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马群:我在洛杉矶星光大道声援《香港47人案》

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我是中国民主党党员马群,我在洛杉矶星光大道声援《香港47人案》,时代革命,光复香港!

一次街头行动不能促成中国的政治变革,但只要能让海外华人、美国人以及墙内人看清一点点的中共邪恶本质,我们的行动就会变得有意义。

作者:马群   责任编辑:罗志飞

I am Ma Qun, a member of the China Democracy Party. I stood on Hollywood Walk of Fame in Los Angeles to voice support for the “Hong Kong 47” case, for the movement of our times, and for the liberation of Hong Kong!

A single street action may not bring about political change in China. But if it helps overseas Chinese, Americans, or people inside the Great Firewall see even a little more clearly the evil nature of the Chinese Communist Party, then our action is meaningful.

By Ma Qun

Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

吕峰:我在洛杉矶中国领事馆前发声

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我叫吕峰,中国民主党党员,

我在洛杉矶中国领事馆前发声:

有共产,无私产,私产不仅指金钱,也包括自由和尊严。

共产党走到哪里,独裁就跟到哪里。

因为镰刀和锤子,代表收割与镇压。

作者:吕峰  责任编辑:罗志飞

My name is Lü Feng, and I am a member of the China Democracy Party.

I raised my voice in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles:

Where there is communism, there is no private property.

Private property means more than just money—it also includes freedom and dignity.

The sickle and hammer symbolize harvesting and repression.

By Lü Feng

Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

陈星力:民主的朝阳能够照耀中华,照耀香港!

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我是中国民主党员陈星力。1997年前的香港是亚洲金融中心,1997年后的香港沦为亚洲金融中心遗址。为香港扼腕叹息,望有朝一日,民主的朝阳能够照耀中华,照耀香港!

作者:陈星力  责任编辑:罗志飞

I am Chen Xingli, a member of the China Democracy Party.

Before 1997, Hong Kong was the financial center of Asia.

After 1997, it has become a ruin of that very center.

I grieve for Hong Kong,

and I hope that one day, the rising sun of democracy will shine upon China—and upon Hong Kong.

By Chen Xingli

Editor: Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

捐款信息公示(至20250626)

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复刊初期至2025年6月26日,《在野党》接收的款项信息公示如下:

来金彪 1000美元

郑存柱 1500美元

李裕仁 300美元

无名氏 100美元

Jie Zhao (赵杰) 100美元

Qiankun Lu (陆乾坤) 6.25美元

Zhifei Luo (罗志飞) 200美元

Xiaoyan Zhu (朱小砚) 100美元

Rongxin Zhang (张荣鑫) 100美元

Yangyang Liu 100美元

Haowei Shi 100美元

Changbing Yang(杨长兵)200美元

Yu He (何愚) 200美元

Congling Li (李聪玲)100美元

Jianxun Li (李建勋) 100美元

Wei Zheng (郑伟) 89.64美元

Min Zheng (郑敏) 89.64美元

Shaohai Lao (劳少海) 50美元

Linli Xiao (肖琳丽) 50美元

Lingyan Xiao (肖玲燕)50美元

Sibo Huang (黄思博) 50美元

Gang Zheng (郑刚) 50美元

吴字儒 20美元

韦洁筱 50美元

孟飞舟 50美元

陈锦波 100美元

黎富德 50美元

史庆梅 200美元

–《在野党》财务组

2025年6月26日1:00PM

7月1日:中共建党的“纪念”与人民的苦难

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作者 赵雪峰 编辑 胡丽莉

每年的7月1日被中共定为“建党纪念日”,官方口中是“伟大的节日”,但对亿万中国人民而言,却更像是一个国家噩梦的开始。自1921年成立以来,中国共产党以革命的名义、以“人民”的旗号,实施了无数暴政与迫害,成为20世纪最为残酷的极权政权之一。

在毛泽东时期,中共以“阶级斗争”为纲,制造了三反五反运动、大跃进、文化大革命等一系列人为灾难,造成数千万无辜百姓非正常死亡。从饿殍遍野的农村到红卫兵肆虐的校园,血与泪铺满了共和国的道路。进入邓、江、胡年代,虽稍有松动,却仍掩盖不了体制的极权本质:六四镇压、对异见人士的迫害、对宗教自由的打压,从未停止。

习近平上台以来,极权体制迅速回归,言论空间被全面收紧,个人崇拜死灰复燃。他废除国家主席任期制,修改宪法、集权于一身,封杀网络、打压媒体并强行推行香港国安法、新疆的集中营政策、以及对宗教团体、维权律师的全面打压,都充分暴露了这个政权正在滑向极端独裁的深渊。尤其是在过去五年,中共进一步撕下伪装:在香港,民主派人士遭大规模逮捕,选举制度被改写,基本法名存实亡;在新疆,数以百万计的维吾尔族人被关押在“再教育营”,酷刑、强迫劳动、宗教压迫等侵犯人权行为被国际广泛谴责;在中国大陆,“清零政策”以防疫为名,实施极端封控、封城封户,无数民众因医疗延误、失业破产而陷入绝望;在西藏、内蒙、新疆等地,少数民族文化持续遭打压、语言教育被汉化清洗。

不仅如此,中共对外扩张野心日益明显。在南海大肆造岛军事化,在台湾问题上屡次武力恫吓,干扰全球供应链,输出极权模式。尤其是新冠疫情爆发初期,中共隐瞒疫情、迫害“吹哨人”李文亮,造成病毒扩散全球,引发灾难性后果。中共不断在对俄罗斯、伊朗等独裁政权进行资助共同挑战国际秩序,其对国际社会的不负责任行为令其全球信任度及国家形象急剧下降。

目前,中共在国际上陷入空前孤立。G7国家、欧盟、美国等均已出台制裁或脱钩政策。联合国人权机构多次要求调查其人权纪录,全球民主国家对其技术封锁、产业脱钩的趋势愈发明显。中国的外汇储备、人才、科技出口正面临战略性退潮。

然而这一切并非偶然,这是中共体制逻辑的必然结果:它靠暴力夺权,靠谎言维稳,靠恐惧统治。它天生畏惧真相与自由,注定与现代文明格格不入。历史证明,任何背离正义、反人类的政权都不会长久。柏林墙倒塌、苏共垮台、东欧剧变无一不是极权走向末日的见证。中共政权表面强大,实则内忧外患,其腐败、虚伪、高压与恐惧正在腐蚀根基。中国人民终将觉醒,自由终将到来。

7月1日,不该是对“共产党的生日”的颂歌,而应成为人民反思苦难、追求真相的起点。

July 1st: The CCP’s “Anniversary” and the People’s Suffering

By Zhao Xuefeng | Edited by Hu Lili Translator: Lu Huiwen

Every year, July 1st is celebrated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as its “Founding Anniversary”—a so-called “glorious day” in official narratives. Yet for hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens, it marks the beginning of a national nightmare. Since its founding in 1921, the CCP has used the name of “revolution” and the banner of “the people” to justify a long legacy of violence and oppression, establishing itself as one of the most brutal authoritarian regimes of the 20th century.

During Mao Zedong’s rule, the CCP imposed a reign of terror through relentless “class struggle,” unleashing man-made catastrophes like the Three-anti and Five-anti Campaigns, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution—events that led to the unnatural deaths of tens of millions of innocent civilians. From famine-stricken countryside to Red Guard-occupied schools, the path of the People’s Republic was paved with blood and tears.

In the eras of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao, though repression eased slightly, the fundamental nature of the regime remained unchanged. The Tiananmen Massacre, persecution of dissidents, and crackdowns on religious freedom never ceased.

Since Xi Jinping’s rise to power, authoritarianism has resurged with force. Freedom of expression has been stifled, cult-like personality worship has resurfaced, and Xi has abolished presidential term limits, centralized all power, censored the internet, crushed the media, and enforced draconian laws like the Hong Kong National Security Law. His regime has implemented mass internment camps in Xinjiang and launched sweeping crackdowns on religious groups, rights lawyers, and civil society. Over the past five years, the CCP has shed any pretense:

In Hong Kong, pro-democracy leaders have been imprisoned en masse, electoral laws rewritten, and the Basic Law rendered meaningless.

In Xinjiang, over a million Uyghurs have been detained in so-called “re-education camps,” facing torture, forced labor, and religious suppression—practices widely condemned by the international community.

In mainland China, the “Zero-COVID” policy imposed extreme lockdowns under the guise of pandemic control, leading to deaths from delayed medical care, mass unemployment, and widespread despair.

In Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Xinjiang, minority cultures are under constant assault, and native languages are being forcibly sinicized.

Beyond its borders, the CCP’s expansionist ambitions are increasingly evident. It militarizes artificial islands in the South China Sea, threatens Taiwan with force, disrupts global supply chains, and exports authoritarian ideology. At the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the CCP suppressed early warnings, persecuted whistleblower Dr. Li Wenliang, and allowed the virus to spread globally—triggering catastrophic consequences. The regime continues to fund autocracies like Russia and Iran, challenging the international order and eroding global trust.

Today, the CCP faces unprecedented international isolation. The G7, EU, and the United States have implemented sanctions and decoupling policies. UN human rights agencies have repeatedly called for investigations into its human rights abuses. The trend of technological containment and economic disengagement from China is accelerating. China’s foreign reserves, talent exports, and technological access are all under strategic retreat.

But none of this is accidental. It is the inevitable outcome of the CCP’s systemic logic—seizing power through violence, maintaining control through lies, and ruling by fear. It is inherently hostile to truth and freedom and fundamentally incompatible with modern civilization. History has shown that regimes that betray justice and violate humanity do not endure. The fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the democratic transformations in Eastern Europe are all proof that the days of tyranny are numbered.

The CCP may appear powerful on the surface, but it is plagued by internal decay and external pressure. Corruption, hypocrisy, repression, and fear are eating away at its foundations. The Chinese people will awaken. Freedom will come.

July 1st should not be a hymn to the Communist Party’s “birthday,” but a moment of reflection on national suffering—and a renewed call to seek truth and justice.

台湾从未属于中华人民共和国:坚决支持赖清德总统《团结国家十讲》

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作者/编辑:李聪玲 责任编辑:鲁慧文

2025年6月22日,赖清德总统发表了震撼全台、感动国际的演说——《团结国家十讲》。这不仅彰显了台湾民主自由的坚定方向,也向世界宣示了一个不可动摇的历史与现实真理:台湾从未属于中华人民共和国,台湾属于2300万自由的台湾人民。赖总统的话语铿锵有力,触动人心,在民主与专制的全球对决中为台湾站稳道义制高点。与此形成鲜明对比的,是中国共产党一贯的霸权思维、战争叫嚣与灰色渗透。中共妄图通过军机绕台、认知作战、金钱收买、媒体操控等手段达成对台“统一” 的目的,其本质是一场对民主制度的颠覆,对台湾主权的践踏,对国际秩序的挑衅。

中共经常高喊“台湾自古以来属于中国”,更肆无忌惮地将“一个中国原则”强加于全世界,胁迫国际社会噤声、切断台湾外交空间。但这不过是一套赤裸裸的谎言包装的霸权逻辑,其根本谬误在于:中华人民共和国从1949年建政至今,从未统治台湾一天。

台湾在1895年被清政府割让给日本,长达50年之久为日治时期。1945年日本战败,中华民国政府接收台湾。但1949年,中华民国政府撤退来台后,中华人民共和国在大陆成立,两个政权分治,互不隶属。从此,台湾事实上与中国共产党政权毫无从属关系。这种“互不隶属”并非“内战余续”,而是两个主权政体的长期并存。

更重要的是,台湾人民自1980年代解除戒严以来,用三十年的努力建构出完整的民主宪政体系。台湾是全球少数几次完成和平民主转型的国家之一,现今拥有健全民主选举、多元媒体、三权分立与司法独立,任何一个标准来看,台湾早已是一个事实上的主权独立国家。

中华人民共和国无法以历史幻想或武力胁迫否定台湾现实存在的政治与法律主体性。台湾不是中共的“叛乱省”,而是一个早已脱离其势力范围,拥有完整国家功能的独立政治体。

赖清德总统的《团结国家十讲》涵盖台湾当前所面临的内外挑战与国家定位,其最核心的一点,是明确宣示:中华民国与中华人民共和国互不隶属,台湾的前途只有台湾人民能决定。这不仅是对台湾历史与现实的精准总结,更是对世界民主阵营发出的坚定信号。在赖总统的演讲中,我们看见了一个领导人对自由的坚持,对国家认同的尊重,对民主制度的坚守。他不仅强调国防的重要,更呼吁全民团结对抗中共渗透与认知作战,并提出强化经济、教育、文化软实力的政策方针,让台湾在全球民主版图中持续发光发热。赖总统的演讲,是一份宣言,更是一份誓言——绝不接受一国两制、绝不接受中共主导下的“统一”,绝不让2300万台湾人民的未来被任何外部强权决定。

中共对台湾的侵略,从来不是“可能发生”,而是早已持续进行的多维度战争。以下我们逐一揭露其手段之邪恶:

近年来,中共不断以军机绕台、东部战区演训、航母靠近等方式挑衅台湾。其目的是制造“即将开战”的恐慌氛围,试图压迫台湾人民就范、接受“和平统一”的骗局。这种行径不仅威胁台湾,也扰乱整个印太地区的安全秩序,破坏亚太和平。

中共在社交媒体、网络平台上大肆进行假讯息传播、制造社会对立。诸如“美国不会保护台湾”、“战争必败”、“年轻人不愿当兵”等论调,都是典型的中共认知作战剧本,目的就是要让台湾人民自我怀疑、自我否定、丧失信心。

通过各种台商协会、地下统战组织、中资企业,中共对台湾政坛、媒体、学界、宗教团体等进行长期渗透收买。近年中共更企图影响台湾选举,干扰民主机制,扶植亲共候选人,甚至用金钱或暴力要胁台湾人“选错就打”。

中共用金钱外交挖台湾邦交国,用威胁手段逼迫国际组织不接纳台湾,从世卫组织到国际刑警、ICAO,台湾人民的国际权利屡屡被中共粗暴剥夺。这种作为不仅是对台湾的不尊重,更是对全球民主价值的破坏。

赖清德总统以《团结国家十讲》呼吁全民共同捍卫国家、抵御外敌,这是当前局势下最关键的号召。无论是政党、族群、世代、南北,我们唯有认清大敌,才不致自乱阵脚。台湾的敌人不是国民党,而是对岸那个不容异己、消灭自由、妄图并吞的中国共产党。只要中共一天不放弃武力犯台的图谋,台湾人民就一天不能掉以轻心。

面对战争阴影,台湾人民不能沉溺于“和平幻觉”;面对信息作战,我们不能轻信“投降才能保命”;面对中共的统战糖衣炮弹,我们更要挺直脊梁、认清本质:这是一个灭绝香港自由的政权,是一个活摘器官、镇压异见、封锁网络、毒害人民的邪恶专制政体。

我们不能妥协,不能投降,不能沉默。台湾是亚洲最坚强的民主灯塔,中共若吞并台湾,将是全球民主的重大挫败。今日台湾的危机,就是明日世界的危机。

因此,我们呼吁:美国、日本、欧洲等民主国家加快实质协防台湾机制;加强对中共统战行为、间谍渗透、科技盗窃的联合制裁;抵制中国制造、审查中资企业全球并购;协助台湾参与国际组织,共享人类命运共同体的真正价值。

台湾是海洋国家,不是附庸;是民主灯塔,不是专制殖民地;是2300万人民共同缔造的国家,不是中共权贵的“神圣领土”。

我们要向赖清德总统致敬,向所有捍卫台湾主权、坚持民主信仰的人致敬。我们要大声说:民主不会自动存在,自由需要奋战守护。让我们团结起来,共同守住这块自由的土地,为台湾,也为世界!

Taiwan Has Never Belonged to the People’s Republic of China: A Firm Support for President Lai Ching-te’s “Ten Points on National Unity”

By Li Congling Translator: Lu Huiwen

On June 22, 2025, President Lai Ching-te delivered a powerful and moving speech—“Ten Points on National Unity”—which resonated across Taiwan and drew international attention. More than a national address, it was a bold affirmation of an undeniable historical and political truth: Taiwan has never belonged to the People’s Republic of China (PRC); it belongs to the 23 million free people of Taiwan. President Lai’s resolute words touched hearts and solidified Taiwan’s moral high ground in the global contest between democracy and authoritarianism.

In stark contrast stands the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which continues to cling to hegemonic thinking, threats of war, and creeping infiltration. Through military intimidation, cognitive warfare, economic manipulation, and media influence, the CCP seeks to “unify” Taiwan—not as a matter of national identity, but as an assault on democracy, a violation of Taiwan’s sovereignty, and a direct challenge to the international order.

The CCP often repeats the slogan, “Taiwan has always been part of China,” and aggressively imposes its “One China Principle” on the world, pressuring governments to silence Taiwan’s voice and block its international participation. But this narrative is nothing more than a hegemonic lie dressed in historical revisionism. The core fallacy lies in this irrefutable fact: The PRC, established in 1949, has never governed Taiwan—not for a single day.

Taiwan was ceded by the Qing dynasty to Japan in 1895 and remained under Japanese rule for 50 years. In 1945, after Japan’s defeat, the Republic of China (ROC) assumed administrative control over Taiwan. Then in 1949, the ROC government relocated to Taiwan, while the PRC was founded on the mainland. Since then, the two regimes have operated independently with no mutual jurisdiction. This “mutual non-subordination” is not the residue of a civil war, but the reality of two separate sovereign governments coexisting over decades.

More importantly, since the lifting of martial law in the 1980s, the Taiwanese people have built a complete democratic constitutional system over the course of three decades. Taiwan is one of the few nations in the world to have achieved a peaceful democratic transition. Today, it boasts competitive elections, independent judiciary, vibrant civil society, and press freedom—by every measure, Taiwan is already a sovereign, de facto independent country.

The PRC cannot erase Taiwan’s political and legal reality through historical fantasy or military coercion. Taiwan is not a “renegade province” but a fully functional, self-governed nation far outside the CCP’s control.

President Lai’s “Ten Points on National Unity” outlines Taiwan’s internal and external challenges and reaffirms a central principle: The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China are not subordinate to each other; Taiwan’s future can only be decided by the people of Taiwan. This is not only an accurate reflection of history and current reality, but also a powerful message to the global democratic community.

In his speech, we saw a leader committed to freedom, national dignity, and democratic governance. President Lai emphasized national defense, called for public unity against CCP infiltration and disinformation, and proposed policies to strengthen Taiwan’s economy, education, and cultural influence—ensuring that Taiwan continues to shine on the world’s democratic map.

His speech was not just a declaration, but a vow: Taiwan will never accept “One Country, Two Systems”; it will never accept unification under the CCP; and it will never allow its future to be dictated by an external authoritarian power.

The CCP’s aggression against Taiwan is not a hypothetical scenario—it is an ongoing multidimensional war. Let us examine its tactics:

• Military intimidation: The CCP constantly flies warplanes around Taiwan, conducts Eastern Theater Command exercises, and moves aircraft carriers into nearby waters to simulate war readiness and create panic—aiming to force Taiwanese citizens into accepting the false promise of “peaceful reunification.” This is not only a threat to Taiwan but to peace and security in the entire Indo-Pacific region.

• Cognitive warfare: On social media and online platforms, the CCP spreads fake news to divide public opinion. Narratives such as “The U.S. will abandon Taiwan,” “War is unwinnable,” or “Young people won’t fight” are all part of a disinformation playbook aimed at sowing doubt and discouragement within Taiwan.

• Infiltration and bribery: Through business associations, underground networks, and PRC-backed companies, the CCP has attempted to infiltrate Taiwan’s political parties, media, academia, and religious communities. It has meddled in Taiwan’s elections by propping up pro-Beijing candidates and even threatening voters with the message: “Choose wrong, and there will be war.”

• Diplomatic suppression: The CCP aggressively poaches Taiwan’s diplomatic allies and bullies international organizations into excluding Taiwan. From the WHO to Interpol to ICAO, Taiwan’s global participation is repeatedly denied. These acts not only disrespect Taiwan but also undermine global democratic norms.

President Lai’s speech is a clarion call for national unity and collective defense. Regardless of party affiliation, ethnicity, generation, or region, we must recognize the true enemy—not domestic rivals, but the authoritarian CCP across the strait that tolerates no dissent, destroys freedom, and seeks to annex Taiwan.

In the face of looming conflict, the people of Taiwan cannot indulge in illusions of “peaceful surrender.” In the face of information warfare, we must not be fooled by lies like “surrender means survival.” Against CCP’s sugar-coated propaganda, we must stand tall and see clearly: this is the regime that crushed Hong Kong’s freedom, harvests organs, suppresses dissent, censors the internet, and poisons its own people.

We must not compromise.

We must not surrender.

We must not remain silent.

Taiwan is Asia’s strongest beacon of democracy. If the CCP conquers Taiwan, it will be a devastating blow to democracy worldwide. Today’s crisis in Taiwan could be tomorrow’s global crisis.

We therefore call on democratic nations—the United States, Japan, Europe—to accelerate concrete defense coordination with Taiwan; to strengthen joint sanctions on CCP’s infiltration, espionage, and tech theft; to boycott “Made in China” products and block Chinese capital from acquiring key industries; and to support Taiwan’s participation in international organizations and in building a true “community of shared future” based on freedom and human rights.

Taiwan is a maritime nation, not a vassal.

It is a beacon of democracy, not a colonial outpost.

It is a country built by 23 million free people, not the CCP’s so-called ‘sacred territory’.

We salute President Lai Ching-te.

We salute all who defend Taiwan’s sovereignty and uphold the ideals of democracy.

Let us say loud and clear: Democracy does not exist by default—freedom must be fought for and defended.

Let us unite to safeguard this land of liberty—for Taiwan, and for the world.

民主之夜,荣耀之光:记中国民主党27周年庆典暨《在野党》复刊仪式、洛杉矶地委换届交接仪式

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作者:李聪玲/编辑 责任编辑:鲁慧文

2025年6月25日,中国民主党迎来了成立27周年的重要时刻。在这个意义非凡的节点上,一场庄严而热烈的庆典晚会于自由的土地——美国洛杉矶隆重举行。晚会主题为“民主之夜·荣耀之光”,不仅回顾了中国民主党自1998年成立以来风雨兼程的斗争历程,也见证了中国民主党党刊《在野党》的庄严复刊仪式与洛杉矶地委的民主换届交接。

晚会在热烈而庄重的气氛中开场,主持人鲁慧文女士以充满情感的语言欢迎各位与会者——“你们是中国民主之光的火种,是不畏危险挺身在前的民主斗士!”从1998年到2025年,整整27年,中国民主党从浙江杭州的地下斗争起步,一步步走向全球华人反抗专制的旗帜。主持人王乃一先生动情地说:“今晚,我们不只是见证历史,更是向每一位坚定信仰者致敬——因为你们,民主的旗帜始终高高飘扬。”

党员郭斌带来了歌曲《心中的日月》。党员乐在霖带来的歌曲《朋友别哭》拉开了文艺表演的帷幕。这首歌不仅是对昔日斗士的缅怀,更是对今日民主奋战者的深情慰问。主持人深情提醒:“朋友别哭,民主的路上你不是一个人在战斗!”

晚会中,中国民主党创党人及中国民主党党刊《在野党》创刊人朱虞夫先生回顾了中国民主党的创建历程,提及1998年中国民主党创立不久,便创办了党刊《在野党》。虽然刊物因中共迫害停刊,主创者被捕入狱甚至殉难,但他们无愧为中国民主自由之路上的奠基者。如今,沉寂多年之后,《在野党》终于在海外民主战士的努力下重新燃起火种,走向复刊。

伴随着热烈掌声,《在野党》复刊仪式隆重举行。中国民主党创党人、党刊《在野党》创刊人朱虞夫先生亲自上台揭幕并发表致辞,表达了对复刊的激动与对前赴后继民主战士的敬意。他指出,《在野党》的复刊不仅是对历史的延续,更是中国民主事业未竟之志的接力。

随后,中国民主党全委会主席王军涛先生、中国民主党全联总主席郑存柱先生、雕塑家与民主人士陈维明先生、中国民主党海外后援会创办人王希哲先生、资深党员唐凯先生等依次发表讲话,分享了对民主信念的坚持与展望,现场气氛庄严而热烈。

文艺演出也展现出民主运动的情感深度。歌曲《平凡之路》由赵杰演唱,道出普通人走上民主之路的不凡勇气;郑存柱先生则以口琴独奏《多瑙河之波》抒发内心激荡。康余带来歌曲《忘川彼岸》,歌声中带着苦难的回忆与希望的力量——“这不是歌,而是幸存的证词”。王乃一的朗诵《将进酒》也点燃了全场情绪,将个人豪情与时代大义交织成篇。

晚会的又一高潮,是中国民主党全国委员会洛杉矶地区委员会换届交接仪式。主持人鲁慧文女士庄重宣布:“中国民主党全国委员会洛杉矶地委换届交接仪式正式开始!”接力棒由现任主委耿冠军先生传递给新任主委王中伟先生,这一象征着权力和平交接、责任持续传承的动作,在自由世界的舞台上熠熠生辉。

耿冠军、王中伟两位主委分别发表致辞,表达对民主理念的坚守与对未来工作的承诺。副主委周云龙先生也发表讲话,呼吁更多人加入民主行列,将中国民主党的使命继续推进下去。

在最后的合影环节中,现场所有与会者合影留念,共同记录这段充满希望与热血的民主之夜。

这场晚会不仅是一次纪念活动,更是一场信仰的集体宣言。在中国民主党27年风雨历程的背后,是无数人不惧打压、不屈抗争的精神图谱。今天,他们在自由的土地上再次聚首,把被迫中断的民主之路续写下去。而《在野党》的归来,也向全世界宣示:黑暗不会永远统治,真理终将照亮中国的天空。

Night of Democracy, Light of Glory: Celebrating the 27th Anniversary of the China Democracy Party, the Relaunch of The Opposition, and the Leadership Transition of the Los Angeles Committee

Author / Editor: Congling Li Chief Editor: Huiwen Lu

Translator: Lu Huiwen

On June 25, 2025, the China Democracy Party marked a momentous occasion—the 27th anniversary of its founding. On this meaningful day, a solemn and spirited celebration was held in the land of freedom—Los Angeles, USA. Titled “Night of Democracy · Light of Glory,” the event not only revisited the Party’s arduous journey since its inception in 1998 but also witnessed the symbolic relaunch of its official publication The Opposition and the democratic leadership transition of its Los Angeles Committee.

The evening began in a fervent yet solemn atmosphere. Host Ms. Huiwen Lu welcomed attendees with heartfelt words: “You are the sparks of light for China’s democracy, the brave fighters who step forward despite the dangers.” From its underground beginnings in Hangzhou, Zhejiang in 1998, the China Democracy Party has become a beacon for Chinese people worldwide resisting authoritarian rule. Co-host Mr. Naiyi Wang emotionally declared, “Tonight, we are not merely witnessing history—we are honoring every true believer. Because of you, the banner of democracy has never fallen.”

Party member Guo Bin performed the song The Sun and Moon in My Heart. The artistic program officially began with Le Zailin’s rendition of Friend, Don’t Cry—a tribute to fallen comrades and a message of comfort to today’s fighters for democracy. As the host poignantly reminded the audience: “Friend, don’t cry—you’re never alone on the road to democracy.”

Mr. Zhu Yufu also recounted the founding of the China Democracy Party and its early publication of The Opposition. Though the magazine was quickly shut down by the Chinese Communist regime—its founders imprisoned or even martyred—they remain the trailblazers of China’s path to freedom. After years of silence, The Opposition has finally been revived overseas, rekindling its mission in the hands of exiled democracy advocates.

Amid thunderous applause, the relaunch ceremony for The Opposition was held with solemnity. Mr. Zhu Yufu, co-founder of the China Democracy Party and founding editor of The Opposition, took the stage to unveil the first issue and deliver an impassioned speech. He emphasized that the magazine’s revival is not only a continuation of its legacy, but also a renewed commitment to the unfinished mission of democratization in China.

Following this, several distinguished figures shared their reflections and vision, including Mr. Wang Juntao (Chairman of the National Committee of the China Democracy Party), Mr. Zheng Cunzhu (President of the Party’s United Headquarters), renowned sculptor and dissident Mr. Chen Weiming, founding member of the Overseas Support Committee Mr. Wang Xizhe, and veteran Party member Mr. Tang Kai. Their speeches reaffirmed the Party’s enduring belief in democracy and inspired all present with courage and conviction.

The evening’s artistic performances gave emotional depth to the movement. Zhao Jie’s performance of The Ordinary Road conveyed the extraordinary courage of ordinary people stepping onto the path of democracy. Mr. Zheng Cunzhu moved the crowd with a harmonica solo of Waves of the Danube, expressing his turbulent inner emotions. Kang Yu’s song On the Far Shore of the River Lethe sang of past suffering and the power of hope—“This is not a song, but the testimony of a survivor.” Mr. Wang Naiyi’s passionate recitation of Bring in the Wine further energized the audience, blending personal resolve with historical purpose.

Another highlight of the evening was the leadership transition ceremony of the Los Angeles Regional Committee of the China Democracy Party. Ms. Huiwen Lu solemnly announced: “The leadership transition ceremony of the Los Angeles Committee of the China Democracy Party is now underway!” The baton was symbolically passed from outgoing chair Mr. Geng Guanjun to incoming chair Mr.

Wang Zhongwei—an act of peaceful power transfer and enduring responsibility, shining brightly on the stage of the free world.

Both Mr. Geng and Mr. Wang delivered speeches reaffirming their dedication to democratic ideals and their commitments for the future. Vice-chair Mr. Zhou Yunlong also spoke, calling on more people to join the movement and carry the Party’s mission forward.

The evening concluded with a group photo, as all attendees gathered to commemorate this night of hope and passion.

This event was more than just a celebration—it was a collective declaration of faith. Behind the 27-year journey of the China Democracy Party lies a rich tapestry of resistance, sacrifice, and perseverance. Today, they gathered again on free soil to continue the road that was once violently interrupted. And the return of The Opposition sends a message to the world: darkness will not rule forever—truth will one day light up the skies of China.

为中共专政下的女性而战

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“硬糖联盟”成立宣言

在这个声音被扼杀、真相被吞噬的时代。

我们不再退缩,不再等待。

2025年4月19日,我们将郑重宣告——

“硬糖联盟”正式成立。

我们是生于极权阴影下的女性,我们是不愿再被奴役的公民。

我们亲历中共专政体制下的性别歧视与系统性压迫,从家庭到职场,从身体到思想,从法律到言论,每一个角落都布满囚禁女性的铁丝网。

我们拒绝继续再沉默!

我们是硬糖,不是糖衣。

我们要响亮发声,不被吞下,不被碾碎。

“硬糖联盟”是为每一个在家暴中求救无门的姐妹,为每一位因表达而失去自由的女记者、女律师、女作家,为每一个在父权与极权双重压迫下挣扎的母亲与女儿——更是为所有被剥夺尊严与权利的人而存在。

我们也为那些在黑暗中独自挣扎、因遭遇性侵却得不到公正与支持的女性而战。

为那些曾试图求助,却被警察羞辱、媒体审判、社会冷漠的女性而战。

为那些被迫噤声,被“荡妇羞辱”,被贴上“勾引者”“不检点”的标签,被抹去痛苦、剥夺正义的女性而战。

我们要说:我们没有错。

我们同在,伤痛也不应被遗忘,我们的声音值得被听见。

我们也向所有在性别与性取向上遭受歧视和迫害的性少数群体伸出援手。

我们看见那些被隐形、被羞辱、被标签、被边缘化的同志姐妹。

所有的挣扎,我们铭记;

我们的存在,理应被尊重。

我们深知,在极权的审判台上,每一种“不顺从”的身份都可能成为罪状——但我们不会让任何一个人孤身作战。

我们将:

揭露一切以制度之名行暴力之实的压迫;

抵抗一切对女性身体与声音的控制;

反对一切基于性别、性取向和性别认同的歧视与仇恨;

为性侵幸存者建立安全、可信、可依靠的支持网络;

建立彼此守望、互助互信的女性同盟;

鼓励更多女性与性少数表达、记录、组织、行动;

连结海内外一切反抗压迫的力量,揭露被隐藏的黑暗,突破任何阻碍我们的防火墙与封锁线;

即使风暴来临,我们也将不散、不屈、不退!

“硬糖联盟”是一场女性觉醒的集结,“我们Women”运动是一场公民不服从的起义,是一把握在手中的石头——不为报复,只为正义。

我们已经开始,我们不会停下。

献给每一位曾被噤声、被压迫、被遗忘的姐妹;

献给每一位因性侵而忍痛求生却被社会遗弃的姐妹;

献给每一位在身份的围栏中被误解却仍勇敢生活的同志;

献给正在抗争、正在发光的每一位女性——

欢迎加入“硬糖联盟”。

为自由、尊严与我们自己的未来!

初创成员:张致君、程虹、李聪玲、肖玲燕、常琨、肖林丽 、王灵、黄春远、鲁慧文、朱晓娜、蒲芹白、汪听雨、郭思瑜、程铭、郑敏,李青、周君红、刘佳

联络邮箱:[email protected]

Declaration of the Establishment of the “Hard Candy Alliance”

In an era where voices are silenced and truths are devoured,

we shall no longer shrink back or wait.

On April 19, 2025, we solemnly declare—

the Hard Candy Alliance is officially founded.

We are women born under the shadow of authoritarianism, we are citizens who refuse to be enslaved any longer.

We have endured gender discrimination and systemic oppression under the rule of the authoritarian regime of the CCP, from home to the workplace, from body to thought, from law to speech, every corner is laced with barbed wire meant to imprison women.

We refuse to remain silent!

We are hard candy, not a sugar coating.

We will speak loudly. We will not be swallowed. We will not be crushed.

The Hard Candy Alliance exists for every sister who cried for help in domestic violence and found no way out; for every female journalist, lawyer, and writer who lost her freedom simply for speaking; for every mother and daughter struggling beneath the dual oppression of patriarchy and tyranny—and for every person stripped of dignity and rights.

We also fight for women who struggle alone in the dark, for those who survived sexual violence but were denied justice and support.

We fight for those who once sought help, but only to be shamed by police, trialed by media,

and ignored by society.

We fight for those forced into silence, slut-shamed, branded as “temptresses,” “immodest,” whose pain was erased and justice denied.

We say this: We are not the ones at fault.

We stand together, and our wounds shall not be forgotten. Our voices deserve to be heard.

We extend our hands to all gender and sexuality minorities who have faced discrimination and persecution.

We see our queer sisters—those who have been rendered invisible, humiliated, labeled, and pushed to the margins.

All our struggles, we shall remember.

Our existence deserves respect.

We know that under the dock of authoritarian, every identity that defies conformity can become a so-called crime, but we will never let anyone fight alone.

We will:

Expose all oppression that disguises itself as law and order;

Resist all control over women’s bodies and voices;

Oppose all discrimination and hatred based on gender, sexual orientation, and gender identity;

Build a safe, trustworthy, and dependable support network for survivors of sexual assault;

Create a sisterhood of mutual care, solidarity, and trust;

Encourage more women and gender minorities to speak out, document, organize, and take action;

Unite with all forces at home and abroad resisting oppression, exposing the darkness that’s been hidden, breaking through every firewall and blockade that stands in our way.

Even if the storm comes—we will not disperse, we will not yield, we will not retreat!

The Hard Candy Alliance is a gathering of awakened women. The We Women Movement is an act of civil disobedience, a stone held firmly in our hands, not for revenge, but for justice.

We have begun, and we will not stop.

Dedicated to every sister who was silenced, oppressed, and forgotten;

to every woman who survived sexual violence and was abandoned by society;

to every queer person misunderstood within the confines of identity but still bravely living;

to every woman who is fighting and shining—

Welcome to the Hard Candy Alliance.

For freedom, for dignity, and for our own future!

Founding Members:

Zhang Zhijun, Cheng Hong, Li Congling, Xiao Lingyan, Chang Kun, Xiao Linli, Wang Ling, Huang Chunyuan, Lu Huiwen, Zhu Xiaona, Pu Qinbai, Wang Tingyu, Guo Siyu, Cheng Ming, Zheng Min, Li Qing, Zhou Junhong, Liu Jia

送给中共以及中共“粉红”一封公开信

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作者:赵杰 责任编辑:罗志飞

今天是2025年6月3号,这是一个很普通的日期,却承载一段中国人追求自由与民主的血泪历,36年前的今天中共政权背后的操纵者邓小平在一众中共元老的支持下下令军队对在天安门呼喊抗议要求中共体制改革,要求新闻言论自由的各大高校学生以及民众进行无差别的屠杀。在今天这个悲痛的日子里,全球各地华人举行活动悼念64,例如美国国务卿卢比奥、美国众议院议长麦卡锡等国际人士都在网络平台推特发文悼念这些为了追求自由而牺牲的64遇难者,但在一些纪念64的推文下竟然有一些写着中文字的评论,在痛骂发布者,更有甚者说这是一场内外勾结的颜色革命,是一群破坏社会安定的暴徒,为中共屠夫叫好,你们这些长着人形却没有人性的野蛮动物,只有立场没有是非,扰得我一整天都没有安心工作,愤怒让我彻夜难眠,我赵杰,河南洛阳人,中国民主党党员向所有中共以及中共的支持者“粉红们”发出几问:

1. 为什么只是因为一群学生和市民喊出“反腐、民主、言论自由”的诉求,中共就要绕过法律,调动军队,对手无寸铁的中国人开枪?这是一个所谓“人民政府”该做的事吗?

2. 如果“维护稳定”真的可以成为射杀国民的理由,那么你们所谓的国家政权还有没有法律?还有没有底线?下令开枪的邓小平、陈希同、李鹏,哪一个为这场屠杀承担了法律责任?

3. 毛泽东发动“大跃进”和“文化大革命”,导致三千多万人非正常死亡、无数家庭被毁。这样的历史灾难之后,为何中共仍然把毛腊肉的遗体供奉在天安门广场中心,像神一样敬拜?这是对死者的羞辱,还是对暴政的延续?

4:你们痛骂海内外中国人“勾结境外势力”,但你们不敢承认:中共的创党源头,正是苏联共产国际,是从西伯利亚吹来的“洋马列”。你们信仰的党,你们的爹本身就是“境外势力”的产物,这难道不是最大的讽刺?毛泽东生在清末,长在民国,它又该喊谁爹呢?它又造了谁的反呢?

5:你们天天喊“社会主义优越性”,可中共这个体制,除了挂着“社会主义”的牌子,实质上不过是一个半封建、半奴役的权贵统治模式——官二代世袭权力、百姓毫无言论自由、连选举都不敢公开。请问,这种“社会主义”,到底是为谁服务的?是人民,还是权贵?

最后,我想对所有还有良知、还有人性的中国人说:

请你们记得——1989年那个年轻的学生在镜头前坚定地说:“去天安门广场抗议,是我的职责。”

36年过去了,他们的血没有白流。当中共开枪的那一刻,它们就失去合法性了,也再次证明独裁根本不会进行真正的改革,只有放下幻想推翻它,人们才有真正的自由。只有中共倒台那一天,中国可以让人说真话、活得有尊严,不再有母亲找不到孩子的尸体,不再有坦克碾压自由的街头。

这是我们作为中国人、作为人,最基本的责任与担当!

向暴政说“不”的中国人:赵杰

2025年6月24日

An Open Letter to the Chinese Communist Party and Its “Little Pinks”

By Zhao Jie Edited by Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen

Today is June 3rd, 2025—a seemingly ordinary date, but one that bears the heavy weight of blood and tears from the Chinese people’s pursuit of freedom and democracy. Thirty-six years ago today, under orders from Deng Xiaoping—backed by the CCP’s senior leadership—the Chinese military opened fire on university students and citizens who had gathered in Tiananmen Square to demand political reform, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech.

On this tragic anniversary, Chinese communities around the world hold commemorative events for June 4th. Figures like U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy have paid tribute to the victims on social media. But disturbingly, under some of these posts appear comments written in Chinese, viciously attacking the posters. Some even go so far as to call the massacre a “color revolution” orchestrated by foreign forces, labeling the protestors as “violent rioters” and cheering for the CCP’s slaughter.

To those who wear human faces but lack humanity—to those beasts who have no sense of right and wrong, only blind loyalty—I was so infuriated by your words that I could not work in peace all day. Rage kept me awake all night.

I, Zhao Jie, a member of the China Democracy Party from Luoyang, Henan, now pose a few direct questions to the Chinese Communist Party and to its supporters, the so-called “Little Pinks”:

1. Why did the CCP order the military to bypass legal procedures and open fire on unarmed Chinese citizens—students and civilians—just for chanting slogans like “anti-corruption,” “democracy,” and “freedom of speech”? Is that something a so-called “People’s Government” should do?

2. If “maintaining stability” justifies shooting your own people, then does your regime even operate under law? Do you have any boundaries at all? Which of the officials who ordered the massacre—Deng Xiaoping, Chen Xitong, or Li Peng—has ever been held legally accountable for this crime?

3. Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution caused the unnatural deaths of over 30 million people and destroyed countless families. Why does the CCP still worship this man—keeping his corpse preserved in a crystal sarcophagus at the heart of Tiananmen Square like some kind of god? Is this honoring the dead, or continuing the legacy of tyranny?

4. You love to accuse overseas Chinese of “colluding with foreign forces,” yet you ignore the fact that the CCP itself was born from foreign influence: created under the guidance of the Soviet Comintern and imported from Siberia. Your beloved party—your “father”—was literally a foreign implant. Isn’t that the ultimate irony? Mao Zedong was born under the Qing Dynasty and raised in the Republic of China. Who was he rebelling against?

5. You constantly sing praises about the “superiority of socialism.” But this CCP regime is nothing but a feudal-oligarchic dictatorship in disguise—where princelings inherit power, where the people are stripped of their voice, and where even basic elections are feared. Tell me: who does this so-called “socialism” really serve? The people, or the privileged elite?

Finally, to all Chinese people who still possess conscience and humanity, I say this:

Remember—in 1989, a young student stood before the camera and said, firmly and clearly:

Going to Tiananmen Square to protest is my duty.”

Thirty-six years have passed. Their blood was not spilled in vain.

The moment the CCP fired on its own people, it forfeited any claim to legitimacy. That moment proved, once again, that no dictatorship will ever reform itself willingly.

Only when we abandon our illusions and overthrow this regime can true freedom begin.

Only when the CCP collapses will we see a China where people can speak the truth, live with dignity, and where no mother has to search for her child’s corpse—where no tank ever again rolls over the hopes of a nation.

This is our most basic responsibility—both as Chinese and as human beings.

From a Chinese who dares to say “NO” to tyranny,

在野:一种不可或缺的声音和力量

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作者:邓丽英 编辑:刘双源 责任编辑:刘双源 罗志飞

在今天的中国,说“在野”是一件不容易的事。这个词原本意味着监督、质疑、提出不同的意见,是现代政治中很正常的一部分,但在一党专政的中国,“在野”却变成了危险的代名词,意味着你要被监视、打压、封杀,甚至坐牢。可也正因为如此,“在野”的存在,才显得特别重要。在中国大陆,中共的政治体制几乎不给不同声音留下生存空间。不管是想组建真正的在野党、办一份独立的刊物、成立一个民间组织,甚至只是说几句和官方不一样的话,都会面临各种打击。网络封锁、媒体审查、举报制度、国安法——这些不是为了“稳定”,而是为了让人闭嘴。

可这个国家真的稳定吗?表面看上去一切井然有序,但内心的压抑、信息的不通、思想的僵化,其实早已让社会陷入僵局。普通人连了解真实的历史都成了奢望,公共空间几乎没有真实的声音,年轻人只敢在饭局小声吐槽,大多数人宁愿装睡,因为害怕代价太大。

就是在这样的背景下,我们更需要“在野”的声音。不是为了反对而反对,而是因为如果没有人指出问题,问题就永远不会被解决。如果没人说出真话,那真相就会被永久掩埋;如果没人去想象另一种可能,那国家就只能在原地打转。

“在野”代表的是另一种视角,是敢于说“不”的勇气,是不愿放弃希望的人在发出微弱却坚定的声音。哪怕这个声音微小,哪怕被屏蔽、被污蔑、被误解,它依然不能被彻底消灭。因为它是真实的,是来自那些不愿放弃思考、拒绝服从谎言的人。

在野不是一种身份,而是一种态度。它不靠权力,也不靠资源,只靠对真理、正义和良知的坚持。这种坚持,在当今的中国,尤其显得珍贵。因为我们面对的是一个不允许异议、不接受批评、不容忍不同意见的体制。而在野者,就是要打破这种“只能有一个声音”的荒谬逻辑。

办一份像《在野党》这样的刊物,是困难重重的。不仅要面对现实的审查压力、海外的孤立环境,还要克服资金短缺、技术障碍、传播限制等等问题。有时候文章写好了,却找不到合适的平台发布;文章传出去了,又被墙封锁;读者读到了,可能还要担心是否“被喝茶”。但我们不能因此放弃。正因为难,所以更有意义。

我们也知道,在海外继续坚持做这样事情的人,并不多。但哪怕只有十个人在坚持,说出的真话也比成千上万的沉默更有分量。《在野党》的存在,为中国社会守住了一隅不肯屈从的思想阵地。

是给未来留下另一个可能性,是告诉墙内的人:你不是一个人在承受。

或许有人会问,这样的刊物有什么用?既不能推翻体制,也无法改变现实。但我们可以留下记录,可以启蒙民众,可以把还在坚持的人聚在一起。更重要的是,我们能提醒人们:这个国家的未来,不一定只能有一种声音、一个政党、一条永不改变的路。

我们也知道,在野的声音可能暂时不会被主流听到,但我们更相信,历史最终不会忽视它。每一次坚持,每一篇文章,每一个不愿沉默的人,都会在未来留下痕迹。也许正是这些看似微不足道的努力,才会成为那个真正改变未来中国的重要火种。

《在野党》的复刊,就是一次重新点燃火种的尝试。在这个充满封锁与控制的时代,它愿意发声、坚持独立、说出真话,这是非常难得的,也是非常值得支持的。

我们希望这份刊物能越办越好,不仅坚持发声,也能让更多人听到;不仅记录现实,也能启发思想。我更希望它不仅是一本杂志,更是一个象征——象征着哪怕在最黑暗的日子里,也总有人愿意站出来,去守护那一点点光。

祝《在野党》复刊顺利,越办越好,越走越远,如星火不熄,愈燃愈烈!

In Opposition: An Indispensable Voice and Force

By Deng Liying Editor: Liu Shuangyuan Chief Editors: Liu Shuangyuan, Luo Zhifei

Translator: Lu Huiwen

In today’s China, saying the word “opposition” (zaiye, 在野) is no easy matter. The term originally referred to those who supervise, question, and offer dissenting opinions—a normal and vital part of modern politics. But under China’s one-party dictatorship, “in opposition” has become a dangerous label, associated with being watched, silenced, repressed, or even imprisoned. Precisely because of this, the presence of opposition is more crucial than ever.

In mainland China, the Communist political system leaves virtually no room for dissenting voices. Whether it’s trying to form a genuine opposition party, launch an independent publication, establish a grassroots organization, or simply say something that deviates from the official narrative—all of these actions can invite severe consequences. Internet censorship, media control, mass surveillance, the National Security Law—these tools are not about “maintaining stability,” but about silencing people.

But is this country really stable? On the surface, everything may seem orderly, but beneath lies suppression, blocked information, and mental stagnation—conditions that have already led to a societal deadlock. For ordinary people, even learning true history has become a luxury. Genuine public discourse is all but extinct. Young people dare to vent only in private gatherings or WeChat circles. Most people would rather pretend to be asleep, too afraid of the cost of waking up.

It is precisely in this context that we need the voice of the opposition more than ever. Not for the sake of opposing itself, but because if no one points out problems, they will never be solved. If no one speaks the truth, the truth will be buried forever. If no one dares to imagine another future, then this country will never move forward.

Being “in opposition” means offering a different perspective, the courage to say “no,” and the resilience of those who refuse to abandon hope. Even if this voice is faint—even if it’s blocked, smeared, or misunderstood—it cannot be erased, because it is real. It comes from those who continue to think critically and refuse to submit to lies.

Opposition is not a status—it is an attitude. It doesn’t rely on power or resources, but on a commitment to truth, justice, and conscience. Such commitment is especially precious in today’s China, where dissent is unwelcome, criticism is banned, and differing opinions are not tolerated. The role of those in opposition is to shatter the absurd logic that only one voice is allowed.

Publishing a journal like The Opposition Party (《在野党》) is immensely difficult. We face state censorship, isolation abroad, limited funds, technical challenges, and strict restrictions on information flow. Sometimes the articles are ready, but there’s no platform to post them. Sometimes they get out, but are blocked by the firewall. Even when readers do access them, they may worry about being “invited for tea.” But none of this means we should give up. Precisely because it’s difficult, it is even more meaningful.

We’re also aware that very few people continue this kind of work from abroad. But even if only ten people persist, their truthful words carry more weight than the silence of tens of thousands. The existence of The Opposition Party helps preserve a space of independent thought in Chinese society that refuses to surrender.

It offers an alternative for the future. It tells people inside the firewall: You are not alone.

Some may ask, what’s the point of such a journal? It won’t overthrow the system or change reality overnight. But it can record the truth, awaken the public, and bring together those who still believe. More importantly, it reminds people: the future of this country doesn’t have to be confined to one voice, one party, or a single unchanging path.

We know that opposition voices may not reach the mainstream right now. But we believe that history will not ignore them.Every act of persistence, every article written, every person who refuses to stay silent will leave a mark. Perhaps it is exactly these seemingly insignificant efforts that will become the sparks that ignite real change when the time comes.

The relaunch of The Opposition Party is one such attempt to rekindle that flame. In this era of control and suppression, its willingness to speak out, remain independent, and tell the truth is both rare and worthy of deep support.

We hope this journal will thrive—not only speaking out, but also being heard; not only documenting the present, but also inspiring thought. I hope it will be more than just a publication. I hope it becomes a symbol—a symbol that even in the darkest times, there are always people willing to stand up and protect that last flicker of light.

Wishing the relaunch of The Opposition Party great success. May it continue to grow, to go further and reach more people. May its sparks never die out, but blaze ever more brightly.