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夜行者的心——我在病毒雕塑巡游中的所见与思考

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夜行者的心——我在病毒雕塑巡游中的所见与思考

作者:彭小梅(全程参与者)
編輯:Geoffrey Jin 责任编辑:刘芳 校对:程筱筱 翻译:吕峰

出发前,我对这趟旅程的理解其实很简单。我以为这只是一场行动——一场为了呼吁追责、唤醒良知的公路巡游。我没想到,它会让我重新理解“信念”这个词。

夜行者的心——我在病毒雕塑巡游中的所见与思考

一、从洛杉矶出发

2025年9月6日的洛杉矶,自由雕塑公园的风很大。那天阳光刺眼,旗帜翻飞,空气里混着汽油的味道。我站在人群里,看着那座巨大的“中共病毒”雕塑被固定在卡车上。金属的刺突在光里闪烁,像一道道沉默的伤口。陈维明老师坐进驾驶位,那一刻我才知道,他不仅是雕塑的作者,更是它的驾驶者。

引擎启动的瞬间,我心里突然一紧。这不仅是车队的出发,更像是一场信念的启程。我不知道未来三十一天会看到什么、经历什么,但我知道,这条路注定不会平凡。

二、在路上,看见世界

穿越沙漠的那几天,我第一次感到“孤独的壮阔”。公路两侧什么都没有,只有风和阳光。我坐在车窗边,看着那辆雕塑车在前方闪闪发亮。它像一面镜子,映出每个人的疲惫,也映出我们的坚持。

路上的人们常被吸引。有人举起手机拍照,有人竖起大拇指,有人低声说“God bless you”。这些瞬间,让我第一次感到:原来自由不是一个国家的专利,而是一种共通的语言。有时候,一个微笑,一句“Thank you for speaking the truth”,比任何口号都更有力量。

三、我学会了沉默地前行

这一路并不轻松。烈日、暴雨、机械故障、身体的疲惫……但让我最受触动的,是陈维明老师的沉默。

无论白天黑夜,他几乎都坐在驾驶位上。别人劝他休息,他只是摇头。有时候给他递水,他笑笑说:“放那儿吧,我得开。”那一刻我忽然明白——有些人不需要喊口号,他们的行动本身就是语言。他在用车轮,把艺术从雕塑的底座上推向世界的路面。

四、在米德兰的阳光下

德州米德兰的那天,阳光刺得人睁不开眼。市长和国会议员来了,陈老师在雕塑旁讲解:“这是一座纪念碑,也是一份起诉书。”我站在人群后面,看着那金属在阳光下发亮。一瞬间,我感觉那光像是从地底升起来的。

后来我们拜访了对华援助协会。牧师傅希秋说:“信仰与艺术,在真理的道路上殊途同归。”这句话深深刻在我心里。我开始明白,真正的力量,不只是控诉,而是把记忆留给世界,让遗忘无处藏身。

五、当夜色降临

我最喜欢夜行。公路上空无一人,天空深得像墨。雕塑车的灯照出前方一条窄窄的银线。风吹进车窗,我看见陈老师的剪影在光里一闪一闪。那一刻,我忽然觉得,那辆车不仅载着雕塑,也载着我们这一代人尚未熄灭的良知。

有时候我会害怕——害怕这条路太长,害怕努力太微弱。可每当想到那些被压制、被噤声的人,想到无数个被遗忘的名字,我又觉得自己不能退。哪怕这世界只有一点微光,也该有人去守着。

六、归来

2025年10月7日,我们回到了洛杉矶。那天是中秋。圆月升起,照亮了那座历经七千英里的雕塑。陈老师下车,拍了拍车头,轻声说:“它该休息了。”我看着那金属的刺突在月光下闪闪发亮,忽然有一种难以言说的宁静。

我知道,我们走过的每一段路、每一次停靠,都不是为了喧嚣。那是为了让世界记得——有一群人,用自己的方式,让真相重新被看见。

七、我学到的

有人问我,这趟巡游让我收获了什么。我想了很久,答案其实很简单:我学会了什么叫“信念”。

信念不是喊出来的。它是一种在黑夜里仍愿意前行的姿态。它是陈维明老师不言不语的背影,是金绣红女士拄着拐杖仍在讲述真相的坚持,是那辆车轮滚动的声音。

夜色依旧在。雕塑车已停在自由雕塑公园,但我知道,它的路还没走完。因为信念,仍在路上。

The Heart of a Night Walker — What I Saw and Thought During the Virus Sculpture Tour

Author: Peng Xiaomei (Participant throughout)
Editor: Geoffrey Jin Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract: On the road toward democracy, one breaks free from restraint, searches for the true self, and is reborn and awakened amid the unknown.

Before setting off, my understanding of this journey was actually quite simple. I thought it was just an action— a road tour to call for accountability and awaken conscience. I did not expect that it would make me understand the word “belief” all over again.

夜行者的心——我在病毒雕塑巡游中的所见与思考

I. Departure from Los Angeles

September 6, 2025. The wind was strong at the Liberty Sculpture Park in Los Angeles. The sunlight was piercing, flags were snapping in the air, and the wind carried the smell of gasoline. I stood in the crowd, watching the massive “CCP Virus” sculpture being secured onto a truck. Its metal spikes glinted in the light—like silent wounds etched into steel.

Professor Chen Weiming climbed into the driver’s seat. Only at that moment did I realize—he was not only the sculptor, but also the one who would drive it forward. When the engine roared to life, my heart tightened. This was not just the departure of a convoy— it felt like the beginning of a journey carried by conviction. I didn’t know what the coming 31 days would bring, but I knew this road would not be ordinary.

II. On the Road, Seeing the World

Crossing the desert for days, I experienced for the first time the grandeur of solitude. There was nothing on either side of the highway—only wind and sunlight. I leaned against the window, watching the sculpture truck shimmer in the distance ahead. It was like a mirror—reflecting everyone’s exhaustion, and also our persistence.

People on the road were often drawn to it. Some held up their phones to take pictures, some gave us a thumbs-up, and some whispered, “God bless you.” In those fleeting moments, I realized: freedom is not the patent of any one nation—it is a language shared by all human hearts. Sometimes, a smile or a quiet “Thank you for speaking the truth” is more powerful than any slogan.

III. Learning to Move Forward in Silence

The journey was far from easy. Scorching sun, thunderstorms, mechanical troubles, physical fatigue… But what moved me most was Professor Chen’s silence. Day or night, he was almost always behind the wheel. When others urged him to rest, he just shook his head. Sometimes, when we handed him water, he would smile and say, “Just leave it there—I need to drive.”

In that moment I understood— some people don’t need to shout slogans, because their actions are their language. He was using the wheels to push art off the pedestal and onto the roads of the world.

IV. Under the Sun in Midland

In Midland, Texas, the sunlight was so harsh it was hard to keep our eyes open. The mayor and a congressman came. Standing beside the sculpture, Professor Chen said, “This is a monument—and also an indictment.” I stood at the back of the crowd, watching the metal glisten in the sun. For a moment, it felt like the light was rising from the earth itself.

Later, we visited ChinaAid. Pastor Bob Fu said: “Faith and art may take different paths, but they meet on the road to truth.” That sentence etched itself into my heart. I began to understand that true power lies not only in accusation— but in leaving memory to the world, so that forgetting has nowhere to hide.

V. When Night Falls

I love traveling by night the most. The highway was empty, the sky as dark and deep as ink. The headlights of the sculpture truck cut a narrow silver line into the dark. Wind blew through the window, and I saw Professor Chen’s silhouette flicker in the glow of the dashboard. In that moment, I felt— that truck was not only carrying a sculpture, but also the conscience of our generation that refused to be extinguished.

Sometimes I was afraid— afraid the road was too long, the effort too small. But whenever I thought of those who were silenced, of countless forgotten names, I knew I could not turn back. Even if the world holds only a faint glimmer of light, someone still has to guard it.

VI. Returning

October 7, 2025—we returned to Los Angeles. It was Mid-Autumn Festival. A full moon rose, casting its light on the sculpture that had traveled seven thousand miles. Professor Chen stepped out of the truck, gently patted the front of it, and said softly, “It’s time for it to rest.” I watched the metal spikes glimmer under the moonlight, and a quiet, indescribable peace came over me.

I knew that every road we traveled, every stop we made, was not for noise or spectacle. It was to remind the world— that there are people who, in their own way, make the truth visible again.

VII. What I Learned

Someone asked me what I gained from this journey. I thought for a long time, and the answer is simple: I learned what “conviction” means. Conviction is not something you shout. It is the posture of one who keeps walking through the night. It is the silent figure of Professor Chen. It is Ms. Jin Xiuhong, leaning on her cane, still speaking the truth. It is the sound of rolling wheels on asphalt.

Night is still here. The sculpture truck now rests at the Liberty Sculpture Park, but I know—the road it started has not yet ended. Because conviction is still on the move.

全美声援于朦胧

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全美声援于朦胧

当真相被掩盖—沉默便成了帮凶

撰稿:蔡晓丽
编辑:冯仍 责任编辑:钟然 校对:程筱筱 翻译:吕峰

2025年10月19日中午,旧金山中国民主党成员及民主人权人士举行了声援行动,呼吁国际社会关注中国青年演员、歌手于朦胧(Alan Yu)离奇坠亡事件,并要求中共当局公开真相、追究责任。此次活动主题为“全美声援于朦胧 · 为真相发声”,由中国民主党全国委员会洛杉矶支部主办,联合纽约总部、旧金山、夏威夷及阿拉斯加支部共同发起,号召全美各地民主人士与网友自发开展同步行动。

全美声援于朦胧

旧金山:为真相集结,为沉默者发声

在旧金山的现场行动中,数十名民主党党员与异议人士聚集在中国驻旧金山总领事馆门前。中午12点整,现场高举“声援于朦胧,还原真相”、“没有共产党,才有新中国”等标语,并齐声呼喊口号。呼吁社会关注事件真相,捍卫言论自由。

活动由蔡晓丽与高应芬主持,组织者包括胡丕政、何宜城、蔡晓丽、李晓艳、高应芬、高俊影、董新展、李海风。

活动在中共领事馆前举行之后街头发放传单,并邀请美国民众签署Avaaz全球联署请愿书,呼吁国际社会介入调查。

“我们不是追星,而是为真相而来”——袁强

民主人权人士袁强率先发言指出,这次集会并非娱乐事件,而是关乎正义与真相:

“我们既不追星,也不关心娱乐新闻。今天来到这里,不是因为名人,而是因为真相。当一个政党高于国家、权力高于法律、舆论被用来服务利益时,社会的不公与黑暗操作就是必然。无论你是谁,当体制需要你消失,你就会被消失。今天的悲剧,也许明天就会轮到我们。”

他强调,发声是对抗恐惧的唯一方式:“我们为真相发声,为所有被噤声的人发声。”

“暴政必败,勇者不屈”——董新展

中国民主党人董新展语气激昂的发声:

“朋友们,我们不能沉默!我们要记住他的勇气,用我们的声音支持正义,让真相照亮黑暗,让自由成为无法阻挡的力量!压迫无法消灭勇气,封锁无法掩盖真相。于朦胧事件告诉我们:即便在最黑暗的地方,光明仍会闪耀。暴政必败,勇者不屈!”

“极权下人人皆蝼蚁”——陈森锋

民主异议人士陈森锋指出,在极权体制下,无论明星或平民都难逃威胁:

“在极权体制下,所有人都朝不保夕。极权就是一个弱肉强食的丛林社会,连那些明星名人在权力面前也如蝼蚁般被践踏。今天我们民主党人在旧金山中共使领馆门口为于朦胧发声:反对极权统治,建立民主社会,捍卫人权法治,维护公平正义。”

“真相不该被掩盖,生命不该被遗忘”——周志刚

中国民主党党员周志刚在发言中说:

“今天我们站在旧金山,不是为了仇恨,而是为了正义。真相不该被掩盖,生命不该被遗忘。于朦胧,一个有梦想的年轻人离奇坠亡,而在中国,真相总是被删除、被噤声。当真相被掩盖,我们沉默就是共犯;当黑暗统治舆论,自由的火光就必须燃起。”

他号召民众大声呼喊:“打破中共谎言,还原真相!没有共产党,才有新中国!”

“自由与尊严,不容被夺”——卢占强

中国民主党党员卢占强简短而有力地说:

“我们不能忘记,不能沉默。自由和尊严不可被轻易夺走!声援于朦胧,还世人真相!”

“今天是他,明天可能就是我们”——李树青

来自中国民主党的李树青直言:

“于朦胧事件,影响着每一个公民的基本生存权。他们利用权力掠夺他人生命以达目的。今天是于朦胧,明天可能就是你我,是每一个无辜的百姓和孩子。我们必须发声,追究那些幕后的黑手!打倒共产党,打倒习近平,还我真相,还我自由!”

“真相不怕光,怕光的是谎言”——刘忱忱

民主异议人士刘忱忱发表了最具分析性的演讲,引起强烈共鸣:

“一个正值壮年的演员突然坠亡,警方几个小时就宣布‘排除刑事嫌疑’,网络上相关话题被删除、封号、降热。

这不是调查,而是掩盖。真相不怕光,怕光的,是谎言。一个连死因都不敢公开的社会,谈不上文明;一个连追问都要封杀的体制,谈不上公正。”

他呼吁当局公布完整调查结果、公开法医报告与涉事人员名单,允许独立媒体和律师介入调查。

“于朦胧不是一个人,他是千千万万个被噤声的灵魂”——胡帅、高应芬

中国民主党党员胡帅说:

“我们不仅为于朦胧发声,更是为千千万万个被噤声的灵魂发声!当真相被掩盖,沉默便成了帮凶!”

高应芬补充道:

“今天的中国共产党是一个巨大的绞肉机,普通人就是红色权贵的器官供体和零件。真相不可掩埋,星星之火可以燎原。只要我们坚持发声,自由之光终会照亮世界。”

“我们为不能发声的人发声”——蔡晓丽

本次活动负责人、中国民主党河南工委主任兼女权部副部长蔡晓丽在总结发言中说:

“今天我们聚集在这里,是为了声援于朦胧,更是为了捍卫民主与人权。于朦胧用生命告诉世界:中国没有真相,没有人权。我们中国民主党人要为中国人民发声,为冤屈与不公发声,推翻独裁,建立民主宪政的家园。每一份声援、每一句真话,都将成为历史的印记。”

“为正义发声,为于朦胧讨回公道”活动在全体参与者的口号声中结束。

这场遍布全美的声援行动,不只是为一位被掩盖真相的青年发声,更是对极权体制的控诉与对自由信念的守护。

正如一位参与者所说:“要求真相,不是煽动情绪,而是捍卫每一个人的安全与尊严。”

National Support for Yu Menglong

When Truth Is Covered Up — Silence Becomes Complicity

Writer: Cai Xiaoli
Editor: Feng Reng Executive Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Lyu Feng

Abstract:On October 19, 2025, members of the China Democracy Party in the United States and human rights advocates held a rally titled “Nationwide Support for Yu Menglong” to call for truth and accountability. The event urged coordinated action across the United States to speak for those silenced, denounce authoritarian oppression, and call for the return of freedom and dignity.

At noon on October 19, 2025, members of the China Democracy Party in San Francisco, along with pro-democracy and human rights activists, held a solidarity event calling on the international community to pay attention to the mysterious death of young Chinese actor and singer Yu Menglong (Alan Yu). They demanded that the Chinese Communist authorities disclose the truth and hold those responsible accountable.

The event, themed “Nationwide Support for Yu Menglong · Speak Out for the Truth,” was organized by the Los Angeles branch of the National Committee of the China Democracy Party, in collaboration with its headquarters in New York as well as branches in San Francisco, Hawaii, and Alaska. It called on democracy advocates and netizens across the United States to launch synchronized actions in support.

全美声援于朦胧

San Francisco: Gathering for Truth, Speaking for the Silenced

During the on-site action in San Francisco, dozens of members of the China Democracy Party and dissidents gathered in front of the Consulate-General of the People’s Republic of China.At exactly 12:00 noon, participants raised banners reading, “Support Yu Menglong, Restore the Truth” and “Without the Communist Party, There Would Be a New China,” chanting in unison. They called for public attention to the truth behind the incident and for the defense of freedom of speech.

The event was hosted by Cai Xiaoli and Gao Yingfen. Organizers included Hu Pizheng, He Yicheng, Cai Xiaoli, Li Xiaoyan, Gao Yingfen, Gao Junying, Dong Xinzhan, and Li Haifeng.After the demonstration at the Chinese consulate, participants distributed flyers on the streets and invited American citizens to sign a global Avaaz petition, urging international intervention to investigate the case.

“We’re Not Here for a Celebrity—We’re Here for the Truth” — Yuan Qiang

Human rights activist Yuan Qiang was the first to speak, emphasizing that this rally was not about entertainment, but about justice and truth:

“We are not idol-chasers, nor do we care about entertainment headlines. We are here today not because of fame, but because of truth. When a political party rises above the nation, when power overrides the law, when public opinion is manipulated for利益, injustice and darkness become inevitable. No matter who you are, when the system decides you should disappear, you will disappear. Today’s tragedy may be ours tomorrow.”

He stressed that speaking out is the only way to resist fear:

“We speak for the truth, and for those who have been silenced.”

“Tyranny Will Fall, Courage Will Not” — Dong Xinzhan

Dong Xinzhan of the China Democracy Party delivered a passionate address:

“Friends, we cannot be silent! Let us remember his courage, use our voices to support justice, let truth shine through the dark, and let freedom become an unstoppable force! Oppression cannot kill courage, censorship cannot bury truth. Yu Menglong’s case shows us: even in the darkest place, light still exists. Tyranny will fall, the brave will not bend!”

“Under Totalitarianism, Everyone Is as Small as an Ant” — Chen Senfeng

Dissident Chen Senfeng pointed out the fragility of every individual under authoritarian rule:

“In a totalitarian system, no one—celebrity or civilian—is safe. It is a jungle where the weak are devoured. Even stars are trampled like ants under power. Today, we stand at the gate of the Chinese consulate in San Francisco to speak for Yu Menglong: to oppose tyranny, build democracy, defend human rights and the rule of law, and uphold fairness and justice.”

“Truth Should Not Be Buried, Lives Should Not Be Forgotten” — Zhou Zhigang

China Democracy Party member Zhou Zhigang said:

“We stand in San Francisco today, not for hatred, but for justice. Truth should not be hidden, and lives should not be forgotten. Yu Menglong—a young man with dreams—fell to his death under mysterious circumstances. In China, truth is deleted, voices are silenced. When truth is buried, our silence becomes complicity. When darkness dominates public opinion, the flame of freedom must be lit.”

He led calls of:

“Break the lies of the CCP! Restore the truth! No Communist Party—A New China!”

“Freedom and Dignity Cannot Be Taken Away” — Lu Zhanqiang

China Democracy Party member Lu Zhanqiang said simply and firmly:

“We must not forget, we must not be silent. Freedom and dignity cannot be taken away. We stand with Yu Menglong—let the world know the truth!”

“Today It Is Him—Tomorrow It Could Be Us” — Li Shuqing

Li Shuqing of the China Democracy Party spoke bluntly:

“What happened to Yu Menglong concerns every citizen’s right to live. They use power to take lives to serve their goals. Today it is him—tomorrow it could be you, me, any innocent person or child. We must speak out and hold the culprits accountable! Down with the CCP, down with Xi Jinping! Give us truth, give us freedom!”

“Truth Fears No Light—It Is Lies That Do” — Liu Chenchen

Dissident Liu Chenchen delivered the most analytical speech, resonating deeply with the crowd:

“A young actor dies suddenly, and within hours, police declare ‘no criminal suspicion.’ Online discussions are deleted, accounts shut down, topics suppressed. This is not an investigation—it is a cover-up. Truth does not fear the light. What fears the light is lies. A society that cannot even reveal the cause of death cannot call itself civilized. A system that bans even the act of questioning cannot claim justice.”

He called for the full investigation report, forensic findings, identities of those involved, and the participation of independent media and lawyers.

“Yu Menglong Is Not One Person—He Represents Thousands of Silenced Souls” — Hu Shuai & Gao Yingfen

China Democracy Party member Hu Shuai said:

“We speak not only for Yu Menglong, but for the countless souls who have been silenced! When truth is hidden, silence becomes an accomplice!”

Gao Yingfen added:

“Today’s Chinese Communist Party is a giant meat grinder—the ordinary people are merely organs and spare parts for the red elite. Truth cannot be buried. A single spark can ignite a prairie fire. As long as we keep speaking out, the light of freedom will eventually shine on the world.”

“We Speak for Those Who Cannot Speak” — Cai Xiaoli

Event organizer and Director of the Henan Working Committee of the China Democracy Party, as well as Deputy Minister for Women’s Rights, Cai Xiaoli concluded:

“We are gathered here today to support Yu Menglong, but more importantly, to defend democracy and human rights. With his life, Yu Menglong told the world: there is no truth and no human rights in China. We, members of the China Democracy Party, will speak for the Chinese people, for injustice and oppression. We will overthrow dictatorship and establish a democratic constitutional nation. Every word of support, every truth spoken, will become a mark in history.”

The rally ended with participants chanting slogans demanding justice for Yu Menglong.

This movement, unfolding across the United States, is not only a call for truth for a young man whose death has been concealed—it is an indictment of authoritarianism and a defense of the belief in freedom.As one participant said:

“To demand the truth is not to incite emotion—it is to defend the safety and dignity of every human being.”

湾区 11月9日 圣何塞市政厅集会

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湾区 11月9日  圣何塞市政厅集会
湾区 11月9日  圣何塞市政厅集会

周末圣何塞市政厅集会

时间:2025年11月9日(周日) 下午两点至四点

地址:圣何塞市政厅

200 E Santa Clara St San Jose, CA 95113

主题:

1:张琪沅,生日快乐!我们从未忘记你!

2:给牛腾宇妈妈捐款1美金活动,让良心犯不再孤单

3:给监狱中的王炳章先生写一张贺卡,祝他78岁生日快乐

真正的中国脊梁,真正的国之未来

14岁,很多孩子还是懵懂无知,被洗脑教育得成为一个个小粉红,张琪沅却成为年龄最小的觉醒者.他在b站大声疾呼“习近平是独裁者”!是多少成年人不曾有过的认知和勇气!这样的少年才是中国的未来,他才是中国的脊梁.

11月4日是他的生日,他现在依然音讯全无.不知道在哪里遭受非人的虐待!

亲爱的兄弟姐妹们,让我们为张琪沅大声疾呼!

释放张琪沅,独裁者下地狱!

活动组织:中国人权联盟旧金山分部

活动策划:李海风 张勇

活动联系:张勇 6265816991

活动收集:胡丽莉

洛杉矶 11月8日 第763次茉莉花行動 声援港支联三被告

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洛杉矶 11月8日 第763次茉莉花行動 声援港支联三被告
洛杉矶 11月8日 第763次茉莉花行動 声援港支联三被告

第763次茉莉花行動

時間:2025年11月8日週六下午4點

地址:中共駐洛杉磯領事館

絕不後退-要求中共立即釋放香港支聯會李卓人、何俊仁、鄒幸彤三義士

近日,香港支聯會案預定開審日期再度延期,

鄒幸彤、李卓人已經在未經審訊定罪的情況下被羈押逾1500天,何俊仁被羁押逾1200多天,

中共與香港當局利用審前關押作為壓迫手段,嚴重侵害三人的公平審訊權利。

三十年來,「香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會」(支聯會)一直舉辦全球最大型的六四紀念活動,悼念一九八九年四日天安門廣場民主運動中被血腥鎮壓的死難者。

前支聯會副主席鄒幸彤是一位資深大律師,也是國際特赦組織認可的「良心犯」;前主席李卓人則是著名的勞工運動領袖和民主活動人士。兩人現正面臨《港區國安法》下的「煽動顛覆國家政權」控罪──此罪最高可判十年監禁。

近日,他們的審訊再次被延後兩個月。全球超過四十五個民間團體聯署公開信,呼籲包括加拿大在內的七大工業國(G7)及歐盟/歐洲經濟區成員國,對香港政府施加外交壓力,促使其立即無條件釋放鄒幸彤與李卓人。

今天,兩位支聯會的領袖──李卓人與鄒幸彤──仍被囚禁。他們無罪,只是堅守信念。

鄒幸彤身為律師,只希望人們能記住歷史;

李卓人畢生為工人爭取權益、為民主發聲,如今卻被以國安法之名懲罰。

他們的勇氣讓我們看見真正的自由——

那是說真話的自由,是記憶與堅持公義的自由。

即使身陷囹圄,他們的信念依然閃耀。

讓我們團結一致,向中共及香港政府發出最清晰的呼聲:

立即、無條件釋放鄒幸彤與李卓人!

活動發起人:袁崛 彭小梅 程虹

活動負責人:倪世成 楊皓

活動主持人:袁崛 彭小梅

組織(召集與宣傳):曾群兰、朱晓娜

攝影:周恒 卓皓然

安保秩序:康余 郑洲

設計:张致君

活动收集:胡丽莉

主辦:中國民主黨全委會 《在野黨》雜誌社

活動協辦單位:洛杉矶民主平台

为什么习近平一定会被历史审判

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为什么习近平一定会被历史审判

——从习近平执政期中共对宗教自由的迫害简史谈起

作者:张维清
编辑:冯仍   责任编辑:钟然   校对:程筱筱   翻译:刘芳

自2025年10月9日起,中国政府相关部门在北京、上海、浙江、山东、广东、广西、海南等多地同时展开行动,大规模抓捕锡安教会的牧师、传道人和会众。截至目前,已有三十余位教牧领袖及信徒被拘押、失联,聚会场所被查封、财物被抄没,部分同工家属亦遭受威胁与骚扰。中共开启新一轮对宗教自由的迫害。

为什么习近平一定会被历史审判

中共对宗教自由的迫害始于这个邪恶政权的诞生,1949年,中共篡权夺政后,建立“五大爱国宗教协会”制度,其核心是:宗教必须组织化、国家化、官僚。

习近平执政以来,中国政府加大了对宗教自由的迫害。

2012年:习近平上任后不久,在中央统战工作会议上强调“宗教必须坚持中国共产党的领导”。

2013年:习近平成立“中央统一战线工作领导小组”,宗教事务纳入其直接领导范围。开始推动宗教干部、神职人员“政治考核制度”。下级政府为了讨好习近平,多地开展“拆十字架运动。

2016年:习近平主持全国宗教工作会议,他提出“要引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应,实现宗教中国化”,宗教活动、经典、建筑、服饰、讲道内容必须体现“中国特色社会主义价值观”,宗教领导人需接受党校培训并通过政治考核。各宗教被要求建立党组织。这标志着中共史上对宗教控制最系统化的阶段性转折。

2017年 :习近平主持中共中央新疆工作会议后,自治区党政系统全面推广“去极端化条例”,明确要求对宗教教育、礼拜、穿着进行监管。

2018年:《宗教事务条例》修订版实施,由习近平签署国务院令正式公布。新规赋予政府更大权力关闭宗教场所、管控网络宗教内容。同年,发生臭名昭著的“1700年嵩山少林寺首次升国旗”事件。

2019年:习近平在新疆政策讲话中,要求“绝不手软”“像防疫一样防范宗教极端思想”。导致宗教活动被强制登记;清真寺、古兰经学校大量关闭,各地党政干部被派驻清真寺进行“思想监督”。

2020年:中宣部、统战部共同发布宗教“互联网宗教信息服务管理办法”。所有线上讲道、祷告直播需政府批准。

2021年:《宗教教职人员管理办法》生效,要求牧师、僧侣“拥护中国共产党领导,维护国家统一”,各宗教组织必须设立党组织,宗教人员需建立档案、接受思想培训。

2023年:习近平强调“去阿拉伯化”、“去西化”、“去达赖化”。典型措施为:清真寺穹顶被改造为中式建筑、藏传寺庙内悬挂国旗与习近平画像成为强制要求、各省宗教场所被要求学习习近平思想和社会主义核心价值观。

2024年:中国政府全面上线“全国宗教事务信息管理系统”,实施“宗教信息备案与积分制”,信众、牧师、寺庙均需实名认证与备案。宗教活动分级评分管理,违规者可被列入“信用惩戒名单”。多地试点:宗教讲道内容须通过AI审查系统审核。

宗教信仰自由是宪法赋予每个公民的权利,也是一个社会成熟与宽容的重要标志。习近平和中国政府对宗教自由变本加厉的镇压,不仅违反了中国的宪法,更违背国际相关法律。这种系统性迫害行为,不仅侵犯中国人的人权,也是对国际社会的公然挑衅。 习近平必然受到历史的审判,并遭到世人的唾骂。推翻中共是艰难的,但习近平和中共在反人类的作死路上走得越远,就会有越多的中共人会觉醒,加入反共的中国人越多,追求自由民主的中国人越多,审判习近平的日子越早到来。

Why Xi Jinping Will Inevitably Be Judged by History—A Brief History of the CCP’s Persecution of Religious Freedom During Xi’s Rule

Author: Zhang Weiqing
Editor: Feng Reng Executive Editor: Zhong Ran Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: This article begins with the mass arrest of Zion Church members, tracing the CCP’s systematic suppression of religious freedom under Xi Jinping. It reveals that the so-called “Sinicization of religion” is in fact ideological totalitarianism, and concludes that Xi Jinping will ultimately face historical judgment for crimes against humanity.

为什么习近平一定会被历史审判

Starting from October 9, 2025, the Chinese government launched coordinated operations in Beijing, Shanghai, Zhejiang, Shandong, Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hainan, arresting pastors, preachers, and congregants of Zion Church on a large scale. So far, more than thirty church leaders and believers have been detained or have disappeared. Worship sites have been sealed, property confiscated, and some family members of the staff are threatened and harassed. The CCP has begun a new round of persecution against religious freedom.

The CCP’s persecution of religious freedom began with the birth of this tyrannical regime. In 1949, after seizing power, the CCP established the system of the “Five Official Patriotic Religious Associations,” whose essence was to make religion bureaucratic, state-controlled, and politically loyal.

Since Xi Jinping came to power, the persecution of religious freedom has intensified.

2012: Shortly after taking office, Xi emphasized at the Central United Front Work Conference that “religion must adhere to the leadership of the Communist Party of China.”

2013: Xi formed the Central Leading Group on United Front Work, bringing religious affairs directly under his control and introducing “political evaluations” for clergy. To curry favor, local governments launched the “Cross Demolition Campaign.”

2016: At the National Religious Work Conference, Xi declared the need to “guide religions to adapt to socialist society” and achieve “Sinicization of religion.” Religious activities, scriptures, architecture, and sermons had to embody “socialist core values.” Religious leaders were required to attend Party training and pass political vetting, and all religious bodies were ordered to establish Party branches—marking the CCP’s most systematic control of religion to date.

2017: Following Xi’s Central Conference on Xinjiang, the region implemented “De-Extremization Regulations,” requiring strict oversight of religious education, worship, and attire.

2018: The revised Regulations on Religious Affairs took effect, signed by Xi himself, granting the government sweeping power to close religious sites and monitor online religious content. The same year saw the notorious “Shaolin Temple raises the national flag for the first time in 1,700 years” incident.

2019: In a speech on Xinjiang, Xi demanded to “show no mercy” and to “prevent religious extremism like an epidemic.” This led to forced registration of religious activities, mass closure of mosques and Quran schools, and Party cadres stationed inside mosques for “ideological supervision.”

2020: The Central Propaganda Department and the United Front Department jointly issued the Administrative Measures for Internet Religious Information Services, requiring government approval for all online sermons and prayer livestreams.

2021: The Administrative Measures for Religious Clergy came into effect, mandating that priests and monks “uphold the leadership of the Communist Party” and “safeguard national unity.” Each religious organization was required to set up a Party branch, and clergy were documented and trained ideologically.

2023: Xi emphasized “de-Arabization,” “de-Westernization,” and “de-Dalaization.” Measures included transforming mosque domes into Chinese-style roofs, forcing temples to display national flags and Xi’s portraits, and mandating study of Xi Jinping Thought in all religious institutions.

2024: The Chinese government launched the “National Religious Affairs Information Management System,” enforcing real-name registration and a credit-based scoring system for clergy, temples, and believers. Religious activities were graded, and violators blacklisted. In several provinces, sermon content was required to pass AI censorship before delivery.

Freedom of religion is a constitutional right of every citizen and a mark of a mature and tolerant society. Xi Jinping’s escalating crackdown on religious freedom violates not only China’s own constitution but also international law. This systematic persecution is both an assault on the rights of Chinese citizens and a provocation to the international community. Xi Jinping will inevitably be judged by history and condemned by humanity. Overthrowing the CCP will be difficult, but the further Xi and his regime go down this path of crimes against humanity, the more Chinese will awaken, the more will join the fight for freedom and democracy—and the sooner Xi Jinping’s judgment day will come.

中秋聚会记:同心同行,共盼自由之光

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中秋聚会记:同心同行,共盼自由之光

作者:曾群兰
编辑:邢文娟   责任编辑:刘芳   校对:冯仍   翻译:吕峰

2025年10月4日

在这月圆人团圆的中秋佳节,我们与朱虞夫老先生及《在野党》杂志社的同仁欢聚一堂,共度节日时光。我们共同为中国民主党人、被囚禁的政治犯、良心犯和一切因追求自由而失去自由的同胞,送上最诚挚的祝福——祝他们中秋安康,精神坚强,早日迎来自由的曙光。

中秋聚会记:同心同行,共盼自由之光

出席聚会的社员如下:

朱虞夫、郑存柱、熊辩、何愚、李杰、曾群兰、夏体姗、黄吉洲、李之洋、林小龙、赵杰、卢新虎、李建伟、罗志飞。

聚会中,大家就各部门的工作细则与实际问题进行了坦诚交流与深入讨论。

这是《在野党》杂志社复刊后迎来的第一个中秋节,意义格外重大。回首一路走来的艰辛与努力,我们深感这份坚持弥足珍贵。感谢每一位社员的付出与担当——正因为有大家的团结与奉献,我们才能成功复刊。我们相继推出了纸质版与网络版期刊,使《在野党》在民运圈得到广泛关注与支持。

特别感谢朱虞夫老先生、郑存柱社长以及全体社员的辛劳与坚持。

正是因为你们的信念与行动,让《在野党》得以继续发声,传递真理与自由的力量。

能在这样的节日与大家相聚,倍感温暖与珍惜。

愿明月常照自由之路,愿我们同心同行,共盼自由之光。

祝各位中秋快乐,身体健康,万事如意!

Mid-Autumn Gathering: United in Purpose, Awaiting the Light of Freedom

Author: Zeng Qunlan Editor: Xing Wenjuan Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreading: Feng Reng Translation: Lyu Feng

Abstract: Members of Opposition Party magazine gathered for Mid-Autumn Festival, expressing solidarity with those persecuted for speech, and extending gratitude to supporters whose persistence has allowed the magazine to continue speaking out and carrying the ideals of freedom. They look forward to the early realization of democracy in China.

October 4, 2025

On this Mid-Autumn Festival—a time of full moon and family reunion—we gathered together with Mr. Zhu Yufu and colleagues from Opposition Party magazine. We spent the festive day in each other’s company and collectively sent our sincerest blessings to members of the China Democracy Party, to political prisoners, prisoners of conscience, and to all compatriots who have lost their freedom in pursuit of liberty. We wish them peace and strength this Mid-Autumn Festival, and may they soon greet the dawn of freedom.

中秋聚会记:同心同行,共盼自由之光

The members who attended the gathering were:Zhu Yufu, Zheng Cunzhu, Xiong Bian, He Yu, Li Jie, Zeng Qunlan, Xia Tishan, Huang Jizhou, Li Zhiyang, Lin Xiaolong, Zhao Jie, Lu Xinhu, Li Jianwei, and Luo Zhifei.

During the gathering, everyone engaged in open communication and in-depth discussions regarding the detailed responsibilities and practical challenges faced by each department.

This was the first Mid-Autumn Festival since the relaunch of Opposition Party magazine, making it particularly meaningful. Looking back at the hardships and efforts we have endured, we feel deeply that this perseverance is invaluable. We are grateful to every member for their dedication and commitment — it is because of the unity and contributions of all that we were able to successfully resume publication. We have since released both print and online editions, allowing Opposition Party to gain widespread attention and support within the pro-democracy community.

We extend our heartfelt gratitude to Mr. Zhu Yufu, President Zheng Cunzhu, and all our members for their tireless dedication and perseverance.It is your conviction and actions that have enabled Opposition Party to continue speaking out, conveying the power of truth and freedom.

To be able to gather with all of you on such a meaningful festival fills us with warmth and gratitude.May the bright moon forever shine upon the road to freedom; may we walk together with one heart, united in our hope for the light of liberty.Wishing everyone a happy Mid-Autumn Festival, good health, and all the best!

旧金山 11月16日 洪门文化参访之旅

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旧金山 11月16日 洪门文化参访之旅
旧金山 11月16日 洪门文化参访之旅

闻道读书会特别活动

旧金山洪门文化参访之旅

为了更好地了解华人移民史与美国社会的发展,

闻道读书会 将组织一次文化参访活动,

带领大家走进旧金山的历史核心地带。

活动时间

2025年11月16日(周日)下午2:00

集合地点

旧金山花园角公园(Portsmouth Square Park)

集合后步行前往洪门致公总堂。

活动内容

⿡ 参观洪门致公总堂(Chinese Freemasons Headquarters)

由 洪门致公堂现任盟长赵炳贤先生 亲自接待与讲解,

介绍洪门的历史渊源、组织结构,以及其在华人社会中的重要地位。

⿢ 参观花园角自由女神像(Portsmouth Square Statue of Liberty)

由 童木 介绍自由女神像的由来与历史背景,

了解这座雕像背后的中美文化交流故事。

交通与集合

大家可自由组合拼车前往。

建议将车停放于 花园角地下停车场(Portsmouth Square Garage),

停车方便,出入口就在公园旁。

活动结束后

前往旧金山中餐馆 AA制聚餐,

继续交流与分享。

报名信息

名额限 20人

请联系 童木 报名参加

活动收集:胡丽莉

从日本的诺贝尔奇迹看中国科研

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作者:张兴贵
编辑:李堃 责任编辑:刘芳 校对:程筱筱 翻译:彭小梅

摘要:文章简述了日本靠长期投入与制度保障提前实现诺贝尔奖目标,而中国科研因行政化、缺乏自由与短视投入而难以孕育真正的科学突破。

日本在2002年提出了一个看似“狂妄”的计划:50年内拿下30个诺贝尔奖。当时,中国官媒哄堂大笑,《人民日报》斥之为“狂妄”,新华社讥讽为“痴人说梦”。然而,到了2025年,当大阪大学免疫学家坂口志文荣获诺贝尔医学奖,日本的诺贝尔奖总数已经达到31项。这份“狂言”不仅成真,还提前26年完成。这是一份令全世界瞠目结舌的答卷,不仅代表一个国家的胜利,更是一面镜子,照出了中国科研的真实现状。

一、日本的“狂言”为何成真?

首先,日本明确了方向:基础研究是核心。他们深知,诺贝尔奖不是靠短期功利项目,而是依赖长期积累的原创性突破。于是,日本政府与高校携手,投入巨资支持基础科学,鼓励科学家在冷门领域深耕。例如,2012年的山中伸弥诱导多能干细胞(IPS细胞)研究获得诺贝尔医学奖,而这项研究的背后,是日本政府和机构十余年的持续支持。

其次,日本建立了一套尊重科学家的制度体系。他们的科研环境允许失败,鼓励自由探索。科学家不必为行政表格与KPI指标发愁,可以专注于研究本身。“坂口志文”的Treg细胞研究耗费了数十年才取得突破,但大阪大学始终给予他充分的信任与支持。这种制度保障了科学家的创造力,也孕育了诺贝尔级的成果。

最后,日本的科研文化强调耐心与专注。他们不急功近利,不追求立竿见影的“政绩”。从田中耕一的质谱技术到大隅良典的自噬研究,日本的诺贝尔奖得主都在一个领域深耕数十年,甚至一生。这种专注,既是一种文化,也是一种制度的力量。

日本的成功告诉我们:诺贝尔奖并非偶然所得,而是制度、投入与文化的结晶。

二、中国的“计划”为何屡屡落空?

反观中国,在过去二十多年间,我们提出了无数宏大的计划:“863计划”、“973计划”、“中国制造2025”、“科教兴国”,每一个计划都轰轰烈烈,每一个口号都振奋人心。然而,这些计划的结局却往往是雷声大、雨点小。为什么?因为我们擅长提出目标,却很少追问:这些目标由谁来实现?又靠什么实现?

首先,我们的科研制度存在严重问题。在中国,科学家往往被困于行政体系的泥潭之中。科研被行政力量主导,科学家的研究方向常常被“规划”所左右。项目申请、经费审批、绩效考核、论文指标……这些繁琐的程序几乎耗尽了科学家的精力。

其次,我们的科研文化缺乏自由与包容。我们希望科学家为国争光,却忘了:科学的光芒,源于自由的思想。我们喊着“创新”的口号,却往往不敢谈“自由”的前提。真正的科学突破,离不开独立的思想和批判的精神。然而,在我们的学术环境中,质疑权威、挑战主流往往被视为“离经叛道”。我们希望科学家获得诺贝尔奖,却不允许真正独立的思想存在。这样的矛盾,如何能孕育伟大的科学?

最后,我们的科研投入常常急功近利。许多项目以“应用”为导向,而对基础研究的支持远远不足。诺贝尔奖及成果,往往需要数十年的积累,但我们的科研政策却总盯着“五年规划”“十年目标”。大多数大学和科研机构实行所谓“非升即走” 或“考核淘汰制”。高校要求教授、副教授或青年研究员在一定年限内必须产出规定数量的论文、项目或成果,还要求有应用转化,否则可能被解聘或降职。科研变成KPI游戏,没人敢做冷门课题。行政主导扼杀创造力。科学家没有时间失败,不允许失败。这种短视让我们与真正的科学高峰渐行渐远。我们的文化却被“速成”和“政绩”绑架。

我们不缺聪明的大脑,也不缺雄厚的资源,缺的只是让科学真正生根发芽的土壤。科学的光芒,属于那些敢于追问、敢于坚持的人。

Japan’s Nobel Miracle and China’s Scientific Dilemma

Author: Zhang Xinggui
Editor: Li Kun Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Peng Xiaomei

This essay compares Japan’s long-term, institutionally supported success in winning Nobel Prizes with China’s administratively driven, short-sighted research system. It argues that while Japan’s steady investment and respect for scientific freedom have borne fruit, China’s bureaucratic control and obsession with short-term results have stifled true innovation.

In 2002, Japan announced what many called a “crazy” goal: to win 30 Nobel Prizes within 50 years. At the time, China’s state media mocked it. People’s Daily called it “arrogant,” while Xinhua News Agency derided it as “a fool’s dream.”

Yet by 2025, when Osaka University immunologist Shimon Sakaguchi received the Nobel Prize in Medicine, Japan’s total Nobel count had reached 31—achieving its goal 26 years ahead of schedule. What once sounded like an overambitious boast became a national miracle. And more importantly, it now stands as a mirror—reflecting the structural weaknesses of Chinese science.

I. Why Japan’s “Arrogant Dream” Came True

1. A Clear Direction: Basic Research First. Japan understood that Nobel Prizes are not won through short-term or utilitarian projects but through long-term, original breakthroughs. The government and universities jointly poured massive funding into basic science, encouraging scientists to explore even unfashionable or uncertain areas. Take the case of Shinya Yamanaka’s work on induced pluripotent stem cells (iPS cells), which earned the 2012 Nobel Prize in Medicine. Behind this success lay over a decade of sustained support from both government and private institutions.

2. A System that Respects Scientists. Japan built an institutional environment that allows failure and values academic freedom. Researchers are not crushed by administrative paperwork or KPI metrics—they are free to focus on inquiry itself.

Sakaguchi’s research on T-regulatory cells took decades to mature, yet Osaka University never withdrew its trust or funding. Such patience and institutional confidence empower creativity and make Nobel-level discoveries possible.

3. A Culture of Patience and Focus. Japanese science values perseverance over instant results. From Koichi Tanaka’s mass spectrometry innovations to Yoshinori Ohsumi’s autophagy research, almost every Japanese Nobel laureate has spent decades—even a lifetime—working in one field. This cultural dedication to depth and endurance is not accidental—it is reinforced by systems that reward patience and integrity.

Japan’s achievement shows that the Nobel Prize is never a stroke of luck—it is the culmination of policy, persistence, and culture.

II. Why China’s Grand Plans Keep Failing

Over the past two decades, China has launched countless grand programs—the “863 Program,” “973 Program,” “Made in China 2025,” and “Revitalize the Nation through Science and Education.” Each began with fanfare and lofty rhetoric. Yet most ended quietly, with little to show for them. Why? Because China is good at setting goals—but rarely asks who will achieve them, and how.

1. Bureaucracy Suffocates Science. In China, scientists are entangled in an administrative web. Research is directed by bureaucrats, not curiosity. Grant applications, funding approvals, performance evaluations, and publication quotas consume endless hours.

2. Lack of Freedom and Tolerance. True science thrives on freedom of thought. Yet while China urges scientists to “bring glory to the nation,” it restricts their intellectual independence. Innovation without freedom is a contradiction in terms. critical thinking and dissent—essential to any breakthrough—are often condemned as “rebellious.” How can Nobel-worthy ideas emerge in an environment that punishes independent minds?

3. China’s research investment is often marked by impatience and short-sightedness. Many projects are designed with immediate “applications” in mind, while support for fundamental research remains woefully insufficient. True scientific breakthroughs—like those that win Nobel Prizes—require decades of steady accumulation, yet our national policies are obsessed with “five-year plans” and “ten-year goals.” Most universities and research institutions operate under rigid systems such as “up-or-out” or “performance elimination,” where professors, associate professors, and young researchers must, within a prescribed number of years, publish a certain quota of papers, secure grants, or deliver measurable “results.” They are also expected to demonstrate industrial application and economic conversion, or else face demotion or dismissal. Under such conditions, research has become nothing more than a KPI-driven game—no one dares to pursue an unpopular or high-risk field. Administrative control suffocates creativity; scientists are given no time to fail, and in truth, are not even allowed to fail. This shortsighted pursuit of quick results distances us further and further from the true summits of scientific achievement. Our academic culture has been hijacked by the worship of “instant success” and “political performance.” What we lack is not intelligence or resources, but the fertile soil in which science can truly take root and grow. The light of science belongs only to those who dare to question, who dare to persist, and who are allowed the freedom to fail before they succeed.

湖北组党第三波 党内外理性看待

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湖北组党第三波   党内外理性看待

作者:袁崛 (中国民主党党史法规部长)
编辑:刘芳   责任编辑:罗志飞   校对:程筱筱   翻译:刘芳

继中国民主党山东筹委会和海外后援会相继宣布成立后,组党进入第三波:中国民主党湖北筹委会要求注册,照山东办。(中国人权民运信息中心,北京十一日电)

中国民主党湖北省筹委会是由武汉异议人士秦永敏、陈忠和、吕新华、任秋光、萧诗昌、刘飞跃、高进勤等七人共同发起。十日上午陈忠和、吕新华、任秋光等三人到湖北省民政厅社团管理处申请注册成立中国民主党湖北筹委会。与民主党山东筹委会遭遇到的情形一样,民政厅接待官员要求他们在申请书上补充四项条件:一、必须要有人民币五万元注册资金;二、必须在申请书上列明“中国民主党办公场所”;三、必须列明主席、副主席、秘书长等重要职务人员的个人简历;四、必须列明中国民主党五十名成员名单。 由于中共当局一反传统对待反对派人士的方式,让外界既诧异又好奇:中共究竟是迫于形势真的想开放党禁?还是因应联合国人权高级专员罗宾逊女士的造访以及签署《公民权利与政治权利公约》而暂时摆出的姿态?

湖北组党第三波   党内外理性看待

“中国的曼德拉”、中国民主党人——秦永敏(累计刑期36年)

海内外对此看法不一。民运先驱王炳章发表《让策略灵活得使魔鬼迷惑——浙江、山东民运组党的感想之二》,赞扬浙江、山东的组党运动使国内公开层面的民运活动提升到一个新的高度、即筹组公开反对党的高度。指出勇气与谋略的同等重要性,“只有勇,没用谋,是政治上的冒险主义;只会谋,缺少勇,是政治上的保守主义。两种倾向都要避免。 策略是桥和船,是抵达彼岸不可或缺的工具”。相当肯定这次浙江和山东民运在策略上的操作,认为给后继者提供了不少借鉴。 (一九九八年九月十日)

纽约的中国民主党海外后援会发表声明,对中共试图解除党禁的进展表示欢迎。后援会呼吁海外民运团结一致,给予中国民主党最大的支持,以突破中共党禁。

台湾的民主进步党公开表示支持中国民运人士组党,共建民主中国。民进党资深顾问洪哲胜博士告诉记者,“台湾的民进党已经明确表示支持中国大陆民运人士的组党活动,该党表示密切注意事态进展,并呼吁中共顺应时代潮流,借鉴国民党的经验,早日推进民主制度的实现,造福两岸人民”。

与以上乐观其成的观点略有不同,部分党内外人士也对中共能否开放党禁,是否为新一轮的“阳谋”表示担忧。《湘江评论》主办人、现中国民主党全国联合总部主席郑存柱发表:“值得警惕的另一种可能”。文中指出“组党的‘成果’是在美国总统克林顿和联合国人权专员罗宾逊女士访华的特殊背景下取得的;中共自毛泽东开始有利用‘阳谋’引蛇出洞的传统;目前国内经济形势不容乐观,不排除中共转嫁危急于国内民主运动;台湾民主运动的经验表明,目前条件下执政党不会轻易开放 ‘党禁’。”

98年组党先锋,中国民主党海外委员会主席陈忠和(已故)

工运人士申请成立独立工会,然后陕西工运人士赵常青被判刑三年,湖南工运人士张善光被判刑10年”,这一系列事件表明,不能对中共的一时容忍太过乐观。

王炳章发表:《审慎乐观,谨防引蛇出洞》,湖北秦永敏亦表示,“民政厅接受申请,并不意味中共就会同意民主党组党,所以对这件事仍不能过于乐观”。香港时事评论员刘锐绍表示,“现时看不出北京政府有信心在政治改革上作出大突破,认为北京仍无意政治改革”。台湾立法委员多持保留态度,民进党籍立委施明德(台南市) 表示,“中共拟准异议人士组党,有可能是‘假性多党’的阶段,台湾有很长的一段时间就是处在这种状态中,直到1970年末才有真正的反对党出现”。

The Third Wave of Party Formation in Hubei:

A Rational Perspective from Inside and Outside the Movement

Author: Yuan Jue (Minister of Party History and Regulations, China Democracy Party)
Editor: Liu Fang Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang

Abstract: The application by the Hubei Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party (CDP) for official registration has drawn public attention. While some observers question whether the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) truly intends to lift the ban on opposition parties, most in the pro-democracy movement express cautious optimism mixed with vigilance.

Following the establishment of the Shandong Preparatory Committee and the Overseas Support Committee of the China Democracy Party, a third wave of party formation has begun: the Hubei Preparatory Committee of the China Democracy Party has submitted a registration request—mirroring the Shandong case. (China Human Rights and Democracy Information Center, Beijing, July 11)

The Hubei Preparatory Committee was jointly initiated by seven dissidents in Wuhan: Qin Yongmin, Chen Zhonghe, Lü Xinhua, Ren Qiuguang, Xiao Shichang, Liu Feiyue, and Gao Jinqin. On the morning of the 10th, Chen Zhonghe, Lü Xinhua, and Ren Qiuguang went to the Hubei Provincial Department of Civil Affairs’ Social Organization Administration Office to apply for registration.

As in the case of Shandong’s committee, officials required them to meet four additional conditions:

RMB 50,000 in registered capital;

A listed physical office address for the China Democracy Party;

Submission of personal résumés for key positions such as chairman, vice-chairman, and secretary-general;

A list of 50 party members.

Because the CCP authorities departed from their usual practice of immediately suppressing opposition attempts, the move both surprised and intrigued outside observers: Is the CCP truly preparing to lift the party ban under external pressure, or is this merely a gesture timed for UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson’s visit and China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights?

湖北组党第三波   党内外理性看待

“China’s Mandela” — Qin Yongmin, CDP Activist (Cumulative 36 Years Imprisoned)

Reactions have been mixed both inside and outside China.

Pro-democracy pioneer Wang Bingzhang published an essay titled “Make Strategy So Flexible It Confounds the Devil — Reflections on the Zhejiang and Shandong Party Formation Movements (II)” praising these initiatives for raising domestic activism to a new, openly organized level—the formation of a public opposition party.

He emphasized the equal importance of courage and strategy: “Courage without strategy is political adventurism; strategy without courage is political conservatism. Both must be avoided. Strategy is both bridge and boat—indispensable for reaching the far shore.”

Wang affirmed the tactical wisdom of the Zhejiang and Shandong activists, noting their efforts provide valuable lessons for those who follow. (September 10, 1998)

The CDP Overseas Support Committee in New York issued a statement welcoming what it viewed as progress toward lifting the party ban, calling for solidarity across the overseas democracy movement to support the China Democracy Party in breaking the CCP’s monopoly on political organization.

Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) also expressed open support for Chinese democracy activists’ efforts to form a party. Senior DPP advisor Dr. Hung Che-sheng stated,“The DPP fully supports the attempts by mainland democracy activists to establish opposition parties. We are closely following developments and urge the CCP to follow the global democratic tide, learn from the Kuomintang’s experience, and advance democratic institutions for the benefit of people on both sides of the Strait.”

Voices of Caution: Is This a New “Conspiracy of Tolerance”?

Other voices, however, urge prudence. Some within and beyond the movement warn that the CCP’s apparent tolerance could be another calculated “yangmou” (open conspiracy).

Zheng Cunzhu, editor of Xiangjiang Review and current chairman of the China Democracy Party National Joint Headquarters, wrote an article titled “Another Possibility Worth Vigilance.” He argued:“The ‘achievement’ of registration occurred in the special context of U.S. President Bill Clinton’s and UN Commissioner Robinson’s visits to China. Since Mao, the CCP has a tradition of using ‘open conspiracies’ to lure opponents into the open. With the current poor economic situation, it is possible the regime seeks to divert internal crises toward the democracy movement. Taiwan’s own experience shows ruling parties rarely lift bans on opposition under such conditions.”

1998 Party-Formation Pioneer: Chen Zhonghe, Late Chairman of the CDP Overseas Committee

Events soon confirmed these concerns. Following the attempt by labor activists to establish an independent trade union, Zhao Changqing in Shaanxi was sentenced to three years in prison, and Zhang Shanguang in Hunan received ten years. This sequence of cases demonstrated that one should not be overly optimistic about temporary leniency from the CCP.

Wang Bingzhang later published “Cautious Optimism—Beware of the CCP’s Bait”, and Qin Yongmin himself remarked, “The Civil Affairs Bureau’s acceptance of our application does not mean the CCP will approve the CDP’s registration. We should not be too optimistic.”

Hong Kong current affairs commentator Lau Yui-siu likewise noted, “There is no evidence the Beijing government has the confidence to make a breakthrough in political reform. It shows no real intention to democratize.”

Many legislators in Taiwan also voiced skepticism. DPP legislator Shih Ming-teh (Tainan City) commented, “The CCP’s reported tolerance of opposition parties may represent only a phase of ‘pseudo pluralism.’ Taiwan itself experienced a long period of such nominal multipartyism before genuine opposition emerged in the late 1970s.”