作者：聞浪 编辑：王梦梦 责任编辑：罗志飞
盛開了一個月的藍花楹
散佈在洛杉磯的大街小巷
盈盈如夢
淡香撩魂
有人說
它象徵在壓迫下仍不放棄希望
有人說
它象徵對自由與尊嚴的深深嚮往
今天
在這個特殊的日子裡
我更願意把它當成一種祝福
送給36年前倒在槍口下的青年
送給36年後仍堅守真相的我們
願記憶不被塵封，
願理想如光般閃耀
哪怕風吹落花，歲月斑駁
我們仍願相信——
那紫藍色的燦爛
終將開在每個覺醒的靈魂之上
……
不是每個名字
都能被刻進碑石
不是每段歷史
都能出現在課本與年表
……
可我們記得
記得那一夜的沈默與槍聲
記得廣場上的歌聲與眼淚
記得倒在血泊中的手
緊緊攥著的《民主與法治》
記得額頭紮帶上
樸實真誠的“自由萬歲”！
我們記得這一切
我們仍在路上，步履堅定
不為仇恨，只為願景
不止悼唸，還有點燃
我們相信——
那個春天尚未落幕
那些罪惡終將被審判
以夢為炬，以真相為刃
讓我們一同斬破謊言與恐懼
藍花楹終會踏破高牆
迎接那真正自由、不受極權玷污的春天
……
作者：田永德 编辑：冯仍 胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞
许多人问我，为什么会参与中国民主化运动。这并不是一个突然的决定，而是我在看清现实之后，逐步形成的坚定选择。
加代，号称“深圳王”，本名任家忠。网络上查不到他的祖父是谁，有人说他是任仲夷的后代。加代于2020年因病去世。按他所作所为，被枪毙几次都不为过。他背后的靠山包括邓小平之子邓朴方、江泽民之子江绵恒、李鹏之子李小勇、周永康之子周斌等。他的“兄弟”还有山东的聂磊、山西的李满林、黑龙江的李正光等人。
最近，我在百度视频上听了不少关于加代及其朋友的故事。听完之后的感受是：尽管社会上将他描绘为仗义疏财、胆大生猛的人物，但归根结底，他仍是个仗势欺人、横行霸道的恶棍。人们所谓的“巧取豪夺”，实际上就是毫无底线地草菅人命、穷凶极恶。即便他们的对手同样不是善类，也不能掩盖他们自身的罪恶本质。
加代仗着后台，在社会上横行无忌，动辄纠集数百人持枪抢矿、抢生意，打压竞争对手。即使事情闹到了公安或武警那里，也总有人出面“摆平”，为其开脱。
中国人往往被中共电视上那些领导人的讲话所蒙蔽，失去了独立思考的能力。但现实是，一旦这些人遇到麻烦，他们所谓的“靠山”处理事情时不是威胁就是拉拢，要不就是直接“拿下”。手段不同，本质却一样——他们所有的考量，归根结底都是利益，毫无例外。
这也解释了习近平为何能够第三次连任。我得出的判断是：“习近平已经将各方利益重新分配妥当，因此得到了他们的支持。”
从加代及其背后势力的行径中，我逐渐意识到，这类现象绝非个别人的腐败与暴力，而是中共体制内部深层权力勾结的冰山一角。所谓“法治”在这些人面前形同虚设，而整个社会资源的分配和运作，早已被少数掌权者及其家族垄断。正是在这样的环境下，我开始重新审视我曾相信的“体制内改革”的可能性。
也正因为如此，我对自己曾持有的“改良主义”观点感到可笑。在这样的中国，改良主义是一种极为幼稚的幻想。中国的民主化，必须由下而上推进；所谓“由上而下”的体制改革，不过是痴人说梦。
自2006年起，我开始走访全国各地，拜会民运前辈。其中有“79一代”“89一代”和“98一代”的代表人物。我的结论是：中国民运的前辈，大多是内心纯良之人。他们冒着身家性命的风险与中共抗争，真正企图通过民运谋取个人利益的，凤毛麟角。正如安徽一位王姓前辈对我说：
“有人说我们搞民运，是为了将来自己能捞点好处，这种说法站不住脚。第一，中国实现民主的那一天遥遥无期，到那时我们也许早已不在人世，我们所坚持的，只是对得起自己的内心；第二，即便有人希望将来有所收获，那也是为了更好地推动中国的民主进程，为什么不能呢？如果因为害怕被误解而什么都不做，那才是真正中了那些人的圈套。”
我知道，确实有人怀疑民运人士的动机。那么我举一个我亲历的例子：杨天水。
杨天水第一次被判刑10年，始终不认罪，服满全刑。他亲口对我说：
“我的前妻等了我七年。每年她都会问我：你出来后还打算坚持吗？如果不坚持，我们就好好过日子。但我告诉她，我不会放弃，也绝不妥协。于是，在我入狱第七年，她和我离婚了。”
2005年12月23日下午3点半，杨天水再次被捕，随后被判刑12年。2017年8月，杨天水的外甥传出消息：他在狱中被查出患有脑癌。全球许多朋友伸出援手，仅用一周就筹集到30万元人民币用于治疗，但最终仍未能挽救他的生命。他离世时，距离刑满出狱仅四个多月。
2006年6月，杭州民主党前辈王荣清在向他人介绍我时说：“这是田永德，内蒙古的民主党人。”当时我立即否认，说自己不是。那时的我刚接触民运，对民运历史了解不深，也不确定自己未来是否会真正投入其中。但随着与更多中国民主党人的接触，在与这些前辈的深入交流中，我不仅被他们的坚定信念所打动，也开始思考自己的位置与责任。我逐渐明白，民主事业并非遥不可及的理想，也不是少数人的使命，它需要一代又一代人的接力与参与。这个觉悟，促使我认真思考：我是否也应成为其中一员？我坚定了要终生参与中国民主化运动的信念，并最终加入了中国民主党。
我深知，前辈们对中国民主化的决心是何等坚定，也明白他们对可能付出的代价早有准备。正是他们这种义无反顾的精神，深深打动并激励着我。
中国民主化的道路异常艰难，只有真正身处其中的人，才能体会那种孤独与坚持、希望与失望交织的真实感受。《在野党》的复刊，或许只是我们在时代洪流中一次微小的回响，但它凝聚着一代人的信念与担当。它不是为了缅怀过去，而是为了延续一个不曾熄灭的声音——那个对真相、正义和自由始终不肯妥协的声音。
我希望，我们能以《在野党》为平台，不只是记录抗争的历程，更要激发思考、汇聚共识、拓展视野。在风起云涌的时代中，我们要以坚定的步伐回应沉默，用笔与思想拓出前路。唯有如此，我们才能为中国的未来留下一块清晰的坐标——那就是：民主、法治与人的尊严。
照片说明：前排左起：查建国、朱虞夫、胡石根、李海；第二排左起：郑建伟、李金芳、田永德、邹女士、康玉春。此照片为朱虞夫先生第二次出狱后前往北京访友时所拍。
By Tian Yongde
Edited by Feng Reng, Hu Lili · Final Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
Many have asked me why I chose to take part in China’s democracy movement.
The answer is not a sudden decision, but a conviction that took root gradually as I came to see reality more clearly.
Jiadai—nicknamed “the King of Shenzhen”—was born Ren Jiazhong. One cannot even find reliable records of his family background online; some claim he was a descendant of Ren Zhongyi. He died of illness in 2020. Judging by his actions, even a death sentence would not have been excessive. His political backers included Deng Pufang (son of Deng Xiaoping), Jiang Mianheng (son of Jiang Zemin), Li Xiaoyong (son of Li Peng), and Zhou Bin (son of Zhou Yongkang). His “brothers” included underground bosses from other provinces: Nie Lei from Shandong, Li Manlin from Shanxi, and Li Zhengguang from Heilongjiang.
Recently, I watched several Baidu videos recounting the stories of Jiadai and his circle. What struck me was this: though many portray him as bold, generous, and fearless, in truth he was nothing more than a thug who abused power to terrorize others. What the public often glamorizes as “clever manipulation” was in reality violent, lawless plunder. Even if his rivals weren’t innocent either, it doesn’t justify the brutality he embodied.
Protected by political patrons, Jiadai operated above the law—seizing mines and businesses with armed gangs. When things escalated to the police or armed forces, someone always stepped in to “smooth things over.”
People in China are often misled by the grand speeches of Communist Party leaders on television. Independent thinking is lost. But the reality is: whenever these powerful figures face trouble, their so-called protectors resort to threats, bribes—or simply take them down. The methods vary; the logic is always the same. At the core lies only one thing: interest.
That’s also why Xi Jinping managed to secure a third term. My conclusion:
“Xi redistributed vested interests to secure their support.”
From Jiadai and those behind him, I realized these were not isolated incidents of corruption or violence, but symptoms of a deeper collusion within the Communist regime. The so-called rule of law is utterly meaningless in their presence. Power and resources have long been monopolized by a handful of families. It was under such conditions that I began to question whether “reform from within” was ever possible.
It was then that I began to see how naïve my former reformist views had been. In today’s China, reformism is a dangerous illusion.
Democratization must rise from the bottom up.
Top-down reform is a fairy tale told by those who benefit from the system.
Since 2006, I’ve traveled across China meeting veterans of the democracy movement—from the ’79 generation to ’89 and ’98. My conclusion: most of these people are sincere at heart. They risk everything to oppose the CCP. Those truly seeking personal gain through the movement are extremely rare.
As one veteran surnamed Wang from Anhui told me:
“Some say we’re only doing this to benefit ourselves one day. That doesn’t hold water. First, China’s democracy may not come in our lifetime—we do it for our conscience. Second, even if some do hope to gain something, why not? If that helps push democracy forward, why should it be wrong? If we stop for fear of being misunderstood, then we’ve already lost.”
I know there are those who question our motives. So let me share a story I witnessed personally—about Yang Tianshui.
Yang was sentenced to ten years for his activism and never pleaded guilty. He served every day of his term. He once told me:
“My ex-wife waited seven years. Every year she asked, ‘Will you still continue this after you’re released?’ I told her I wouldn’t give up—ever. In my seventh year in prison, she filed for divorce.”
On December 23, 2005, at 3:30 p.m., Yang was arrested again. He was sentenced to 12 more years.
In August 2017, his nephew reported that he had been diagnosed with brain cancer in prison.
Within one week, friends around the world raised over 300,000 RMB for his treatment. But it was too late. He died four months before his sentence would have ended.
In June 2006, when democracy pioneer Wang Rongqing introduced me to others, he said, “This is Tian Yongde, a CDP member from Inner Mongolia.” I immediately denied it. Back then, I was still new to the movement and unsure of my place in it.
But the more I listened to these veterans, the more I was moved by their courage—and compelled to reflect on my own responsibility.
I came to understand: democracy is not a distant ideal, nor a mission for a few. It demands generation after generation to carry the torch forward.
That realization led me to commit myself fully to China’s democratization—and to formally join the China Democracy Party.
I understand well the resolve of those who came before us. I also know they have long been prepared to pay the price. Their unwavering spirit is what continues to inspire me.
China’s road to democracy is brutally difficult. Only those who walk it truly understand the loneliness and perseverance, the flickering hope and the crushing despair.
The revival of The Opposition Party may seem like a small ripple in the tide of history. But it carries with it the convictions of a generation.
It is not about nostalgia—it is about keeping alive a voice that refuses to be silenced: a voice for truth, for justice, and for freedom.
I hope The Opposition Party can serve not just as a chronicle of resistance, but as a platform to provoke thought, foster consensus, and widen our vision.
In a time of turbulence, we must answer silence with resolve, and carve out a future with pen and principle.
Only then can we leave behind a clear marker for China’s future:
Democracy, rule of law, and human dignity.
Photo caption:
Front row, from left: Zha Jianguo, Zhu Yufu, Hu Shigen, Li Hai.
Second row, from left: Zheng Jianwei, Li Jinfang, Tian Yongde, Ms. Zou, Kang Yuchun.
This photo was taken during Zhu Yufu’s second visit to Beijing after his release from prison.
作者：冯仍 编辑：鲁慧文 责任编辑：罗志飞
在中国漫长的黑暗岁月中，总有人愿意为光明燃尽自己。毛庆祥，这个在体制记录中并不显赫的名字，却是中国民主运动中不可忽视的火种。他用一生诠释了“在野”的真正含义：不身居权位，却心系国家命运；不附主流，却从不噤声。他走过的路，是由信念、牺牲与良知铸就的十字架。
一、生于农村，走向公民觉醒之路
1950年6月，毛庆祥出生于浙江杭州的一个普通农家。青年时代参军，退役后在杭州磁钢厂任职。他本可以像千万工人一样，顺从现实、平凡度日，但1976年春，他走上天安门广场，参与“四五运动”，并因此首次被捕。虽然这场运动后来被“平反”，但他的命运自此改写，踏上了一条不同的人生道路。
二、从民主墙到监狱墙：初心不改
1978年，“北京之春”的余热犹存，毛庆祥投身杭州民主墙运动，参与民刊《之江》《华东》的编辑工作。他清楚地看到体制如何制造愚民、掏空良知、用贪腐压制正义。他选择以笔为器，记录、质问、抗议；以良知对抗沉默的现实。
1981年，他以“反革命宣传煽动罪”再度入狱三年。
他的“罪”，无非是几句真话，而他无怨无悔，更加坚定地说：“国家若无宪政，人民永无宁日。”
三、创办《在野党》：以笔为枪，点燃火种
1998年，中国市场化改革二十年，社会贫富悬殊、官僚腐败丛生。“稳定压倒一切”的口号压制一切异议。在这样的高压下，毛庆祥毅然参与组建“中国民主党浙江筹委会”，并发起创办《在野党》杂志，自任主编。
这本刊物，成为当时极少数公开倡导民主宪政、系统提出政治改革方案的地下刊物之一，也是中国民主运动中的一簇明火。
1999年6月19日，他第三次被捕，因“颠覆国家政权罪”被判八年徒刑，并剥夺政治权利三年。
在狱中，他饱受精神与肉体的摧残，却从未妥协。2007年出狱时，他平静地说：“中国需要民主，我依然相信这一点。”
四、“在野之火”从未熄灭
很多人曾问他：“值吗？”
一个年近半百的普通工人，为了遥不可及的宪政理想，将生命中最宝贵的八年交付铁窗。
毛庆祥的回答，不在纸上，而在他的生命本身。
他不是名人，不是学者，却是《在野党》精神最真实的奠基者。
他的语言不喧哗，却穿透高墙；他的思想不虚浮，而是深植泥土。
对他而言，“民主”不是口号，而是生活方式、社会底线、国家出路。
五、我们接过笔，也接过火
今天纪念毛庆祥，不只是缅怀一位老人，更是致敬那份“敢为自由坐牢”的勇气。
在这片沉默太久的土地上，每一个不肯闭嘴的人，都是未来的种子。
每一位被囚禁的良知，终将化作历史的烈火。
毛庆祥已将他的笔迹深深刻入时代的记忆，而今，我们接过笔，也接过火。
正如他曾坚定写下的：
“靠枪毙几个贪官不能救中国，只有制度制衡、民主法治，才是长治久安之道。”
这不仅是他的信念，也应成为我们的方向。
在牢狱之外，我们继续呐喊——
因为我们深知，自由，从来都不是被赐予的，而是有人为它受过难。
In Memory of Mao Qingxiang, Founding Editor-in-Chief of The Opposition Party
By Feng Reng · Final Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
In China’s long years of darkness, there have always been those willing to burn themselves to bring light to others.
Mao Qingxiang—a name unremarkable in official records—is an unignorable spark in the history of China’s democracy movement. He embodied the true meaning of being “in opposition”: holding no power, yet bearing deep concern for the nation’s fate; defying the mainstream, yet never falling silent.
The path he walked was a crucible of conviction, sacrifice, and conscience.
I. From a Rural Childhood to Civic Awakening
Born in June 1950 into a humble farming family in Hangzhou, Zhejiang, Mao Qingxiang served in the military as a young man before taking a job at the Hangzhou Magnet Steel Plant. He could have lived out his life like millions of other workers—quietly, obediently, and uneventfully.
But in the spring of 1976, he went to Tiananmen Square to join the April Fifth Movement.
He was arrested for the first time.
Though the movement was later “vindicated,” Mao’s life had already taken a decisive turn. He would never again follow the well-worn path.
II. From the Democracy Wall to Prison Walls: Faith Unshaken
In 1978, as the embers of the Beijing Spring still glowed, Mao joined the Democracy Wall movement in Hangzhou, helping edit underground journals such as Zhijiang and East China.
He saw clearly how the system manufactured ignorance, hollowed out conscience, and used corruption to crush justice.
He chose the pen as his weapon—to record, to question, to resist.
He chose conscience over silence.
In 1981, he was sentenced to three more years in prison for “counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement.”
His only “crime” was speaking the truth.
Yet he had no regrets.
“Without constitutional government,” he said, “the people shall never know peace.”
III. Founding The Opposition Party: A Pen Becomes a Flame
By 1998, after two decades of market reforms, China faced a chasm between rich and poor, and systemic corruption was rampant. The slogan “Stability Above All” had become a tool to suppress dissent.
Amid this climate, Mao courageously helped found the Zhejiang Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party and launched the underground journal The Opposition Party, serving as its editor-in-chief.
It was one of the very few publications that openly advocated constitutional democracy and laid out concrete proposals for political reform.
It became a small but vital flame within the broader democracy movement.
On June 19, 1999, Mao was arrested for the third time.
He was sentenced to eight years in prison and three more years of political rights deprivation for “subverting state power.”
He endured severe physical and psychological abuse behind bars—but never wavered.
Upon his release in 2007, he simply said:
“China needs democracy. I still believe that.”
IV. The Flame of the Opposition Never Went Out
Many asked him: “Was it worth it?”
An ordinary worker nearing fifty, sacrificing eight of his best years in pursuit of an unreachable dream—constitutional democracy.
Mao’s answer wasn’t written on paper—it was written with his life.
He was not a celebrity, not a scholar, but he laid the foundation for the spirit of The Opposition Party.
His words were quiet, yet pierced prison walls.
His thoughts were grounded—not lofty, but rooted deep in the soil.
To him, “democracy” was never just a slogan.
It was a way of life, a moral boundary, and the only viable path for the nation’s future.
⸻
V. We Inherit the Pen—and the Flame
To remember Mao Qingxiang is not only to honor an elder,
but to pay tribute to the courage it takes to go to prison for freedom.
In a land long silenced,
every voice that refuses to shut up is a seed for the future.
Every imprisoned conscience will one day become a raging fire of history.
Mao’s handwriting is etched into the memory of our era.
Now, we pick up both his pen and his flame.
As he once wrote with unwavering clarity:
“Shooting a few corrupt officials will not save China. Only institutional checks and balances—only democracy and the rule of law—can bring lasting peace and stability.”
This was not just his belief. It must be our direction.
Beyond the prison walls, we continue to speak—
because we know:
freedom is never given. It exists only because someone has suffered for it.
作者：刘霜原 责任编辑：鲁慧文
27年前，中国民主党成立了。
27年来，中国民主党党员前仆后继，赴汤蹈火，只为一个信念：民主中国！
27年来，中国民主党人风雨兼程承受镇压迫害，从未停止为自由而战的脚步！
27年来，中国民主党即使在流亡中，也努力在全世界分枝散叶开花结果！
27年来，中国民主党的名字被封锁、被抹黑，却始终没有被历史遗忘！
27年来，中国民主党的旗帜一次次被撕碎，又一次次被血与泪重新举起！
27年来，承受着种种迫害，中国民主党人仍然坚持“和平、理性、非暴力”，这是对每个生命的尊重，不以伤害平民或制造分裂来实现目标！
27年了，中国民主党依然屹立！并在继续壮大！
这个在1998年公开组建的政党，27年间从未被中国共产党承认合法，从未享有哪怕片刻真正的政治空间，自成立之初，它的创始人即被监禁、流放、迫害、噤声。二十多年来，中国民主党的每一位活跃成员几乎无一例外地走进了监狱：朱虞夫、秦永敏、陈树庆，吕耿松，谢长法、王有才……，他们有的至今仍在服刑，有的流放，有的已经长眠地下。
有人说，这是一场注定失败的民主追求，但我觉得正是这样的“注定失败”，显现出它不可动摇的道义价值。——明知不可为，我心向公义。
27年从未停止过镇压迫害，他们为什么坚持？他们并不是为了自己，从一开始就不是！他们中许多人心知肚明：自己未必能走到那一天，未必能亲眼看见民主真正到来。他们知道，民主的实现或许还要经历无数崎岖、流血牺牲、失望与背叛。但他们仍然选择了公开身份、表明立场、接受审判，走进监狱，走向历史。
这不仅仅是简单意义上的自我牺牲，这是无比坚定的信念担当。
他们从不鼓吹暴力。他们提出的政纲，是宪政民主、法治社会、新闻自由、司法独立与和平转型。他们坚持“和理非”——和平、理性、非暴力。即使面对暴力与酷刑，他们也仍未鼓吹以暴易暴。
这不是软弱，而是一种对文明对人性对正义最执着的坚守。
他们坚信，一个现代国家应以每个生命的尊严与自由为基石，以公民对话与法治共识为前路，而不是血腥暴力。即使无法亲抵终点，他们甘愿点燃火把，照亮后人前行的路。他们把坐牢变成立场的表白，他们在法庭上以辩护词宣扬宪政理念，将每一场审判化为公开的民主课堂。
他们没有党产、没有席位、没有公开渠道，没有外援，但他们有一个注定不朽的名字——中国民主党。这个名字在中国的出版物中被全面屏蔽，但它并没有消失。它活在一封封来自狱中的信里，活在审判笔录的记录里，活在每一个愿意承接这份责任与责任的人心里。
今天，我们在美国——这片自由的土地上，复刊《在野党》，不仅为延续这份信念，更为记录历史真相、点燃希望火种；告诉每一个相信中国仍有未来的人“在野”二字，不是失败的标签，而是对被遗忘的正义不屈的呐喊。也不是为了争取谁的同情，而是为了凝聚那些相信那片土地还有希望、愿意挺身为后人争取未来的人。
谨以此刊，向所有为民主自由而受难的人致以敬意，并号召仍愿挺身的人与他们携手前行。
他们是这个时代真正的抱薪者，是黑夜里不肯熄灭的星火，是为理想甘愿牺牲的奠基者。
他们中的许多人，注定无法亲见民主的到来。但他们选择了为那一天而活，为那一天而奋斗，为那一天付出自由与生命。
前人栽树，未必亲见绿荫。若希望的果实深埋黑暗，若民主的到来遥遥无期，谁来低头播种、燃尽一生？他们的回答，不在言语，而在被带走的那一刻、在铁窗中的煎熬、在生命的终结。他们以镣铐、囚衣，消逝的年华，和不屈的尊严，写下无悔的答案！
他们是时代的正义坐标，
这个党，因他们而不死！
这个国，因他们而尚存希望！
《在野党》不会永远在野！
刘霜原
Guarding the Flame in Darkness
— A Message for the Republication of The Opposition Party*
By Liu Shuangyuan (Pseudonym: Shuangyuan) Editor-in-Chief: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
Twenty-seven years ago, the China Democracy Party was founded!
For 27 years, its members have forged ahead through fire and flood for one belief: a democratic China!
For 27 years, they have endured persecution and suppression, never halting in their struggle for freedom!
For 27 years, even in exile, they have worked to spread the seeds of democracy around the world!
For 27 years, the party’s name has been blocked and smeared—but never erased from history!
For 27 years, its flag has been torn down again and again—only to be raised once more with blood and tears!
For 27 years, despite relentless persecution, the China Democracy Party has upheld the principles of peace, rationality, and nonviolence—respecting every life, refusing to harm civilians or cause division in pursuit of its goals!
After 27 years, the China Democracy Party still stands—and continues to grow stronger!
This party, which was publicly founded in 1998, has never been recognized as legal by the Chinese Communist Party. From the beginning, its founders were imprisoned, exiled, silenced, and persecuted. In the past two decades, nearly every active member has, without exception, ended up in prison: Zhu Yufu, Qin Yongmin, Chen Shuqing, Lü Gengsong, Xie Changfa, Wang Youcai… Some remain behind bars; some are in exile; some now rest in peace.
Some say this is a doomed pursuit—but it is precisely this “doomed cause” that reveals its unshakable moral value. Knowing it cannot be done, yet still choosing to stand for justice.
Why do they persist after 27 years of relentless persecution?
Because it was never about themselves—not from the very beginning.
Many of them knew: they might not live to see that day, might never witness democracy arrive. They knew the road ahead would be paved with hardship, bloodshed, sacrifice, betrayal.
Yet they still chose to reveal their identities, state their beliefs, face trial, go to prison, and step into history.
This is not merely self-sacrifice—it is a declaration of unwavering conviction.
They have never advocated violence.
Their political platform includes constitutional democracy, the rule of law, freedom of the press, judicial independence, and peaceful transition.
They uphold “peace, rationality, and nonviolence” even in the face of brutality and torture.
This is not weakness—but the strongest commitment to humanity, to civilization, to justice.
They believe a modern nation must be founded on the dignity and freedom of every individual, guided by civic dialogue and legal consensus—not blood and violence. Even if they cannot reach the end, they are willing to ignite the torch that lights the path for others.
Their prison terms become public declarations of principle.
Their courtroom defenses become civic lessons on constitutionalism.
Every trial becomes a classroom of democracy.
They have no party assets, no parliamentary seats, no public platforms, no foreign aid—yet they hold a name that will never die: China Democracy Party.
This name is censored in every Chinese publication, yet it lives on—in letters smuggled from prison, in court transcripts, in the hearts of all who choose to bear this legacy.
Today, on the free soil of the United States, we republish The Opposition Party—not just to continue this legacy, but to document the truth, to spark hope.
To tell everyone who still believes in a future for China that the word “opposition” is not a badge of failure, but a defiant cry for forgotten justice.
We do not seek sympathy.
We seek to unite those who believe in hope for that land—and who are willing to stand up for the future of the next generation.
This publication is dedicated to all those who have suffered for democracy and freedom—and is a call to those who still dare to stand: walk forward with them.
They are the true torchbearers of our time, the stars that refuse to dim in the dark night, the ones who sacrifice themselves for the foundation of a dream.
Many of them will never live to see democracy arrive.
But they choose to live for that day, fight for that day, give their freedom and lives for that day.
Those who plant the tree may not live to rest beneath its shade.
If the fruits of hope are buried deep in darkness, if democracy remains far beyond the horizon—
Who will bow to sow the seeds?
Who will burn their lives to keep the flame alive?
Their answer is not in words,
But in the moment they were taken away,
In the torment behind bars,
In the end of their lives.
They answer with chains, with prison uniforms, with vanished years,
With undying dignity—
An answer they never regret.
They are the moral compass of our era.
This party lives because of them.
This nation still has hope—because of them.
The Opposition Party will not remain in opposition forever!
文/程虹 编辑：吕峰 责任编辑：鲁慧文 罗志飞
近日，台湾爆发的大规模罢免行动再次向世界宣告台湾是一个民主自由的国家，不容中共专制势力染指，是对中共多年来武力威胁、金钱渗透、政治施压的有力回应。
随着中共对台的渗透愈演愈烈，台湾社会上逐渐滋生出一批假民主、真卖台的政客。这些政客打着“和平统一”、“两岸交流”的旗号，却行出卖台湾主权、削弱民主根基之实。他们或受中共金钱利诱，或畏惧中共暴力威胁，甘做中共的代言人，背叛了选民、背叛了国家。
大罢免的浪潮，是台湾人民对这些卖国政客的清算，是对台湾民主制度自我净化能力的体现。这场罢免运动中，民众不分蓝绿阵营，不论阶层，团结一致，共同高喊：“台湾是我们的家园，不容中共染指！”。这正是台湾民主最可贵的地方：即便在强敌环伺、暗流汹涌之际，台湾社会依然保持着足够的勇气与智慧，通过合法、和平的方式进行自我救赎。
自1949年中共窃国以来，所谓的“统一台湾”就成为中共政权的伪民族主义口号。近年来，随着中共国内矛盾日益激化，习近平政权越来越把对台动武作为转移危机、维稳统治的工具。我们看到：中共军机几乎每日侵扰台湾防空识别区，变本加厉地展示武力。海军舰队不断绕台，试图封锁台湾海上生命线。中共高层口出狂言，“不惜一战”、“武统时间表”等威胁之声不绝于耳。这一切都证明，中共对台湾的图谋从未停止，它不仅是台湾的威胁，更是全人类和平的公敌。
比武力威胁更可怕的，是中共对台湾的渗透与分化。近年来，中共透过各种隐蔽渠道进行统战渗透，手段包括，①金钱收买：通过商人、中资企业、假民间组织向台湾政客、媒体注资，操控舆论，干预选举。②信息战：大量假新闻、网络谣言冲击台湾社会，认知作战挑拨族群矛盾，瓦解民众信心。③宗教、社团统战：利用宗教、庙宇、地方势力作为统战工具，发展亲共势力。④吸纳退休军警情报人员：中共长期针对台湾军警系统人员展开统战，企图窃取台湾安全机密。中共妄想通过这场看不见硝烟的战争，从内部瓦解台湾，让台湾在不流血的情况下步入亡国的深渊。
面对中共的压迫，台湾人民用行动证明，台湾是华人世界真正的民主灯塔。台湾的选票、街头运动、罢免行动、对假消息的抵制，对中共渗透的揭发，这一切都在书写着一部现代版的民族自救史诗。有人说，台湾是小国寡民，无力对抗中共这个庞然大物。然而，历史一再证明：正义不在于强弱，勇气不在于人口。乌克兰用血的代价对抗俄罗斯暴政，台湾同样可以用智慧、团结与信念对抗中共专制。台湾的民主抗争，不只是台湾自己的事，也是全世界民主国家的共同责任。因为中共的野心不止于台湾，中共要征服的，是整个世界的自由秩序。
我们必须正视一个事实：如果国际社会对台湾遭遇中共威胁置之不理，那么中共的野心只会愈发膨胀，最终威胁到全世界每一寸热爱自由的土地。
因此，我们呼吁：美国、日本、欧盟等民主国家应加强对台湾的军事与经济支持，公开承诺保卫台湾，不让中共肆无忌惮。国际组织应在联合国、WTO等场合推动台湾参与国际事务，制止中共挤压台湾的国际空间。 全球华人应团结起来，声援台湾罢免行动、抗共行动，不做中共帮凶，不做中共沉默的奴隶。媒体与学界应加强对中共渗透的揭露，支持台湾的言论自由，协助台湾抵御认知作战。
台湾大罢免行动是一记警钟，提醒我们：中共对民主的渗透与侵犯，从未停止过。今天是台湾，明天可能是任何一个自由国家。台湾守住了，就是民主世界守住了第一道防线。让我们行动起来，声援台湾人民的大罢免，声援台湾抵抗暴政的斗争，共同迎来没有中共暴政的自由新世界！
Translator: Lu Huiwen
Recently, the large-scale recall movement erupting in Taiwan once again proclaims to the world that Taiwan is a democratic and free nation, not to be touched by the authoritarian forces of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). This movement is a powerful response to years of CCP military threats, financial infiltration, and political pressure.
As CCP infiltration in Taiwan deepens, a group of fake democrats—politicians who in reality betray Taiwan—has emerged. These individuals, under the guise of “peaceful unification” and “cross-strait exchange,” are in fact selling out Taiwan’s sovereignty and eroding its democratic foundations. Whether tempted by CCP money or intimidated by CCP threats, they have willingly become mouthpieces for the regime, betraying voters and the nation alike.
The wave of mass recall is the people’s reckoning with these traitorous politicians. It reflects the self-correcting strength of Taiwan’s democratic system. In this recall movement, citizens from across the political spectrum, from all walks of life, unite to declare: “Taiwan is our home—CCP, hands off!” This is the essence of Taiwan’s democracy: even under external threat and internal pressure, the Taiwanese people possess the courage and wisdom to seek salvation through peaceful and legal means.
Since the CCP seized power in 1949, the so-called “unification with Taiwan” has been a hollow slogan of pseudo-nationalism. In recent years, as internal crises in China escalate, Xi Jinping’s regime increasingly views military aggression against Taiwan as a tool for diverting domestic attention and maintaining authoritarian control. We see frequent incursions by CCP military aircraft into Taiwan’s Air Defense Identification Zone, an escalating show of force. Naval fleets encircle Taiwan, attempting to strangle its maritime lifeline. CCP officials threaten openly, uttering phrases like “war is not off the table” and “the timetable for armed unification.” All of this proves that the CCP’s ambition to annex Taiwan has never ceased. It is not just a threat to Taiwan—it is a threat to global peace and freedom.
Even more insidious than military intimidation is the CCP’s covert infiltration and internal subversion. In recent years, the CCP has used a variety of tactics to conduct its united front campaign, including:
1. Financial bribery – Funding politicians and media through businessmen, Chinese capital enterprises, and fake civic organizations to manipulate public opinion and elections.
2. Information warfare – Spreading fake news and online rumors to foment social division and undermine public trust.
3. Religious and community infiltration – Using temples, religious groups, and local power structures as vehicles to expand pro-CCP influence.
4. Recruitment of retired military and intelligence personnel – Systematic efforts to obtain classified national security information through targeted persuasion.
The CCP aims to win this invisible war without bloodshed—by collapsing Taiwan from within.
In the face of such oppression, the people of Taiwan have demonstrated through action that Taiwan is the true beacon of democracy in the Chinese-speaking world. Through their votes, street protests, recall efforts, and resistance to disinformation and infiltration, they are writing a modern-day epic of national self-rescue. Some claim Taiwan is small and powerless before the CCP behemoth. But history has repeatedly shown: justice is not a matter of size, and courage is not a matter of numbers. Just as Ukraine has stood against Russian tyranny with blood and determination, Taiwan can resist the CCP’s authoritarianism with wisdom, unity, and conviction.
Taiwan’s democratic resistance is not Taiwan’s alone—it is a shared responsibility of all democratic nations. For the CCP’s ambitions reach far beyond Taiwan; what it seeks to conquer is the very global order of freedom.
We must face a hard truth: if the international community turns a blind eye to the CCP’s threats against Taiwan, the regime’s ambitions will only grow, eventually endangering every free society on Earth.
Therefore, we call upon the democratic nations of the world—especially the United States, Japan, and the European Union—to strengthen their military and economic support for Taiwan and to make explicit commitments to its defense. International organizations must advocate for Taiwan’s inclusion in global forums like the UN and WTO to counter CCP efforts to isolate it.
We urge Chinese communities worldwide to stand with Taiwan’s recall movement and anti-CCP resistance. Do not be accomplices in silence. Do not be slaves to the regime. Media and academia must continue to expose CCP infiltration, defend Taiwan’s freedom of speech, and help Taiwan counter cognitive warfare.
Taiwan’s mass recall movement is an alarm bell—reminding us that CCP encroachment upon democracy has never ceased. Today, the target is Taiwan. Tomorrow, it could be any free country. If Taiwan stands strong, the free world holds its first line of defense. Let us act now—support the people of Taiwan in their struggle against tyranny, and work together for a future free of CCP oppression.
文/朱晓娜 编辑：吕峰 责任编辑：鲁慧文
我是中国民主党的一名成员，也是一位经历过压迫如今站在自由土地上的中国人。
曾经，我生活在那个不允许说真话的国度。疫情期间，因为封控，我失去了及时就医的权利，经历了无法挽回的个人悲剧； 我将这段真实的经历发在社交媒体上，结果遭到警方上门警告，逼我删除内容，还威胁家人。那一刻我意识到，在中国，说真话是一种“罪”。
我不曾犯罪，却被当成“麻烦制造者”；
我只想讲述真相，却被逼迫沉默。
为了保护家人、追求自由，我和家人一起来到美国。这里没有大数据监控你的一言一行，也没有因为一句话就敲门抓人的深夜。这里，有我在中国从未拥有过的——言论自由。
来到美国后，我加入了中国民主党，现在担任财务部负责人。我们组织并参与了一场又一场反对中共暴政的抗议活动。每一次举牌、每一次呐喊，都是对中共专制的控诉，也是对自由未来的渴望。
我们举起横幅，喊出真相，是为了让世界知道：中共不等于中国，中国人民有权利发声！
有人问我：“你不怕报复吗？”
我说，我曾经因为沉默而失去太多。现在，我选择不再害怕、不再沉默。
因为我知道，我并不孤单。越来越多的中国人正在觉醒，正在走出恐惧，正在发出自己的声音。他们从海外发声，从网络发声，从心里发声。他们不是“敌人”，他们是这个民族真正的良知。
我发声，不是因为我恨中国，而是因为我深爱这个民族，深爱这些曾经沉默太久的人民。
我们要真相，而不是宣传；
我们要自由，而不是控制；
我们要一个说真话不再受罚的中国。
By Zhu Xiaona Editor: Lv Feng Editor-in-Chief: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
I am a member of the China Democracy Party and a Chinese citizen who has experienced oppression and now stands on free soil.
I once lived in a country where speaking the truth was forbidden. During the COVID lockdowns, I lost the right to access timely medical care and suffered a personal tragedy that could never be undone. I shared this true experience on social media, only to receive a knock on my door from the police. They forced me to delete the post and threatened my family. It was in that moment I realized: in China, telling the truth is treated as a crime.
I committed no crime, yet I was treated as a “troublemaker.”
All I wanted was to tell the truth, but I was forced into silence.
To protect my family and pursue freedom, I came to the United States with them. Here, there is no mass surveillance watching your every word. Here, no one comes knocking in the dead of night to arrest you for something you said. Here, I have something I never had in China — freedom of speech.
After arriving in the U.S., I joined the China Democracy Party and now serve as the head of our finance department. Together, we have organized and participated in numerous protests the CCP’s tyranny. Every sign we hold, every slogan we shout is both a denunciation of authoritarian rule and a longing for a free future.
We raise banners and speak the truth to tell the world: The CCP is not China. The Chinese people have the right to be heard!
People often ask me, “Aren’t you afraid of retaliation?”
I say: I once lost too much because of silence. Now, I choose not to be afraid, not to be silent.
Because I know I am not alone. More and more Chinese are waking up. They are stepping out of fear and raising their voices — from abroad, through the internet, and from deep within their hearts.
They are not “enemies.” They are the true conscience of this nation.
I speak out not because I hate China, but because I deeply love this country and its people — those who have been silent for far too long.
We want truth, not propaganda.
We want freedom, not control.
We want a China where telling the truth is no longer a crime.
中国人民拒绝沉默。我拒绝沉默。我们都会拒绝沉默。
因为历史不会忘记谁在黑暗中点燃了第一束光
朱晓娜
2025年6月18日
文/李天辉 （中国民主党党员） 编辑：吕峰 责任编辑：鲁慧文 罗志飞
我以前听很多中国人说自由民主不能当饭吃，我会立刻言语上表示认可，但我会马上补上一句：没有自由民主，可以让你没饭吃！自由民主法制就是这样一种东西，它就像我们每天呼吸的空气一般，你平时不会觉得它有多么宝贵，但是直到你失去它的那一“刹那”，你就会明白，没有了这些，你就被置于死地，而你连丝毫反抗的机会也没有。也有很多中国人说，自由民主是多么的虚无缥缈不可触碰，电波讯号也是一样不可触碰，但是你们可以否认它们存在及价值吗？
香港的黎智英先生是我敬佩的人，他不但是一名富商，也是一名民运人士。在香港沉沦前后，他一直在努力地发挥他的能力去守护香港那仅存的自由民主，他本可以像其他富商一样投靠中共政权，成为他们体制内的一员，享受各种既得利益和好处，但他没有。他没有向邪恶的中共低头，他选择了向上帝负责，因为上帝代表着公正公义。更重要的是，他不但没有向中共低头，而且也没有选择逃避，他坚守在香港，与香港共存亡。欲加之罪何患无词，很快港共政权就在2020年8月10日以其涉嫌“勾结外国或境外势力”、违反《港区国安法》、串谋发布煽动刊物罪、串谋欺诈罪与刑罪恐吓罪、非法集结罪、出版煽动性材料的“煽动罪”将其入狱，现黎智英仍在受审中，可能会面临国安法下的最高刑责–“终身监禁”。
我自横刀向天笑，去留肝胆两昆仑。谭嗣同这首诗用在黎智英先生身上，当之无愧。为革命离开香港是英雄，为革命坚守香港不离不弃更是英雄。两者并无二异，但留下是更大的勇气，更让人钦佩！
受这种舍我其谁的精神感动，我从此走上了追求自由民主的道路。走这条道路不但是为了我自已，也是为了民主中国的早日到来。自由民主从来都不是自天而降的，这是需要渴望自由民主的人民奋斗而来的。当有足够多的人民发自内心渴望自由民主时，当有足够多的人民用行动去求自由民主时，它才会回应你。虽然我们都是普通人，但是只要我们每个人都拿出一点勇气来，我们就不再是普通人了，我们成为了熊熊烈火的执炬人，我们会带动千千万万的人拿出他们内心的勇气，点燃起心中的火焰，终有一天个人心中的火焰会成为大火，把中共邪恶的政权烧毁。 我们会推翻这个暴政，我们会建立民主中国，权力会回到人民的手中。 现代文明的自由、民主、法制会真真切切的在中华大地生根发芽，直至成长为参天大树！我们中国会成为推动世界和平的中坚力量，届时我们会为世界担负起维护国际道义、正义、公平的责任。这是我对未来民主中国的深切期望，希望我们广泛传播这希望的种子，让这种子在中国人心中生根发芽。只要种子在我们心中，将来必定成就梦想！我也希望心中有种子的人不要吝啬， 请把这希望的种子向更多中国同胞分享栽种，因为用光照亮别人的同时，也是照亮自已。 我们会让这光明越来越亮，将来一定闪耀整个神州大地！
By Li Tianhui (Member of the China Democracy Party)
Editor: Lü Feng Chief Editors: Lu Huiwen, Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
I often hear many Chinese people say that freedom and democracy can’t fill your stomach. I usually nod in verbal agreement, but I always add a caveat: without freedom and democracy, you might end up with nothing to eat. Freedom, democracy, and the rule of law are like the air we breathe—hardly noticeable while we have them, yet once they’re taken away, we realize in an instant that without them we are left for dead, with not the slightest chance to resist.
Some also claim that freedom and democracy are vague and untouchable—just like radio waves，but can you deny their existence or their value?
Jimmy Lai in Hong Kong is someone I deeply admire. He is not only a wealthy entrepreneur but also a pro-democracy activist. As Hong Kong was sliding into darkness, he used every ounce of his ability to defend the city’s last vestiges of freedom and democracy. He could have followed other tycoons, sided with the Chinese Communist regime, and enjoyed the spoils of being an insider. He did not. He refused to bow to the CCP; instead, he chose to answer to God, who stands for justice and righteousness. Even more importantly, he neither bowed nor fled—he stayed, determined to live and die with Hong Kong.
Predictably, on 10 August 2020 the Hong Kong authorities arrested him on trumped-up charges: “collusion with foreign forces” under the National Security Law, conspiracy to publish seditious material, fraud, criminal intimidation, unlawful assembly… the list goes on. Jimmy Lai is still on trial and may face life imprisonment.
“I laugh toward the sky with sword held high; whether I live or die, my loyalty fills the heavens.”
—Tan Sitong
This verse suits Jimmy Lai perfectly. Leaving Hong Kong for the revolution would have made him a hero; staying for the revolution takes even greater courage and wins even deeper admiration.
Inspired by such a spirit of “if not me, who?” I, too, chose the path of pursuing freedom and democracy—not only for myself, but for the early arrival of a democratic China. Freedom and democracy never descend from heaven; they grow from the struggle of people who yearn for them. When enough people truly desire them, when enough people act to obtain them, they will answer that call.
Though we are ordinary individuals, the moment each of us summons a bit of courage, we cease to be ordinary. We become torch-bearers of a raging fire, inspiring countless others to ignite the flames within their hearts. One day those individual sparks will merge into a conflagration that will burn down the CCP’s evil regime. We will overthrow the tyranny, found a democratic China, and return power to the people.
Modern civilization’s freedom, democracy, and rule of law will take root across the land, growing into mighty trees. China will become a pillar of world peace, shouldering the responsibility of upholding international morality, justice, and fairness.
This is my earnest hope for a future democratic China. May we widely sow these seeds of hope and let them take root in the hearts of our fellow Chinese. As long as the seed lives within us, the dream will come true. And if you already carry such a seed, don’t be stingy—share it, plant it in the hearts of more compatriots. In lighting the way for others, you also light the way for yourself. Our shared light will only grow brighter until, one day, it illuminates the whole of China.
作者：刘霜原 编辑：胡丽莉 责任：罗志飞
1989年，北京的街头曾短暂燃起希望的火光。那一年，无数青年用血肉之躯呼喊“自由、民主、法治”的口号，却在六四清晨，被坦克碾碎于长安街上，震惊世界。自此，中共向世人展示了什么叫“吃相之恶”——不仅杀人于街头，更是公然否认，强行封锁真相压制集体噤声、将历史封存成禁区。
三十年后，这种暴戾没有丝毫收敛，反而更具欺骗性与毁灭力——香港，成为新的受害者。
当初中共承诺“港人治港、高度自治、五十年不变”，并在国际条约中签字画押。2019中共当局推出的《2019年逃犯及刑事事宜相互法律协助法例（修订）条例草案》。催生了反送中运动后，中共便撕开面纱，不再掩饰它对“一国两制”的背叛和厌弃。2020年，《港区国安法》一夜之间闪电出台，绕过立法程序、完全摒弃基本法，将整个香港社会的政治、法律、民意…全部纳入极权机器的血盆大口。
“吃相之恶”让在香港表演得淋漓尽致。它不仅是粗暴的占领，更是一场系统性、结构化的清洗。先是新闻界——黎智英被囚，《苹果日报》被查封，整座传媒大厦连带数十名员工遭秋后算账；接着是教育界、社工界、法律界，全数“肃清异见”；再接着是民主派政客，一一被捕，剥夺议席，又导致47人案爆发。
“47人案”，不过是香港民主派在2020年进行的一次和平初选。这在任何正常的体制中，都是合宪合规的操作，在香港。却被定为“颠覆国家政权”。三年来，绝大多数被告人被长年羁押，不准保释。整个审讯过程不透明、未公正，限制媒体报道、辩护律师受压。这是“法律审判”嘛？呸！明目张胆的一场政治处决。
而2025年6月，中共对黄之锋的再度起诉，这更邪恶残忍。他已在狱中服刑四年，早无政治影响，又被从监狱拉到法庭，以“勾结外国势力”起诉——这其实已经不是为了治罪，是要从肉体到精神，彻底毁灭一个人了。是极权者对“不服”的灵魂凌迟示众。更像是北京某人梦魇后的报复。
谁都可以看出，中共要的不只是沉默了，而是毁灭一切反抗的记忆，消除任何异见思想存在过的痕迹。支联会被扫荡，被指控为“外国代理人”；香港大学内的“国殇之柱”（即六四纪念碑）被拆除，中文大学与岭南大学的六四雕塑和六四纪念碑全部被拆除；歌曲《愿荣光归香港》，以“煽动罪”或“侮辱国歌”等名义被封禁；公共图书馆下架成千上万本“敏感书”，连儿童读物与史学专著，稍有思想存在的都难逃查封。这是一次大规模的“政治清洁”，是对集体意识的高压重塑。
中共不满足于统治香港，他们要的是改造香港、同化香港，要的是可以捏成五角星样的香港。它要让这个曾经辉煌自由的城市忘记过去、放弃未来，只剩服从。媒体不再是报道真相，而是擦粉宣传；法院不再是主持公正，只是党意的执行机关；议会不再是代表人民，变成“人民大会堂”里的举手机器。
所有这些都以“法治”之名推行。中共口口声声喊“依法治国”，实则是“依法治人”——法律成了钳制异见的利器、保护独裁的工具。“国安法”下的特设法庭，既没有了陪审团、也不公开审理，法官是来自北京认命，判决是早已写好的。这赤裸裸的专政如果也叫“法治”，那习近平就该真叫“刁近乎”。
中共的吃相，早已不是“难看”可以形容的——那是贪婪、病态又充满暴虐的吞噬。它们根本不是在管理社会，而是一直的猎杀异见消灭思想；它们不是在建设国家，而是一直在抹除个体与历史；不是在追求稳定，一直在制造恐惧与顺从的废墟。
从1989到2025，从北京到香港，从坦克碾压到穿党服的审判机器，中共展现出生在骨子里的那种暴力意志：凡不能收编者，必被消灭灭；凡不能控制者，先抹黑再摧毁。它的吃相，带着对真相的害怕，对自由的仇视和憎恶，对人性尊严的彻底蔑视与践踏。
表面上，它们仿佛已经得逞——数年的高压，香港已经集体噤声，异见散尽，舆论赤红。然而，极权最怕的从不是外部批评，而是内部腐烂。一个靠谎言维系的政体，必然的惧怕真话；一个靠恐惧运转的暴力机器，终将反噬自身。它们或许能摧毁手无寸的反抗。一时胜于武力，但他们终将败于历史、败于人民、败于道义因为历史上，没有一个政权，能永远靠暴力恐惧维持统治；没有一种丑陋的“吃相”，能撑起一个文明的未来。历史从不缺黑暗，但黑暗从未战胜过光明。
而今，众目所视，十指所指，这只巨兽抹了一把嘴角的血迹，獠牙又朝向台湾……
我们已经看得太久、忍得太久——是时候了，是时候挺身而战了。时到今日，如果我们继续沉默，那就是甘愿为奴，为暴政舔血；那就是把自己变成中国的帮凶。
愿诸君团结，以笔为刀，以心为炬，以身入局。这一战，不是为了仇恨，也不是为了荣耀；而是为了子孙的天空不再黑暗；为了自由不再被践踏；为了正义不再屈就于暴力，为了本该属于文明的世界，不再被那副可恶的吃相玷污与吞噬。
The Chinese Communist Party’s Ruthless Appetite for Power
By Shuang Yuan Edited by Hu Lili Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
In 1989, hope briefly lit up the streets of Beijing. That year, countless young people stood in Tiananmen Square, crying out for “freedom, democracy, and the rule of law” with nothing but their bodies. But that flash of light was crushed beneath tanks on the morning of June 4th—shocking the world. It was then that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) revealed its grotesque appetite for control—not only by slaughtering unarmed civilians in the streets but also by publicly denying the truth, silencing the collective cry, and sealing off history as a forbidden zone.
Thirty years later, that brutality hasn’t diminished—it has grown more deceitful, more devastating. And Hong Kong has become the next victim.
The CCP once solemnly promised “one country, two systems,” assuring the world that Hong Kong would enjoy a high degree of autonomy for fifty years. That promise was even enshrined in international treaties. Yet in 2019, the CCP introduced amendments to the extradition law, triggering the Anti-Extradition Bill Movement—a mass uprising as Hongkongers took to the streets to defend freedom and dignity with courage and tears. In response, the CCP tore off its mask. In 2020, the National Security Law was rammed through, bypassing Hong Kong’s legislature entirely. It shredded the Basic Law, swallowed the city’s legal system, political structure, and public opinion into the bloodstained machinery of dictatorship. The CCP’s ravenous appetite was on full display in Hong Kong—an occupation not only physical but systematic and total.
First came the press: Apple Daily, a pro-democracy newspaper, was raided, its founder Jimmy Lai imprisoned, and dozens of staff arrested. Then the education system, social workers, legal professionals—all purged. Pro-democracy lawmakers were arrested en masse, stripped of their seats, and prosecuted in the now-infamous “47-person case.”
These 47 individuals had merely participated in a peaceful primary election organized by the democratic camp in 2020—an entirely legal and ordinary political process in any society governed by the rule of law. But in Hong Kong, it became a pretext for the CCP to accuse them of “subverting state power.” Over the past three years, most of the defendants have been detained without bail. The trial has been opaque and unjust, with media restrictions and defense lawyers facing intimidation. Is this justice? No—it’s a political execution dressed in legal garb. This is not a flaw in the judicial system—it’s the transformation of legality into blind obedience. When power stops interpreting the law and instead begins inventing it, democracy has no place to stand.
Now in June 2025, the CCP has once again dragged Joshua Wong—already imprisoned for four years—into court, this time on the charge of “colluding with foreign forces.” This is not justice—it is psychological and spiritual annihilation. It is a public execution of a rebellious soul. It reeks of vengeful paranoia from those in power.
It is obvious: the CCP no longer seeks mere silence. It seeks the total erasure of memory, of resistance, of thought.
The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China was forcibly disbanded and labeled a “foreign agent.” The Pillar of Shame at the University of Hong Kong was torn down. Tiananmen memorials at Chinese University and Lingnan University were destroyed. The protest anthem “Glory to Hong Kong” was banned under charges of “inciting hatred” and “insulting the national anthem.” Tens of thousands of books deemed “sensitive” were removed from public libraries, including children’s books and history texts. Any trace of critical thinking or remembrance is targeted for elimination. This is not merely censorship—it is a campaign of political sterilization, a violent remodeling of public consciousness.
The CCP’s war on memory aims not only to suppress truth but to sever the emotional and cultural bond between future generations and the values of liberty. They want a population incapable even of missing freedom.
The regime is not content with ruling Hong Kong—it seeks to reengineer it, to absorb it, to reshape it into a five-pointed star. It wants Hong Kong to forget its past, forfeit its future, and live only in submission. The media becomes propaganda, the courts serve the Party’s will, and the legislature becomes nothing more than a rubber stamp in the People’s Great Hall.
And all of this is done in the name of “rule of law.” The CCP endlessly chants “governing the country according to law,” but in truth it governs people through law—using statutes as tools of suppression and shields for dictatorship. Under the National Security Law, special courts operate without juries, trials are closed to the public, and judges are handpicked by Beijing. Verdicts are prewritten. If this is what passes for the rule of law, then Xi Jinping might as well be named “Dictator Xi.”
The Party’s appetite has gone beyond ugly—it is depraved, pathological, and vicious. It does not govern; it hunts. It does not build; it erases. It does not seek stability; it manufactures fear and ruins.
From 1989 to 2025, from the tanks of Beijing to the courtrooms of Hong Kong, the CCP has demonstrated its true nature: those it cannot absorb, it annihilates; those it cannot control, it defames and destroys. Its ravenous hunger is rooted in a deep fear of truth, a hatred of freedom, and a contempt for human dignity.
On the surface, it may seem victorious—Hong Kong has been silenced, dissent scattered, discourse painted in Party red. But tyranny is not most threatened by foreign criticism—it is undone by internal decay. A regime built on lies must fear truth. A machine powered by fear will inevitably consume itself. Yes, it may overpower the defenseless for now, but it will ultimately fall—to history, to the people, to justice. No regime in history has ever survived on terror alone. No monstrous appetite can sustain a civilization’s future. History is never short on darkness—but darkness has never conquered light.
And yet the beast has not stopped with Hong Kong.
Now, it bares its bloodstained teeth and turns toward Taiwan.
PLA fighter jets circle the island. Chinese warships routinely cross the median line of the Taiwan Strait. Beijing normalizes military drills simulating a blockade of Taiwan, escalating threats alongside diplomatic isolation, information warfare, and internal division through disinformation and propaganda. What happened to Hong Kong is the CCP’s scripted preview for Taiwan: dismantled democracy, outlawed freedom, imprisoned dissent. Taiwan is their next target.
The CCP has abandoned all pretense of rule of law, turning instead to the iron fist. Its goal is not to suppress separatism—it is to eradicate resistance and spirit. Hong Kong has become a slaughterhouse. Taiwan may be the next battlefield, soaked in blood. The regime’s hunger for control grows more feral by the day.
To stay silent now is to be complicit. To hesitate is to serve tyranny. We have waited too long, watched too long. The time has come to stand and fight.
Let us unite—with pens as swords, with hearts as torches, with our lives on the line. This fight is not for revenge, nor for glory—but so that our children will never again have to look up at a darkened sky. So that freedom is no longer trampled, justice no longer bowed, and so that the world that should belong to humanity is no longer devoured by this monstrous tyranny.
作者：罗志飞 责任编辑：鲁慧文
本组作品为视觉讽刺类创作，以“伪装的正义”为总标题，采用双图拼接的结构形式，揭示中国共产党在不同政治宣传领域中存在的巨大现实反差。每张图即为一篇，共计十五篇，构成完整作品集。
12. 《伪装的正义·忠诚篇》
15. 《伪装的正义·宗教篇》
创作初衷：
本作品集的目的，不只是批判中共，而是揭穿其最危险、最具有欺骗性的统治手段——伪装。中共常以“正义”、“人民利益”、“民族团结”、“文化自信”之名，掩盖其对人民的控制与伤害。它最大的可怕之处，不是直接的暴力，而是让人误以为它是光明与正义的代表。因此，我用一幅幅对比图像，揭示它“守护”“忠诚”“幸福”等光鲜口号背后的真实代价。
The Disguise of Justice (Image Series)
By Luo Zhifei | Editor-in-Chief: Lu Huiwen Translator: Lu Huiwen
This visual satire collection, titled “The Disguise of Justice”, adopts a diptych (dual-image) format to expose the stark contradictions embedded within the Chinese Communist Party’s political propaganda across various domains. Each paired image functions as an individual chapter, with a total of fifteen forming the complete body of work.
Index of Works (15 images in total):
I. The Fabricated Glory of National Narratives
These images explore how the CCP’s propaganda machine constructs illusions of “justice” and “greatness” through red education, scientific achievements, and cultural nationalism.
1. The Disguise of Justice: Red Ideology
2. The Disguise of Justice: Science
3. The Disguise of Justice: The Chinese Nation
4. The Disguise of Justice: Culture
5. The Disguise of Justice: Political Indoctrination
II. The Cracks of Social Reality
From the perspective of everyday life, this section gradually reveals the absurdities and indifference entrenched in the CCP’s system—highlighting institutionalized hypocrisy in healthcare, poverty relief, infrastructure, and the judicial system.
6. The Disguise of Justice: Labor
7. The Disguise of Justice: Infrastructure
8. The Disguise of Justice: Poverty Alleviation
9. The Disguise of Justice: Healthcare
10. The Disguise of Justice: Justice System
11. The Disguise of Justice: Migrant Workers
III. The Ultimate Fracture Under Controlled Belief
The final set of images—Loyalty, Morality, Happiness, and Religion—illustrates the CCP’s full-spectrum control over material life, civil rights, and even the innermost domains of personal faith.
12. The Disguise of Justice: Loyalty
13. The Disguise of Justice: Morality
14. The Disguise of Justice: Happiness
15. The Disguise of Justice: Religion
Artistic Intent
The purpose of this collection is not merely to criticize the CCP, but to unmask its most insidious form of control: disguise. The regime often cloaks its dominance and harm to the people with the language of “justice,” “people’s interest,” “national unity,” and “cultural confidence.” What makes the CCP truly dangerous is not just its capacity for violence—but its ability to make people believe it represents light and justice.
Through these juxtaposed images, I aim to expose the price hidden behind glossy slogans like “protection,” “loyalty,” and “happiness.” Each image is a rupture in illusion—an awakening of visual consciousness.
作者：胡丽莉 责任编辑：罗志飞
“和谐社会”这个词汇，在中国官方的语境中代表政治正确。然而正是这句口号，掩盖了无数绝望的哭喊，粉饰着暴力与冷漠。它不是社会理想，而是一种政治麻醉，一种对国民的精神阉割！
今天的中国并不和谐，连“稳定”也只是权力虚构的假象。所谓“和谐”，不过是政权维稳机器下被迫安静的沉默，是压制批评、扼杀表达之后的僵死空气。
当孩子流血躺在地上，路人只顾躲避；当女子被拖行羞辱，周围人集体失语；当快递员倒下死去，全世界都视而不见——这不是巧合，而是体制驯化出的冷漠本能；这不是个案，是一声声‘和谐社会’下的泣血嘶吼！
这样的现状正是执政者精心布设的困局：让人民不再相信他人，不再关心社会，只埋头顾自己。集体冷漠不是道德沦丧、世风日下，而是政权用洗脑、审查和惩罚机制制造出来的“社会病态”。
飞速的城市化浪潮和一刻也不停歇的生活节奏固然加剧了人际疏离，但更严重的是体制制造的不信任。公权力肆意妄为却无法追责，底层民众维权无门；贫富差距扩大，阶层上升通道被堵死；官媒歌颂稳定，民间却满是沉默与绝望。在这样一个社会里，“不参与、不表达、不出头”成了默认的生存法则。
什么叫“寻衅滋事”？发个微博，讲句真话，拍个视频。你以为你在表达权利？不，你在挑战“稳定”。政权眼中，稳定的定义是：人民闭嘴，真相闭眼，社会闭耳。异见者被定罪为“寻衅滋事”，真相被处理成“个别事件”。“和谐社会”成了扼杀正义、转移矛盾的遮羞布。
请记住，冷漠从来不是人的本性，而是极权制度的副产品。当一个社会把所有善意都视为威胁，把每一次共情都当作不安定因素时，它就已经丧失了基本的道德土壤。它的“和谐”，不过是静默的绝望，是发不出声音的痛苦。
今天，我们必须再问一句：谁在用“和谐”掩盖矛盾？谁在用“稳定”粉饰暴力？谁在用“制度”压住民众的呐喊？答案再清楚不过：是垄断权力、操控真相、压制民意的——中国共产党！
中国若真想迈向和谐，就必须迈出历史性的一步：结束一党专政，终结信息封锁，还权于民，重建一个真正属于人民的制度。
只有拆除这个谎言构筑的秩序，才有可能建立一个真实的、有血有肉的社会——那里，每个人都能说话、能表达、能得到援助，不再生活在冷漠中，不再害怕关心别人。
只有打破专政，冷漠才会退场，和谐才不再是谎言。
By Hu Lili Chief Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Lu Huiwen
The phrase “harmonious society,” in the Chinese government’s narrative, represents political correctness. But in reality, this slogan has been used to muffle countless cries of despair and to whitewash violence and apathy. It is not a vision of social harmony, but a form of political anesthesia—a spiritual castration of the people.
China today is anything but harmonious. Even “stability” is a manufactured illusion conjured by the state’s iron grip. What the regime calls “harmony” is in fact a forced, suffocating silence—an airless atmosphere created by suppressing criticism and choking free expression.
When a child lies bleeding on the ground and bystanders merely look away; when a woman is dragged and humiliated in broad daylight and the crowd says nothing; when a delivery worker collapses and dies on the street while the world walks past without blinking—these are not coincidences. They are the conditioned reflexes of a society trained into apathy. These are not isolated events—they are blood-soaked screams buried beneath the regime’s propaganda of “harmony.”
This chilling social reality is not the product of moral decline, but the calculated result of authoritarian engineering: a society where people no longer trust one another, no longer care about the world beyond themselves. This is not just alienation—it is a regime-designed pathology, forged through brainwashing, censorship, and fear-based punishment.
Yes, rapid urbanization and the relentless pace of life have widened social gaps—but the deeper problem is institutional distrust. Government power is exercised arbitrarily and never held accountable. Ordinary citizens have no avenue for redress. Inequality widens. Social mobility is blocked. The state media sings hymns of “stability,” while silence and despair fester in the streets. In such an environment, “Don’t speak, don’t stand out, don’t get involved” becomes the unspoken rule of survival.
What is considered “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”?
Posting a tweet. Speaking a truth. Filming a video.
You think you’re exercising a right? No—you’re threatening “stability.”
To the regime, stability means: the people stay silent, the truth stays buried, and society stays deaf.
Dissenters are criminalized. Facts are reframed as “isolated incidents.”
The slogan of “a harmonious society” has become a fig leaf for injustice and a diversion from accountability.
Let us be clear: apathy is not human nature. It is the byproduct of authoritarian rule. When a society sees every act of kindness as a threat, every moment of empathy as a risk to “social order,” it has already lost its moral foundation. Its “harmony” is merely the silence of despair—the pain of a people who no longer know how to cry out.
So we must ask again:
Who uses the word “harmony” to mask suffering?
Who uses “stability” to justify violence?
Who uses “the system” to smother the people’s cries?
The answer is as plain as day:
It is the Chinese Communist Party—monopolizing power, manipulating truth, and crushing public will.
If China is ever to move toward genuine harmony, it must take a historic step:
End one-party rule.
End the blockade on information.
Return power to the people.
Rebuild a system that truly belongs to them.
Only by dismantling this lie-built order can we create a real society—a society with flesh and blood, where people can speak, express, and help each other without fear; where care is not punished, and compassion is not met with danger.
Only when dictatorship ends will apathy retreat.
Only then will “harmony” cease to be a lie and become a living reality.
© 1998–2026 在野党(Opposition Party).
