong Kong National Security Law. His regime has implemented mass internment camps in Xinjiang and launched sweeping crackdowns on religious groups, rights lawyers, and civil society. Over the past five years, the CCP has shed any pretense:

• In Hong Kong, pro-democracy leaders have been imprisoned en masse, electoral laws rewritten, and the Basic Law rendered meaningless.

• In Xinjiang, over a million Uyghurs have been detained in so-called “re-education camps,” facing torture, forced labor, and religious suppression—practices widely condemned by the international community.

• In mainland China, the “Zero-COVID” policy imposed extreme lockdowns under the guise of pandemic control, leading to deaths from delayed medical care, mass unemployment, and widespread despair.

• In Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Xinjiang, minority cultures are under constant assault, and native languages are being forcibly sinicized.

Beyond its borders, the CCP’s expansionist ambitions are increasingly evident. It militarizes artificial islands in the South China Sea, threatens Taiwan with force, disrupts global supply chains, and exports authoritarian ideology. At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the CCP suppressed early warnings, persecuted whistleblower Dr. Li Wenliang, and allowed the virus to spread globally—triggering catastrophic consequences. The regime continues to fund autocracies like Russia and Iran, challenging the international order and eroding global trust.

Today, the CCP faces unprecedented international isolation. The G7, EU, and the United States have implemented sanctions and decoupling policies. UN human rights agencies have repeatedly called for investigations into its human rights abuses. The trend of technological containment and economic disengagement from China is accelerating. China’s foreign reserves, talent exports, and technological access are all under strategic retreat.

But none of this is accidental. It is the inevitable outcome of the CCP’s systemic logic—seizing power through violence, maintaining control through lies, and ruling by fear. It is inherently hostile to truth and freedom and fundamentally incompatible with modern civilization. History has shown that regimes that betray justice and violate humanity do not endure. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the democratic transformations in Eastern Europe are all proof that the days of tyranny are numbered.

The CCP may appear powerful on the surface, but it is plagued by internal decay and external pressure. Corruption, hypocrisy, repression, and fear are eating away at its foundations. The Chinese people will awaken. Freedom will come.

July 1st should not be a hymn to the Communist Party’s “birthday,” but a moment of reflection on national suffering—and a renewed call to seek truth and justice.

作者/编辑：李聪玲 责任编辑：鲁慧文

2025年6月22日，赖清德总统发表了震撼全台、感动国际的演说——《团结国家十讲》。这不仅彰显了台湾民主自由的坚定方向，也向世界宣示了一个不可动摇的历史与现实真理：台湾从未属于中华人民共和国，台湾属于2300万自由的台湾人民。赖总统的话语铿锵有力，触动人心，在民主与专制的全球对决中为台湾站稳道义制高点。与此形成鲜明对比的，是中国共产党一贯的霸权思维、战争叫嚣与灰色渗透。中共妄图通过军机绕台、认知作战、金钱收买、媒体操控等手段达成对台“统一” 的目的，其本质是一场对民主制度的颠覆，对台湾主权的践踏，对国际秩序的挑衅。

中共经常高喊“台湾自古以来属于中国”，更肆无忌惮地将“一个中国原则”强加于全世界，胁迫国际社会噤声、切断台湾外交空间。但这不过是一套赤裸裸的谎言包装的霸权逻辑，其根本谬误在于：中华人民共和国从1949年建政至今，从未统治台湾一天。

台湾在1895年被清政府割让给日本，长达50年之久为日治时期。1945年日本战败，中华民国政府接收台湾。但1949年，中华民国政府撤退来台后，中华人民共和国在大陆成立，两个政权分治，互不隶属。从此，台湾事实上与中国共产党政权毫无从属关系。这种“互不隶属”并非“内战余续”，而是两个主权政体的长期并存。

更重要的是，台湾人民自1980年代解除戒严以来，用三十年的努力建构出完整的民主宪政体系。台湾是全球少数几次完成和平民主转型的国家之一，现今拥有健全民主选举、多元媒体、三权分立与司法独立，任何一个标准来看，台湾早已是一个事实上的主权独立国家。

中华人民共和国无法以历史幻想或武力胁迫否定台湾现实存在的政治与法律主体性。台湾不是中共的“叛乱省”，而是一个早已脱离其势力范围，拥有完整国家功能的独立政治体。

赖清德总统的《团结国家十讲》涵盖台湾当前所面临的内外挑战与国家定位，其最核心的一点，是明确宣示：中华民国与中华人民共和国互不隶属，台湾的前途只有台湾人民能决定。这不仅是对台湾历史与现实的精准总结，更是对世界民主阵营发出的坚定信号。在赖总统的演讲中，我们看见了一个领导人对自由的坚持，对国家认同的尊重，对民主制度的坚守。他不仅强调国防的重要，更呼吁全民团结对抗中共渗透与认知作战，并提出强化经济、教育、文化软实力的政策方针，让台湾在全球民主版图中持续发光发热。赖总统的演讲，是一份宣言，更是一份誓言——绝不接受一国两制、绝不接受中共主导下的“统一”，绝不让2300万台湾人民的未来被任何外部强权决定。

中共对台湾的侵略，从来不是“可能发生”，而是早已持续进行的多维度战争。以下我们逐一揭露其手段之邪恶：

近年来，中共不断以军机绕台、东部战区演训、航母靠近等方式挑衅台湾。其目的是制造“即将开战”的恐慌氛围，试图压迫台湾人民就范、接受“和平统一”的骗局。这种行径不仅威胁台湾，也扰乱整个印太地区的安全秩序，破坏亚太和平。

中共在社交媒体、网络平台上大肆进行假讯息传播、制造社会对立。诸如“美国不会保护台湾”、“战争必败”、“年轻人不愿当兵”等论调，都是典型的中共认知作战剧本，目的就是要让台湾人民自我怀疑、自我否定、丧失信心。

通过各种台商协会、地下统战组织、中资企业，中共对台湾政坛、媒体、学界、宗教团体等进行长期渗透收买。近年中共更企图影响台湾选举，干扰民主机制，扶植亲共候选人，甚至用金钱或暴力要胁台湾人“选错就打”。

中共用金钱外交挖台湾邦交国，用威胁手段逼迫国际组织不接纳台湾，从世卫组织到国际刑警、ICAO，台湾人民的国际权利屡屡被中共粗暴剥夺。这种作为不仅是对台湾的不尊重，更是对全球民主价值的破坏。

赖清德总统以《团结国家十讲》呼吁全民共同捍卫国家、抵御外敌，这是当前局势下最关键的号召。无论是政党、族群、世代、南北，我们唯有认清大敌，才不致自乱阵脚。台湾的敌人不是国民党，而是对岸那个不容异己、消灭自由、妄图并吞的中国共产党。只要中共一天不放弃武力犯台的图谋，台湾人民就一天不能掉以轻心。

面对战争阴影，台湾人民不能沉溺于“和平幻觉”；面对信息作战，我们不能轻信“投降才能保命”；面对中共的统战糖衣炮弹，我们更要挺直脊梁、认清本质：这是一个灭绝香港自由的政权，是一个活摘器官、镇压异见、封锁网络、毒害人民的邪恶专制政体。

我们不能妥协，不能投降，不能沉默。台湾是亚洲最坚强的民主灯塔，中共若吞并台湾，将是全球民主的重大挫败。今日台湾的危机，就是明日世界的危机。

因此，我们呼吁：美国、日本、欧洲等民主国家加快实质协防台湾机制；加强对中共统战行为、间谍渗透、科技盗窃的联合制裁；抵制中国制造、审查中资企业全球并购；协助台湾参与国际组织，共享人类命运共同体的真正价值。

台湾是海洋国家，不是附庸；是民主灯塔，不是专制殖民地；是2300万人民共同缔造的国家，不是中共权贵的“神圣领土”。

我们要向赖清德总统致敬，向所有捍卫台湾主权、坚持民主信仰的人致敬。我们要大声说：民主不会自动存在，自由需要奋战守护。让我们团结起来，共同守住这块自由的土地，为台湾，也为世界！

Taiwan Has Never Belonged to the People’s Republic of China: A Firm Support for President Lai Ching-te’s “Ten Points on National Unity”

By Li Congling Translator: Lu Huiwen

On June 22, 2025, President Lai Ching-te delivered a powerful and moving speech—“Ten Points on National Unity”—which resonated across Taiwan and drew international attention. More than a national address, it was a bold affirmation of an undeniable historical and political truth: Taiwan has never belonged to the People’s Republic of China (PRC); it belongs to the 23 million free people of Taiwan. President Lai’s resolute words touched hearts and solidified Taiwan’s moral high ground in the global contest between democracy and authoritarianism.

In stark contrast stands the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which continues to cling to hegemonic thinking, threats of war, and creeping infiltration. Through military intimidation, cognitive warfare, economic manipulation, and media influence, the CCP seeks to “unify” Taiwan—not as a matter of national identity, but as an assault on democracy, a violation of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and a direct challenge to the international order.

The CCP often repeats the slogan, “Taiwan has always been part of China,” and aggressively imposes its “One China Principle” on the world, pressuring governments to silence Taiwan’s voice and block its international participation. But this narrative is nothing more than a hegemonic lie dressed in historical revisionism. The core fallacy lies in this irrefutable fact: The PRC, established in 1949, has never governed Taiwan—not for a single day.

Taiwan was ceded by the Qing dynasty to Japan in 1895 and remained under Japanese rule for 50 years. In 1945, after Japan’s defeat, the Republic of China (ROC) assumed administrative control over Taiwan. Then in 1949, the ROC government relocated to Taiwan, while the PRC was founded on the mainland. Since then, the two regimes have operated independently with no mutual jurisdiction. This “mutual non-subordination” is not the residue of a civil war, but the reality of two separate sovereign governments coexisting over decades.

More importantly, since the lifting of martial law in the 1980s, the Taiwanese people have built a complete democratic constitutional system over the course of three decades. Taiwan is one of the few nations in the world to have achieved a peaceful democratic transition. Today, it boasts competitive elections, independent judiciary, vibrant civil society, and press freedom—by every measure, Taiwan is already a sovereign, de facto independent country.

The PRC cannot erase Taiwan’s political and legal reality through historical fantasy or military coercion. Taiwan is not a “renegade province” but a fully functional, self-governed nation far outside the CCP’s control.

President Lai’s “Ten Points on National Unity” outlines Taiwan’s internal and external challenges and reaffirms a central principle: The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other; Taiwan’s future can only be decided by the people of Taiwan. This is not only an accurate reflection of history and current reality, but also a powerful message to the global democratic community.

In his speech, we saw a leader committed to freedom, national dignity, and democratic governance. President Lai emphasized national defense, called for public unity against CCP infiltration and disinformation, and proposed policies to strengthen Taiwan’s economy, education, and cultural influence—ensuring that Taiwan continues to shine on the world’s democratic map.

His speech was not just a declaration, but a vow: Taiwan will never accept “One Country, Two Systems”; it will never accept unification under the CCP; and it will never allow its future to be dictated by an external authoritarian power.

The CCP’s aggression against Taiwan is not a hypothetical scenario—it is an ongoing multidimensional war. Let us examine its tactics:

• Military intimidation: The CCP constantly flies warplanes around Taiwan, conducts Eastern Theater Command exercises, and moves aircraft carriers into nearby waters to simulate war readiness and create panic—aiming to force Taiwanese citizens into accepting the false promise of “peaceful reunification.” This is not only a threat to Taiwan but to peace and security in the entire Indo-Pacific region.

• Cognitive warfare: On social media and online platforms, the CCP spreads fake news to divide public opinion. Narratives such as “The U.S. will abandon Taiwan,” “War is unwinnable,” or “Young people won’t fight” are all part of a disinformation playbook aimed at sowing doubt and discouragement within Taiwan.

• Infiltration and bribery: Through business associations, underground networks, and PRC-backed companies, the CCP has attempted to infiltrate Taiwan’s political parties, media, academia, and religious communities. It has meddled in Taiwan’s elections by propping up pro-Beijing candidates and even threatening voters with the message: “Choose wrong, and there will be war.”

• Diplomatic suppression: The CCP aggressively poaches Taiwan’s diplomatic allies and bullies international organizations into excluding Taiwan. From the WHO to Interpol to ICAO, Taiwan’s global participation is repeatedly denied. These acts not only disrespect Taiwan but also undermine global democratic norms.

President Lai’s speech is a clarion call for national unity and collective defense. Regardless of party affiliation, ethnicity, generation, or region, we must recognize the true enemy—not domestic rivals, but the authoritarian CCP across the strait that tolerates no dissent, destroys freedom, and seeks to annex Taiwan.

In the face of looming conflict, the people of Taiwan cannot indulge in illusions of “peaceful surrender.” In the face of information warfare, we must not be fooled by lies like “surrender means survival.” Against CCP’s sugar-coated propaganda, we must stand tall and see clearly: this is the regime that crushed Hong Kong’s freedom, harvests organs, suppresses dissent, censors the internet, and poisons its own people.

We must not compromise.

We must not surrender.

We must not remain silent.

Taiwan is Asia’s strongest beacon of democracy. If the CCP conquers Taiwan, it will be a devastating blow to democracy worldwide. Today’s crisis in Taiwan could be tomorrow’s global crisis.

We therefore call on democratic nations—the United States, Japan, Europe—to accelerate concrete defense coordination with Taiwan; to strengthen joint sanctions on CCP’s infiltration, espionage, and tech theft; to boycott “Made in China” products and block Chinese capital from acquiring key industries; and to support Taiwan’s participation in international organizations and in building a true “community of shared future” based on freedom and human rights.

Taiwan is a maritime nation, not a vassal.

It is a beacon of democracy, not a colonial outpost.

It is a country built by 23 million free people, not the CCP’s so-called ‘sacred territory’.

We salute President Lai Ching-te.

We salute all who defend Taiwan’s sovereignty and uphold the ideals of democracy.

Let us say loud and clear: Democracy does not exist by default—freedom must be fought for and defended.

Let us unite to safeguard this land of liberty—for Taiwan, and for the world.

作者：赵杰 责任编辑：罗志飞

今天是2025年6月3号，这是一个很普通的日期，却承载一段中国人追求自由与民主的血泪历，36年前的今天中共政权背后的操纵者邓小平在一众中共元老的支持下下令军队对在天安门呼喊抗议要求中共体制改革，要求新闻言论自由的各大高校学生以及民众进行无差别的屠杀。在今天这个悲痛的日子里，全球各地华人举行活动悼念64，例如美国国务卿卢比奥、美国众议院议长麦卡锡等国际人士都在网络平台推特发文悼念这些为了追求自由而牺牲的64遇难者，但在一些纪念64的推文下竟然有一些写着中文字的评论，在痛骂发布者，更有甚者说这是一场内外勾结的颜色革命，是一群破坏社会安定的暴徒，为中共屠夫叫好，你们这些长着人形却没有人性的野蛮动物，只有立场没有是非，扰得我一整天都没有安心工作，愤怒让我彻夜难眠，我赵杰，河南洛阳人，中国民主党党员向所有中共以及中共的支持者“粉红们”发出几问：

1. 为什么只是因为一群学生和市民喊出“反腐、民主、言论自由”的诉求，中共就要绕过法律，调动军队，对手无寸铁的中国人开枪？这是一个所谓“人民政府”该做的事吗？

2. 如果“维护稳定”真的可以成为射杀国民的理由，那么你们所谓的国家政权还有没有法律？还有没有底线？下令开枪的邓小平、陈希同、李鹏，哪一个为这场屠杀承担了法律责任？

3. 毛泽东发动“大跃进”和“文化大革命”，导致三千多万人非正常死亡、无数家庭被毁。这样的历史灾难之后，为何中共仍然把毛腊肉的遗体供奉在天安门广场中心，像神一样敬拜？这是对死者的羞辱，还是对暴政的延续？

4：你们痛骂海内外中国人“勾结境外势力”，但你们不敢承认：中共的创党源头，正是苏联共产国际，是从西伯利亚吹来的“洋马列”。你们信仰的党，你们的爹本身就是“境外势力”的产物，这难道不是最大的讽刺？毛泽东生在清末，长在民国，它又该喊谁爹呢？它又造了谁的反呢？

5：你们天天喊“社会主义优越性”，可中共这个体制，除了挂着“社会主义”的牌子，实质上不过是一个半封建、半奴役的权贵统治模式——官二代世袭权力、百姓毫无言论自由、连选举都不敢公开。请问，这种“社会主义”，到底是为谁服务的？是人民，还是权贵？

最后，我想对所有还有良知、还有人性的中国人说：

请你们记得——1989年那个年轻的学生在镜头前坚定地说：“去天安门广场抗议，是我的职责。”

36年过去了，他们的血没有白流。当中共开枪的那一刻，它们就失去合法性了，也再次证明独裁根本不会进行真正的改革，只有放下幻想推翻它，人们才有真正的自由。只有中共倒台那一天，中国可以让人说真话、活得有尊严，不再有母亲找不到孩子的尸体，不再有坦克碾压自由的街头。

这是我们作为中国人、作为人，最基本的责任与担当！

向暴政说“不”的中国人：赵杰

2025年6月24日

An Open Letter to the Chinese Communist Party and Its “Little Pinks”

By Zhao Jie Edited by Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen

Today is June 3rd, 2025—a seemingly ordinary date, but one that bears the heavy weight of blood and tears from the Chinese people’s pursuit of freedom and democracy. Thirty-six years ago today, under orders from Deng Xiaoping—backed by the CCP’s senior leadership—the Chinese military opened fire on university students and citizens who had gathered in Tiananmen Square to demand political reform, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech.

On this tragic anniversary, Chinese communities around the world hold commemorative events for June 4th. Figures like U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy have paid tribute to the victims on social media. But disturbingly, under some of these posts appear comments written in Chinese, viciously attacking the posters. Some even go so far as to call the massacre a “color revolution” orchestrated by foreign forces, labeling the protestors as “violent rioters” and cheering for the CCP’s slaughter.

To those who wear human faces but lack humanity—to those beasts who have no sense of right and wrong, only blind loyalty—I was so infuriated by your words that I could not work in peace all day. Rage kept me awake all night.

I, Zhao Jie, a member of the China Democracy Party from Luoyang, Henan, now pose a few direct questions to the Chinese Communist Party and to its supporters, the so-called “Little Pinks”:

1. Why did the CCP order the military to bypass legal procedures and open fire on unarmed Chinese citizens—students and civilians—just for chanting slogans like “anti-corruption,” “democracy,” and “freedom of speech”? Is that something a so-called “People’s Government” should do?

2. If “maintaining stability” justifies shooting your own people, then does your regime even operate under law? Do you have any boundaries at all? Which of the officials who ordered the massacre—Deng Xiaoping, Chen Xitong, or Li Peng—has ever been held legally accountable for this crime?

3. Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution caused the unnatural deaths of over 30 million people and destroyed countless families. Why does the CCP still worship this man—keeping his corpse preserved in a crystal sarcophagus at the heart of Tiananmen Square like some kind of god? Is this honoring the dead, or continuing the legacy of tyranny?

4. You love to accuse overseas Chinese of “colluding with foreign forces,” yet you ignore the fact that the CCP itself was born from foreign influence: created under the guidance of the Soviet Comintern and imported from Siberia. Your beloved party—your “father”—was literally a foreign implant. Isn’t that the ultimate irony? Mao Zedong was born under the Qing Dynasty and raised in the Republic of China. Who was he rebelling against?

5. You constantly sing praises about the “superiority of socialism.” But this CCP regime is nothing but a feudal-oligarchic dictatorship in disguise—where princelings inherit power, where the people are stripped of their voice, and where even basic elections are feared. Tell me: who does this so-called “socialism” really serve? The people, or the privileged elite?

Finally, to all Chinese people who still possess conscience and humanity, I say this:

Remember—in 1989, a young student stood before the camera and said, firmly and clearly:

“Going to Tiananmen Square to protest is my duty.”

Thirty-six years have passed. Their blood was not spilled in vain.

The moment the CCP fired on its own people, it forfeited any claim to legitimacy. That moment proved, once again, that no dictatorship will ever reform itself willingly.

Only when we abandon our illusions and overthrow this regime can true freedom begin.

Only when the CCP collapses will we see a China where people can speak the truth, live with dignity, and where no mother has to search for her child’s corpse—where no tank ever again rolls over the hopes of a nation.

This is our most basic responsibility—both as Chinese and as human beings.

From a Chinese who dares to say “NO” to tyranny,

作者：邓丽英 编辑：刘双源 责任编辑：刘双源 罗志飞

在今天的中国，说“在野”是一件不容易的事。这个词原本意味着监督、质疑、提出不同的意见，是现代政治中很正常的一部分，但在一党专政的中国，“在野”却变成了危险的代名词，意味着你要被监视、打压、封杀，甚至坐牢。可也正因为如此，“在野”的存在，才显得特别重要。在中国大陆，中共的政治体制几乎不给不同声音留下生存空间。不管是想组建真正的在野党、办一份独立的刊物、成立一个民间组织，甚至只是说几句和官方不一样的话，都会面临各种打击。网络封锁、媒体审查、举报制度、国安法——这些不是为了“稳定”，而是为了让人闭嘴。

可这个国家真的稳定吗？表面看上去一切井然有序，但内心的压抑、信息的不通、思想的僵化，其实早已让社会陷入僵局。普通人连了解真实的历史都成了奢望，公共空间几乎没有真实的声音，年轻人只敢在饭局小声吐槽，大多数人宁愿装睡，因为害怕代价太大。

就是在这样的背景下，我们更需要“在野”的声音。不是为了反对而反对，而是因为如果没有人指出问题，问题就永远不会被解决。如果没人说出真话，那真相就会被永久掩埋；如果没人去想象另一种可能，那国家就只能在原地打转。

“在野”代表的是另一种视角，是敢于说“不”的勇气，是不愿放弃希望的人在发出微弱却坚定的声音。哪怕这个声音微小，哪怕被屏蔽、被污蔑、被误解，它依然不能被彻底消灭。因为它是真实的，是来自那些不愿放弃思考、拒绝服从谎言的人。

在野不是一种身份，而是一种态度。它不靠权力，也不靠资源，只靠对真理、正义和良知的坚持。这种坚持，在当今的中国，尤其显得珍贵。因为我们面对的是一个不允许异议、不接受批评、不容忍不同意见的体制。而在野者，就是要打破这种“只能有一个声音”的荒谬逻辑。

办一份像《在野党》这样的刊物，是困难重重的。不仅要面对现实的审查压力、海外的孤立环境，还要克服资金短缺、技术障碍、传播限制等等问题。有时候文章写好了，却找不到合适的平台发布；文章传出去了，又被墙封锁；读者读到了，可能还要担心是否“被喝茶”。但我们不能因此放弃。正因为难，所以更有意义。

我们也知道，在海外继续坚持做这样事情的人，并不多。但哪怕只有十个人在坚持，说出的真话也比成千上万的沉默更有分量。《在野党》的存在，为中国社会守住了一隅不肯屈从的思想阵地。

是给未来留下另一个可能性，是告诉墙内的人：你不是一个人在承受。

或许有人会问，这样的刊物有什么用？既不能推翻体制，也无法改变现实。但我们可以留下记录，可以启蒙民众，可以把还在坚持的人聚在一起。更重要的是，我们能提醒人们：这个国家的未来，不一定只能有一种声音、一个政党、一条永不改变的路。

我们也知道，在野的声音可能暂时不会被主流听到，但我们更相信，历史最终不会忽视它。每一次坚持，每一篇文章，每一个不愿沉默的人，都会在未来留下痕迹。也许正是这些看似微不足道的努力，才会成为那个真正改变未来中国的重要火种。

《在野党》的复刊，就是一次重新点燃火种的尝试。在这个充满封锁与控制的时代，它愿意发声、坚持独立、说出真话，这是非常难得的，也是非常值得支持的。

我们希望这份刊物能越办越好，不仅坚持发声，也能让更多人听到；不仅记录现实，也能启发思想。我更希望它不仅是一本杂志，更是一个象征——象征着哪怕在最黑暗的日子里，也总有人愿意站出来，去守护那一点点光。

祝《在野党》复刊顺利，越办越好，越走越远，如星火不熄，愈燃愈烈！

In Opposition: An Indispensable Voice and Force

By Deng Liying Editor: Liu Shuangyuan Chief Editors: Liu Shuangyuan, Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

In today’s China, saying the word “opposition” (zaiye, 在野) is no easy matter. The term originally referred to those who supervise, question, and offer dissenting opinions—a normal and vital part of modern politics. But under China’s one-party dictatorship, “in opposition” has become a dangerous label, associated with being watched, silenced, repressed, or even imprisoned. Precisely because of this, the presence of opposition is more crucial than ever.

In mainland China, the Communist political system leaves virtually no room for dissenting voices. Whether it’s trying to form a genuine opposition party, launch an independent publication, establish a grassroots organization, or simply say something that deviates from the official narrative—all of these actions can invite severe consequences. Internet censorship, media control, mass surveillance, the National Security Law—these tools are not about “maintaining stability,” but about silencing people.

But is this country really stable? On the surface, everything may seem orderly, but beneath lies suppression, blocked information, and mental stagnation—conditions that have already led to a societal deadlock. For ordinary people, even learning true history has become a luxury. Genuine public discourse is all but extinct. Young people dare to vent only in private gatherings or WeChat circles. Most people would rather pretend to be asleep, too afraid of the cost of waking up.

It is precisely in this context that we need the voice of the opposition more than ever. Not for the sake of opposing itself, but because if no one points out problems, they will never be solved. If no one speaks the truth, the truth will be buried forever. If no one dares to imagine another future, then this country will never move forward.

Being “in opposition” means offering a different perspective, the courage to say “no,” and the resilience of those who refuse to abandon hope. Even if this voice is faint—even if it’s blocked, smeared, or misunderstood—it cannot be erased, because it is real. It comes from those who continue to think critically and refuse to submit to lies.

Opposition is not a status—it is an attitude. It doesn’t rely on power or resources, but on a commitment to truth, justice, and conscience. Such commitment is especially precious in today’s China, where dissent is unwelcome, criticism is banned, and differing opinions are not tolerated. The role of those in opposition is to shatter the absurd logic that only one voice is allowed.

Publishing a journal like The Opposition Party (《在野党》) is immensely difficult. We face state censorship, isolation abroad, limited funds, technical challenges, and strict restrictions on information flow. Sometimes the articles are ready, but there’s no platform to post them. Sometimes they get out, but are blocked by the firewall. Even when readers do access them, they may worry about being “invited for tea.” But none of this means we should give up. Precisely because it’s difficult, it is even more meaningful.

We’re also aware that very few people continue this kind of work from abroad. But even if only ten people persist, their truthful words carry more weight than the silence of tens of thousands. The existence of The Opposition Party helps preserve a space of independent thought in Chinese society that refuses to surrender.

It offers an alternative for the future. It tells people inside the firewall: You are not alone.

Some may ask, what’s the point of such a journal? It won’t overthrow the system or change reality overnight. But it can record the truth, awaken the public, and bring together those who still believe. More importantly, it reminds people: the future of this country doesn’t have to be confined to one voice, one party, or a single unchanging path.

We know that opposition voices may not reach the mainstream right now. But we believe that history will not ignore them.Every act of persistence, every article written, every person who refuses to stay silent will leave a mark. Perhaps it is exactly these seemingly insignificant efforts that will become the sparks that ignite real change when the time comes.

The relaunch of The Opposition Party is one such attempt to rekindle that flame. In this era of control and suppression, its willingness to speak out, remain independent, and tell the truth is both rare and worthy of deep support.

We hope this journal will thrive—not only speaking out, but also being heard; not only documenting the present, but also inspiring thought. I hope it will be more than just a publication. I hope it becomes a symbol—a symbol that even in the darkest times, there are always people willing to stand up and protect that last flicker of light.

Wishing the relaunch of The Opposition Party great success. May it continue to grow, to go further and reach more people. May its sparks never die out, but blaze ever more brightly.

作者：聞浪  编辑：王梦梦   责任编辑：罗志飞

盛開了一個月的藍花楹
散佈在洛杉磯的大街小巷
盈盈如夢
淡香撩魂

有人說
它象徵在壓迫下仍不放棄希望
有人說
它象徵對自由與尊嚴的深深嚮往

今天
在這個特殊的日子裡
我更願意把它當成一種祝福
送給36年前倒在槍口下的青年
送給36年後仍堅守真相的我們

願記憶不被塵封，
願理想如光般閃耀
哪怕風吹落花，歲月斑駁
我們仍願相信——
那紫藍色的燦爛
終將開在每個覺醒的靈魂之上
……

不是每個名字
都能被刻進碑石
不是每段歷史
都能出現在課本與年表
……

可我們記得
記得那一夜的沈默與槍聲
記得廣場上的歌聲與眼淚
記得倒在血泊中的手
緊緊攥著的《民主與法治》
記得額頭紮帶上
樸實真誠的“自由萬歲”！

我們記得這一切
我們仍在路上，步履堅定
不為仇恨，只為願景
不止悼唸，還有點燃

我們相信——
那個春天尚未落幕
那些罪惡終將被審判

以夢為炬，以真相為刃
讓我們一同斬破謊言與恐懼
藍花楹終會踏破高牆
迎接那真正自由、不受極權玷污的春天

……

作者：田永德  编辑：冯仍 胡丽莉  责任编辑：罗志飞

许多人问我，为什么会参与中国民主化运动。这并不是一个突然的决定，而是我在看清现实之后，逐步形成的坚定选择。

加代，号称“深圳王”，本名任家忠。网络上查不到他的祖父是谁，有人说他是任仲夷的后代。加代于2020年因病去世。按他所作所为，被枪毙几次都不为过。他背后的靠山包括邓小平之子邓朴方、江泽民之子江绵恒、李鹏之子李小勇、周永康之子周斌等。他的“兄弟”还有山东的聂磊、山西的李满林、黑龙江的李正光等人。

最近，我在百度视频上听了不少关于加代及其朋友的故事。听完之后的感受是：尽管社会上将他描绘为仗义疏财、胆大生猛的人物，但归根结底，他仍是个仗势欺人、横行霸道的恶棍。人们所谓的“巧取豪夺”，实际上就是毫无底线地草菅人命、穷凶极恶。即便他们的对手同样不是善类，也不能掩盖他们自身的罪恶本质。

加代仗着后台，在社会上横行无忌，动辄纠集数百人持枪抢矿、抢生意，打压竞争对手。即使事情闹到了公安或武警那里，也总有人出面“摆平”，为其开脱。

中国人往往被中共电视上那些领导人的讲话所蒙蔽，失去了独立思考的能力。但现实是，一旦这些人遇到麻烦，他们所谓的“靠山”处理事情时不是威胁就是拉拢，要不就是直接“拿下”。手段不同，本质却一样——他们所有的考量，归根结底都是利益，毫无例外。

这也解释了习近平为何能够第三次连任。我得出的判断是：“习近平已经将各方利益重新分配妥当，因此得到了他们的支持。”

从加代及其背后势力的行径中，我逐渐意识到，这类现象绝非个别人的腐败与暴力，而是中共体制内部深层权力勾结的冰山一角。所谓“法治”在这些人面前形同虚设，而整个社会资源的分配和运作，早已被少数掌权者及其家族垄断。正是在这样的环境下，我开始重新审视我曾相信的“体制内改革”的可能性。

也正因为如此，我对自己曾持有的“改良主义”观点感到可笑。在这样的中国，改良主义是一种极为幼稚的幻想。中国的民主化，必须由下而上推进；所谓“由上而下”的体制改革，不过是痴人说梦。

自2006年起，我开始走访全国各地，拜会民运前辈。其中有“79一代”“89一代”和“98一代”的代表人物。我的结论是：中国民运的前辈，大多是内心纯良之人。他们冒着身家性命的风险与中共抗争，真正企图通过民运谋取个人利益的，凤毛麟角。正如安徽一位王姓前辈对我说：

“有人说我们搞民运，是为了将来自己能捞点好处，这种说法站不住脚。第一，中国实现民主的那一天遥遥无期，到那时我们也许早已不在人世，我们所坚持的，只是对得起自己的内心；第二，即便有人希望将来有所收获，那也是为了更好地推动中国的民主进程，为什么不能呢？如果因为害怕被误解而什么都不做，那才是真正中了那些人的圈套。”

我知道，确实有人怀疑民运人士的动机。那么我举一个我亲历的例子：杨天水。

杨天水第一次被判刑10年，始终不认罪，服满全刑。他亲口对我说：

“我的前妻等了我七年。每年她都会问我：你出来后还打算坚持吗？如果不坚持，我们就好好过日子。但我告诉她，我不会放弃，也绝不妥协。于是，在我入狱第七年，她和我离婚了。”

2005年12月23日下午3点半，杨天水再次被捕，随后被判刑12年。2017年8月，杨天水的外甥传出消息：他在狱中被查出患有脑癌。全球许多朋友伸出援手，仅用一周就筹集到30万元人民币用于治疗，但最终仍未能挽救他的生命。他离世时，距离刑满出狱仅四个多月。

2006年6月，杭州民主党前辈王荣清在向他人介绍我时说：“这是田永德，内蒙古的民主党人。”当时我立即否认，说自己不是。那时的我刚接触民运，对民运历史了解不深，也不确定自己未来是否会真正投入其中。但随着与更多中国民主党人的接触，在与这些前辈的深入交流中，我不仅被他们的坚定信念所打动，也开始思考自己的位置与责任。我逐渐明白，民主事业并非遥不可及的理想，也不是少数人的使命，它需要一代又一代人的接力与参与。这个觉悟，促使我认真思考：我是否也应成为其中一员？我坚定了要终生参与中国民主化运动的信念，并最终加入了中国民主党。

我深知，前辈们对中国民主化的决心是何等坚定，也明白他们对可能付出的代价早有准备。正是他们这种义无反顾的精神，深深打动并激励着我。

中国民主化的道路异常艰难，只有真正身处其中的人，才能体会那种孤独与坚持、希望与失望交织的真实感受。《在野党》的复刊，或许只是我们在时代洪流中一次微小的回响，但它凝聚着一代人的信念与担当。它不是为了缅怀过去，而是为了延续一个不曾熄灭的声音——那个对真相、正义和自由始终不肯妥协的声音。

我希望，我们能以《在野党》为平台，不只是记录抗争的历程，更要激发思考、汇聚共识、拓展视野。在风起云涌的时代中，我们要以坚定的步伐回应沉默，用笔与思想拓出前路。唯有如此，我们才能为中国的未来留下一块清晰的坐标——那就是：民主、法治与人的尊严。

照片说明：前排左起：查建国、朱虞夫、胡石根、李海；第二排左起：郑建伟、李金芳、田永德、邹女士、康玉春。此照片为朱虞夫先生第二次出狱后前往北京访友时所拍。

Why I Chose to Join China’s Democracy Movement

By Tian Yongde

Edited by Feng Reng, Hu Lili · Final Editor: Luo Zhifei  Translator: Lu Huiwen

Many have asked me why I chose to take part in China’s democracy movement.

The answer is not a sudden decision, but a conviction that took root gradually as I came to see reality more clearly.

Jiadai—nicknamed “the King of Shenzhen”—was born Ren Jiazhong. One cannot even find reliable records of his family background online; some claim he was a descendant of Ren Zhongyi. He died of illness in 2020. Judging by his actions, even a death sentence would not have been excessive. His political backers included Deng Pufang (son of Deng Xiaoping), Jiang Mianheng (son of Jiang Zemin), Li Xiaoyong (son of Li Peng), and Zhou Bin (son of Zhou Yongkang). His “brothers” included underground bosses from other provinces: Nie Lei from Shandong, Li Manlin from Shanxi, and Li Zhengguang from Heilongjiang.

Recently, I watched several Baidu videos recounting the stories of Jiadai and his circle. What struck me was this: though many portray him as bold, generous, and fearless, in truth he was nothing more than a thug who abused power to terrorize others. What the public often glamorizes as “clever manipulation” was in reality violent, lawless plunder. Even if his rivals weren’t innocent either, it doesn’t justify the brutality he embodied.

Protected by political patrons, Jiadai operated above the law—seizing mines and businesses with armed gangs. When things escalated to the police or armed forces, someone always stepped in to “smooth things over.”

People in China are often misled by the grand speeches of Communist Party leaders on television. Independent thinking is lost. But the reality is: whenever these powerful figures face trouble, their so-called protectors resort to threats, bribes—or simply take them down. The methods vary; the logic is always the same. At the core lies only one thing: interest.

That’s also why Xi Jinping managed to secure a third term. My conclusion:

“Xi redistributed vested interests to secure their support.”

From Jiadai and those behind him, I realized these were not isolated incidents of corruption or violence, but symptoms of a deeper collusion within the Communist regime. The so-called rule of law is utterly meaningless in their presence. Power and resources have long been monopolized by a handful of families. It was under such conditions that I began to question whether “reform from within” was ever possible.

It was then that I began to see how naïve my former reformist views had been. In today’s China, reformism is a dangerous illusion.

Democratization must rise from the bottom up.

Top-down reform is a fairy tale told by those who benefit from the system.

Since 2006, I’ve traveled across China meeting veterans of the democracy movement—from the ’79 generation to ’89 and ’98. My conclusion: most of these people are sincere at heart. They risk everything to oppose the CCP. Those truly seeking personal gain through the movement are extremely rare.

As one veteran surnamed Wang from Anhui told me:

“Some say we’re only doing this to benefit ourselves one day. That doesn’t hold water. First, China’s democracy may not come in our lifetime—we do it for our conscience. Second, even if some do hope to gain something, why not? If that helps push democracy forward, why should it be wrong? If we stop for fear of being misunderstood, then we’ve already lost.”

I know there are those who question our motives. So let me share a story I witnessed personally—about Yang Tianshui.

Yang was sentenced to ten years for his activism and never pleaded guilty. He served every day of his term. He once told me:

“My ex-wife waited seven years. Every year she asked, ‘Will you still continue this after you’re released?’ I told her I wouldn’t give up—ever. In my seventh year in prison, she filed for divorce.”

On December 23, 2005, at 3:30 p.m., Yang was arrested again. He was sentenced to 12 more years.

In August 2017, his nephew reported that he had been diagnosed with brain cancer in prison.

Within one week, friends around the world raised over 300,000 RMB for his treatment. But it was too late. He died four months before his sentence would have ended.

In June 2006, when democracy pioneer Wang Rongqing introduced me to others, he said, “This is Tian Yongde, a CDP member from Inner Mongolia.” I immediately denied it. Back then, I was still new to the movement and unsure of my place in it.

But the more I listened to these veterans, the more I was moved by their courage—and compelled to reflect on my own responsibility.

I came to understand: democracy is not a distant ideal, nor a mission for a few. It demands generation after generation to carry the torch forward.

That realization led me to commit myself fully to China’s democratization—and to formally join the China Democracy Party.

I understand well the resolve of those who came before us. I also know they have long been prepared to pay the price. Their unwavering spirit is what continues to inspire me.

China’s road to democracy is brutally difficult. Only those who walk it truly understand the loneliness and perseverance, the flickering hope and the crushing despair.

The revival of The Opposition Party may seem like a small ripple in the tide of history. But it carries with it the convictions of a generation.

It is not about nostalgia—it is about keeping alive a voice that refuses to be silenced: a voice for truth, for justice, and for freedom.

I hope The Opposition Party can serve not just as a chronicle of resistance, but as a platform to provoke thought, foster consensus, and widen our vision.

In a time of turbulence, we must answer silence with resolve, and carve out a future with pen and principle.

Only then can we leave behind a clear marker for China’s future:

Democracy, rule of law, and human dignity.

Photo caption:

Front row, from left: Zha Jianguo, Zhu Yufu, Hu Shigen, Li Hai.

Second row, from left: Zheng Jianwei, Li Jinfang, Tian Yongde, Ms. Zou, Kang Yuchun.

This photo was taken during Zhu Yufu’s second visit to Beijing after his release from prison.

——献给《在野党》创刊主编毛庆祥先生

作者：冯仍   编辑：鲁慧文   责任编辑：罗志飞

在中国漫长的黑暗岁月中，总有人愿意为光明燃尽自己。毛庆祥，这个在体制记录中并不显赫的名字，却是中国民主运动中不可忽视的火种。他用一生诠释了“在野”的真正含义：不身居权位，却心系国家命运；不附主流，却从不噤声。他走过的路，是由信念、牺牲与良知铸就的十字架。

一、生于农村，走向公民觉醒之路
1950年6月，毛庆祥出生于浙江杭州的一个普通农家。青年时代参军，退役后在杭州磁钢厂任职。他本可以像千万工人一样，顺从现实、平凡度日，但1976年春，他走上天安门广场，参与“四五运动”，并因此首次被捕。虽然这场运动后来被“平反”，但他的命运自此改写，踏上了一条不同的人生道路。

二、从民主墙到监狱墙：初心不改
1978年，“北京之春”的余热犹存，毛庆祥投身杭州民主墙运动，参与民刊《之江》《华东》的编辑工作。他清楚地看到体制如何制造愚民、掏空良知、用贪腐压制正义。他选择以笔为器，记录、质问、抗议；以良知对抗沉默的现实。
1981年，他以“反革命宣传煽动罪”再度入狱三年。
他的“罪”，无非是几句真话，而他无怨无悔，更加坚定地说：“国家若无宪政，人民永无宁日。”

三、创办《在野党》：以笔为枪，点燃火种
1998年，中国市场化改革二十年，社会贫富悬殊、官僚腐败丛生。“稳定压倒一切”的口号压制一切异议。在这样的高压下，毛庆祥毅然参与组建“中国民主党浙江筹委会”，并发起创办《在野党》杂志，自任主编。
这本刊物，成为当时极少数公开倡导民主宪政、系统提出政治改革方案的地下刊物之一，也是中国民主运动中的一簇明火。
1999年6月19日，他第三次被捕，因“颠覆国家政权罪”被判八年徒刑，并剥夺政治权利三年。
在狱中，他饱受精神与肉体的摧残，却从未妥协。2007年出狱时，他平静地说：“中国需要民主，我依然相信这一点。”

四、“在野之火”从未熄灭
很多人曾问他：“值吗？”
一个年近半百的普通工人，为了遥不可及的宪政理想，将生命中最宝贵的八年交付铁窗。
毛庆祥的回答，不在纸上，而在他的生命本身。
他不是名人，不是学者，却是《在野党》精神最真实的奠基者。
他的语言不喧哗，却穿透高墙；他的思想不虚浮，而是深植泥土。
对他而言，“民主”不是口号，而是生活方式、社会底线、国家出路。

五、我们接过笔，也接过火
今天纪念毛庆祥，不只是缅怀一位老人，更是致敬那份“敢为自由坐牢”的勇气。
在这片沉默太久的土地上，每一个不肯闭嘴的人，都是未来的种子。
每一位被囚禁的良知，终将化作历史的烈火。
毛庆祥已将他的笔迹深深刻入时代的记忆，而今，我们接过笔，也接过火。
正如他曾坚定写下的：
“靠枪毙几个贪官不能救中国，只有制度制衡、民主法治，才是长治久安之道。”
这不仅是他的信念，也应成为我们的方向。
在牢狱之外，我们继续呐喊——
因为我们深知，自由，从来都不是被赐予的，而是有人为它受过难。

The Fire of the Opposition: Walking Beside Mr. Mao Qingxiang

In Memory of Mao Qingxiang, Founding Editor-in-Chief of The Opposition Party

By Feng Reng · Final Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen

In China’s long years of darkness, there have always been those willing to burn themselves to bring light to others.

Mao Qingxiang—a name unremarkable in official records—is an unignorable spark in the history of China’s democracy movement. He embodied the true meaning of being “in opposition”: holding no power, yet bearing deep concern for the nation’s fate; defying the mainstream, yet never falling silent.

The path he walked was a crucible of conviction, sacrifice, and conscience.

I. From a Rural Childhood to Civic Awakening

Born in June 1950 into a humble farming family in Hangzhou, Zhejiang, Mao Qingxiang served in the military as a young man before taking a job at the Hangzhou Magnet Steel Plant. He could have lived out his life like millions of other workers—quietly, obediently, and uneventfully.

But in the spring of 1976, he went to Tiananmen Square to join the April Fifth Movement.

He was arrested for the first time.

Though the movement was later “vindicated,” Mao’s life had already taken a decisive turn. He would never again follow the well-worn path.

II. From the Democracy Wall to Prison Walls: Faith Unshaken

In 1978, as the embers of the Beijing Spring still glowed, Mao joined the Democracy Wall movement in Hangzhou, helping edit underground journals such as Zhijiang and East China.

He saw clearly how the system manufactured ignorance, hollowed out conscience, and used corruption to crush justice.

He chose the pen as his weapon—to record, to question, to resist.

He chose conscience over silence.

In 1981, he was sentenced to three more years in prison for “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement.”

His only “crime” was speaking the truth.

Yet he had no regrets.

“Without constitutional government,” he said, “the people shall never know peace.”

III. Founding The Opposition Party: A Pen Becomes a Flame

By 1998, after two decades of market reforms, China faced a chasm between rich and poor, and systemic corruption was rampant. The slogan “Stability Above All” had become a tool to suppress dissent.

Amid this climate, Mao courageously helped found the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party and launched the underground journal The Opposition Party, serving as its editor-in-chief.

It was one of the very few publications that openly advocated constitutional democracy and laid out concrete proposals for political reform.

It became a small but vital flame within the broader democracy movement.

On June 19, 1999, Mao was arrested for the third time.

He was sentenced to eight years in prison and three more years of political rights deprivation for “subverting state power.”

He endured severe physical and psychological abuse behind bars—but never wavered.

Upon his release in 2007, he simply said:

“China needs democracy. I still believe that.”

IV. The Flame of the Opposition Never Went Out

Many asked him: “Was it worth it?”

An ordinary worker nearing fifty, sacrificing eight of his best years in pursuit of an unreachable dream—constitutional democracy.

Mao’s answer wasn’t written on paper—it was written with his life.

He was not a celebrity, not a scholar, but he laid the foundation for the spirit of The Opposition Party.

His words were quiet, yet pierced prison walls.

His thoughts were grounded—not lofty, but rooted deep in the soil.

To him, “democracy” was never just a slogan.

It was a way of life, a moral boundary, and the only viable path for the nation’s future.

⸻

V. We Inherit the Pen—and the Flame

To remember Mao Qingxiang is not only to honor an elder,

but to pay tribute to the courage it takes to go to prison for freedom.

In a land long silenced,

every voice that refuses to shut up is a seed for the future.

Every imprisoned conscience will one day become a raging fire of history.

Mao’s handwriting is etched into the memory of our era.

Now, we pick up both his pen and his flame.

As he once wrote with unwavering clarity:

“Shooting a few corrupt officials will not save China. Only institutional checks and balances—only democracy and the rule of law—can bring lasting peace and stability.”

This was not just his belief. It must be our direction.

Beyond the prison walls, we continue to speak—

because we know:

freedom is never given. It exists only because someone has suffered for it.