作者：张超瑜
编辑：周志刚 校对：孔祥庆 翻译：周敏

在讨论中国宗教问题时，一个无法回避的现象是：宗教事务正在越来越深地被纳入“维稳逻辑”之中。过去，人们普遍认为，宗教主要属于个人精神领域。一个人是否信仰、如何敬拜、选择何种聚会方式，本应属于私人自由范畴。可在现实中，宗教却越来越被视为一个需要重点管理、重点防范、重点控制的社会领域。这种变化，并不是简单的行政管理加强，而是治理逻辑本身的改变。

近年来，“宗教中国化”被不断强调。官方表述中，这一方向被解释为引导宗教适应社会主义社会、防范境外渗透、维护国家安全。从国家治理角度看，任何政权都会关注组织动员能力较强的社会群体，这本身并不难理解。问题在于，当“安全”与“稳定”被不断扩大解释后，许多正常宗教活动也开始被纳入高压管理范围。尤其对于家庭教会而言，这种变化尤为明显。很多家庭教会并不参与政治，也不具备社会对抗能力。它们存在的原因，往往只是部分信徒希望保留一种不依附行政体系的聚会方式。然而，在现实操作中，“不纳入统一管理”本身，就可能被视为一种风险。于是，一个原本关于信仰自主的问题，逐渐被转化成了治理问题。

在某些地区，宗教场所需要安装监控设备；未成年人参与宗教活动受到限制；聚会人数、讲道内容、培训活动需要层层审批；甚至连十字架、宗教标语等象征性元素，也可能进入行政整顿范围。这些措施背后的核心逻辑其实非常清晰：任何无法完全被纳入管理体系的社会空间，都会被视为潜在的不稳定因素。而宗教，恰恰天然具有组织性、共同价值观以及精神凝聚力。问题也因此出现：一个社会，是否只能允许“被定义过的信仰”存在？如果一种信仰必须先接受组织结构、表达方式乃至思想内容上的统一规范，才能获得合法空间，那么信仰本身的自主性就会越来越弱。因为真正的宗教，并不仅仅是形式上的聚会，更涉及个人内心世界。

很多信徒之所以坚持家庭聚会，并不是为了对抗，而是认为信仰应当首先服从内心，而非行政安排。对于他们而言，敬拜的意义，在于人与信仰之间的直接关系，而不是先经过制度许可。可在高度行政化的治理逻辑下，这种“自发性”本身，恰恰最容易引发警惕。事实上，中国社会对于“自发组织”的长期敏感，并不仅仅体现在宗教领域。无论是民间公益、独立社群，还是具有共同理念的人群，只要脱离统一管理框架，往往都会面临越来越严格的监管。这种治理方式的底层逻辑，是对“不确定性”的控制。因为对于高度强调稳定的治理体系而言，可控，往往比多元更重要。但问题是，一个真正成熟且稳定的社会，是否一定要建立在高度压缩社会空间之上？如果所有社会组织都必须依附于行政体系才能存在，那么社会本身的自我调节能力就会越来越弱。久而久之，人们会逐渐失去自主组织、自主表达以及彼此建立信任的能力。

而宗教问题之所以特殊，恰恰因为它触及人的精神世界。精神世界与行政命令之间，本身就存在天然张力。历史经验反复证明，信仰无法通过高压彻底消失。越是强制压缩空间，很多信仰活动反而越容易转入地下、走向隐蔽，甚至进一步加剧彼此的不信任。真正健康的治理，未必意味着完全放任，但至少应当允许合法边界内的多元存在。否则，当“统一”逐渐高于“自由”，当“管理”逐渐覆盖“信仰”，宗教就会越来越失去其原本属于个人内心的部分。而这，也许才是今天很多人真正担忧的问题。

When “Stability” Surpasses Faith: Why Religious Issues Are Becoming Increasingly Sensitive?

Author: Zhang Chaoyu

Editor: Zhou Zhigang Proofreader: Kong Xiangqing Translator: Zhou Min

Abstract: Chinese religion is being incorporated into the “logic of maintaining stability” (Weiwen logic). House churches are facing suppression because they are not under the management of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), yet faith cannot be completely eradicated through high-pressure management. Truly healthy governance should allow for pluralistic existence within legal boundaries; otherwise, religion will gradually lose the part of itself that originally belongs to the individual’s inner heart.

In the discussion of Chinese religious issues, an unavoidable phenomenon is that religious affairs are being increasingly and deeply incorporated into the “logic of maintaining stability.” In the past, it was generally believed that religion primarily belonged to the realm of individual spirituality. Whether a person has a faith, how they worship, and what kind of gathering method they choose should inherently belong to the category of private freedom. However, in reality, religion is increasingly viewed as a social field that requires key management, key prevention, and key control. This change is not a simple strengthening of administrative management, but a shift in the logic of governance itself.

In recent years, “the Sinicization of religion” has been continuously emphasized. In official expressions, this direction is explained as guiding religions to adapt to a socialist society, preventing overseas infiltration, and safeguarding national security. From the perspective of state governance, it is not difficult to understand that any regime would pay attention to social groups with strong organizational and mobilization capabilities. The problem lies in the fact that when “security” and “stability” are constantly expanded in their interpretation, many normal religious activities also begin to be included within the scope of high-pressure management.

This change is particularly evident for house churches. Many house churches do not participate in politics, nor do they possess the capacity for social confrontation. The reason for their existence is often simply that some believers wish to preserve a way of gathering that does not depend on the administrative system. However, in practical operations, “not being included in unified management” itself may be regarded as a risk. Thus, an issue that was originally about the autonomy of faith is gradually transformed into a governance issue.

In certain regions, religious venues are required to install monitoring equipment; the participation of minors in religious activities is restricted; the number of attendees, the content of preaching, and training activities require layers of approval; even symbolic elements such as crosses and religious slogans may fall within the scope of administrative rectification. The core logic behind these measures is actually very clear: any social space that cannot be fully incorporated into the management system will be regarded as a potential factor of instability. And religion, precisely, possesses natural organizational characteristics, shared values, and spiritual cohesion.

The question then arises: Is a society only allowed to have “defined faith” exist? If a faith must first accept unified standardization in its organizational structure, mode of expression, and even ideological content before it can obtain legal space, then the autonomy of the faith itself will become increasingly weak. Because true religion is not merely a formal gathering, but involves the individual’s inner world.

Many believers persist in house gatherings not for the sake of confrontation, but because they believe that faith should first obey the inner heart rather than administrative arrangements. For them, the meaning of worship lies in the direct relationship between man and faith, rather than first undergoing institutional permission. However, under the highly administrative logic of governance, this “spontaneity” itself is precisely what most easily triggers vigilance.

In fact, the long-standing sensitivity of Chinese society toward “spontaneous organizations” is not only reflected in the religious field. Whether it is civil society philanthropy, independent communities, or groups with shared philosophies, as long as they deviate from the unified management framework, they often face increasingly strict supervision. The underlying logic of this governance method is the control of “uncertainty.” Because for a governance system that highly emphasizes stability, controllability is often more important than plurality.

But the question is: Must a truly mature and stable society be built upon the highly compressed social space? If all social organizations must depend on the administrative system to exist, then the self-adjustment capability of society itself will become weaker and weaker. Over time, people will gradually lose the ability for autonomous organization, autonomous expression, and the establishment of mutual trust.

The religious issue is special precisely because it touches the spiritual world of human beings. There is a natural tension between the spiritual world and administrative orders. Historical experience has repeatedly proven that faith cannot disappear completely through high pressure. The more the space is forcibly compressed, the easier it is for many religious activities to move underground or become hidden, potentially even further intensifying mutual distrust.

Truly healthy governance does not necessarily mean total laissez-faire, but it should at least allow for pluralistic existence within legal boundaries. Otherwise, when “unity” gradually rises above “freedom,” and when “management” gradually covers “faith,” religion will increasingly lose the part of itself that originally belongs to the individual’s inner heart. And this, perhaps, is the issue that many people are truly worried about today.

日期：4/30/2026 来源：网络 作者：网络

本文来自北京之春

编辑：赵杰 校对：熊辩 翻译：周敏

新华社记者穆青等人在长篇通讯《历史的审判》里，写了这样一段话：

由于她不愿意向风靡一时的现代迷信活动屈服，被关进了上海的监牢。

但是，她坚持用记日记、写血书等种种形式，表达自己对真理的坚强信念，心甘情愿地戴着“顽固不化”的枷锁，过早地结束了自己年轻的生命。

这位勇敢纯真的女孩，名叫林昭。

1968年4月29日殉难。那一年，她还不满36岁，还是个未婚的姑娘。

今天是她的忌日。

林昭原名彭令昭，苏州人，1932年出生。因为她特别爱读《红楼梦》，尤其喜欢林黛玉，后来给自己取了个笔名叫“林昭”。

林昭出生于一个革命家庭，她的母亲许宪民中学毕业后，便追随兄长许金元干了很多有益于人民的事。

许金元在大革命时期曾担任中国共产党江苏省委青年部部长，在“四·一二”事变中壮烈牺牲。

1954年，林昭以江苏省文科状元的身份考入北大。这是一位才女，上大学期间，就在《光明日报》和《中国青年报》上发表过诗歌。

1957年，一场运动开始了，林昭本来可以置身事外。但她在看到有同学被批判时，挺身而出。她的正直、义气、善良和勇气，都不容许她置身事外。

在新华社的《纪念林昭：有的人永远不会被历史忘记》一文中，记下了这样一段情节：

那是1957年夏天一个闷热的夜晚，在北大东门外的马路上，一场批判舌战正在展开。张元勋因为贴出了北大的第一张大字报，而处于猛烈攻击的焦点，讨伐进行得“声嘶力竭，语无伦次”。这时，一名女学生跳上桌子，夜色中，她沉静的女中音使会场顿时安静下来：

“今天晚上的会是什么会？是演讲会还是斗争会？斗争会是谈不上的，因为今天不需要斗争。斗争谁？张元勋吗？他有什么地方值得你们一斗？……”

话音未落，一声怒吼从黑暗的人群中传来：“你是谁？你叫什么名字？”

“你是谁？你有什么资格问我？”……她停了一下，接着说：“……你记下来，我叫林昭。林，双木之林；昭，刀在口上之日！”

人群中一点儿声音也没有。她稍停，又说：“告诉你：今天刀在口上也好，刀在头上也好，既然来了，就不考虑了！”

对于当时的情势，林昭深感痛苦和不能理解，为什么一些有思想、敢作敢为的同学被说成是“疯子”和“魔鬼”？

她在日记中这样写道：“党啊，你是我们的母亲！母亲应该最知道孩子的心情！尽管孩子过于偏激，说错了话，怎么能说孩子怀有敌意呢？”

这个夜晚成为林昭生活的转折点。不久，她被划为“右派分子”，并因此没能毕业。

1960年10月，林昭被捕入狱。

在狱中，她继续坚持说真话无罪，并且继续抨击极左分子，还坚持写下20余万字的日记。

1968年4月29日，林昭由原来的二十年刑期，加判死刑，立即执行。在接到判决书后，林昭留下了最后一份血写的遗书：

历史将宣告我无罪。

林昭的遗言在十二年后实现了。1980年，上海高级法院经过复查，宣布林昭无罪。

2004年4月22日，林昭骨灰被安葬在苏州灵岩山。

如今，离林昭去世已经过去了五十八年。仍然有很多人在纪念林昭，佩服她的勇气、壮烈和决绝，更惊讶她的思想。

即使在那个特殊的时代，林昭始终没有停止过独立思考：

自由是一个完整而不可分割的整体，只要生活中还有人被奴役，则除了被奴役者不得自由，那奴役他人者同样不得自由！

……

高尚的目的根本不需要、更加不可能用卑鄙的方法去达成，只有卑鄙的目的才能够与卑鄙的方法相得益彰地“配套成龙”。

林昭的不寻常之处还在于，她留下了一份清晰的记录。在那个特殊的时代，林昭做到了这一点，简直是一个奇迹！

她战胜了、突破了所有强加于一个人的限制，用很多方法（包括用自己的血），千方百计地留下了大量文字，这是关于一个特殊时代非常有说服力的、很了不起的一份证言。

她咬破手指，用滴滴鲜血写成血书：

血与自由的献祭

我将这一滴血，

注入祖国的血液里，

将这一滴血，

向挚爱的自由献祭。

……

林昭的同学、后来又关在同一监室的狱友丁芸曾劝她：“何必这样来赤裸裸地反抗？这不是把自己推到绝路上去吗？”

然而，她的回答决绝而果敢：“血流到了体外，总比凝结在心口里要舒畅得多呐。”

1968年，当她被折磨得奄奄一息，最后一次被送进医院时，对她怀有同情的医生悄悄说：“唉，你又何苦呢？”

林昭轻声回答：“宁为玉碎”。

“坟墓压不住你，你又站起来了。”今天的人们能透过她的文字，看到一个伟大灵魂的巨大生长力。

在历史潮流里，没有人可以遏制一个自由灵魂的歌唱，她的歌声会越传越远，每年都会召唤人们来到她的灵魂面前，与她共鸣，向世界表达一种独立意志，表达对理想、对自由的向往。

林昭被捕以后，她的父亲自杀身亡。在她被枪决后，她的母亲又精神崩溃后悲惨死去。

这个家庭惟一的未亡人，林昭的妹妹彭令范后来远渡美国。

在林昭平反以后，彭令范对那些声称是林昭朋友的人，一度很愤怒。她责怪这些朋友当年没有保护林昭：

“现在大家都自称是林昭的朋友，但当年谁曾帮助过林昭？”

我理解彭令范的愤怒！林昭为他人挺身而出，可是又有几人为林昭发声？

为什么坏人总是胜利，就是因为善良的人总是无所作为。

林昭在孤独的抵抗并一直斗争到底，但她的身后空空荡荡。人们都在小心翼翼地躲避礁石，或是别无选择，或是不想抵抗，没尊严的，没勇气的，没底线的……苟且的活着。

在长篇通讯《历史的审判》里，有一段话非常深刻：

也许在若干年以后，我们的后代对上述这一切将难以置信，但不幸的是，它确实是发生在我们这一代人生活中的事实。我们每一个活着的人，都曾经为它感到极度的羞耻。请不要轻视这种羞耻吧。

人们需要为曾经的懦弱羞耻，人们需要为发生的荒唐羞耻。龚自珍说“士皆知有耻,则国家永无耻矣”，纪念林昭，其意义正在于此。

今天是4月29日，林昭的忌日。

谨以此文纪念林昭！

Lin Zhao: History Will Declare Me Innocent

Date: 4/30/2026 Source: Internet Author: Internet

This article is from Beijing Spring

Editor: Zhao Jie Proofreader: Xiong Bian Translator: Zhou Min

Xinhua News Agency reporter Mu Qing and others, in the long report The Trial of History, wrote this passage:

Because she was unwilling to succumb to the modern superstitions that were popular at the time, she was imprisoned in a Shanghai jail.

However, she persisted in using forms such as keeping a diary and writing letters in blood to express her strong faith in the truth; she willingly wore the shackles of being “incorrigible” and ended her young life prematurely.

This brave and pure girl was named Lin Zhao.

She died a martyr on April 29, 1968. That year, she was not yet 36 years old and was still an unmarried young woman.

Today is the anniversary of her death.

Lin Zhao’s original name was Peng Lingzhao, a native of Suzhou, born in 1932. Because she especially loved reading Dream of the Red Chamber and was particularly fond of Lin Daiyu, she later took the pen name “Lin Zhao.”

Lin Zhao was born into a revolutionary family. After her mother, Xu Xianmin, graduated from high school, she followed her elder brother Xu Jinyuan in doing many things beneficial to the people.

During the Great Revolution, Xu Jinyuan served as the Minister of the Youth Department of the Jiangsu Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China and died heroically in the “April 12 Incident.”

In 1954, Lin Zhao was admitted to Peking University as the top liberal arts student in Jiangsu Province. She was a woman of great talent; during her college years, she published poetry in the Guangming Daily and China Youth Daily.

In 1957, a movement began. Lin Zhao could have stayed out of it. But when she saw classmates being criticized, she stepped forward. Her integrity, sense of justice, kindness, and courage did not allow her to stand by.

In the Xinhua News Agency article “In Memory of Lin Zhao: Some People Will Never Be Forgotten by History,” a certain episode was recorded:

It was a sultry summer night in 1957. On the road outside the East Gate of Peking University, a critical debate was unfolding. Because Zhang Yuanxun had posted the first big-character poster at Peking University, he was at the center of fierce attacks. The denunciation was carried out with “exhausted voices and incoherent logic.” At that moment, a female student jumped onto a table. In the night, her calm mezzo-soprano voice immediately silenced the meeting:

“What kind of meeting is this tonight? Is it a speech meeting or a struggle meeting? A struggle meeting is out of the question because today there is no need for struggle. Struggle against whom? Zhang Yuanxun? What does he have that is worth your struggle? …”

Before she finished speaking, an angry roar came from the dark crowd: “Who are you? What is your name?”

“Who are you? What qualification do you have to ask me?” … She paused, then continued: “… Take this down: My name is Lin Zhao. Lin, as in the forest of double trees; Zhao, the ‘sun’ with a ‘blade’ over the ‘mouth’!”

There was not a sound in the crowd. She paused again and said: “I tell you: today, whether the blade is at my mouth or on my head, since I have come, I have no concerns!”

Regarding the situation at that time, Lin Zhao felt deep pain and could not understand why some classmates who had thoughts and dared to act were called “madmen” and “demons.”

In her diary, she wrote: “O Party, you are our mother! A mother should know her child’s feelings best! Even if the child is too extreme and speaks wrongly, how can you say the child harbors enmity?”

This night became the turning point in Lin Zhao’s life. Soon after, she was labeled a “Rightist” and consequently could not graduate.

In October 1960, Lin Zhao was arrested and imprisoned.

In prison, she continued to insist that telling the truth was not a crime, continued to attack extreme leftists, and persisted in writing a diary of over 200,000 words.

On April 29, 1968, Lin Zhao’s sentence was changed from twenty years to the death penalty, to be executed immediately. After receiving the verdict, Lin Zhao left a final testament written in blood:

History will declare me innocent.

Lin Zhao’s last words were realized twelve years later. In 1980, after a review by the Shanghai High People’s Court, Lin Zhao was declared innocent.

On April 22, 2004, Lin Zhao’s ashes were buried at Lingyan Mountain in Suzhou.

Today, fifty-eight years have passed since Lin Zhao’s death. Many people still commemorate Lin Zhao, admiring her courage, heroism, and decisiveness, and even more so, they are astonished by her thoughts.

Even in that special era, Lin Zhao never stopped thinking independently:

“Freedom is a complete and indivisible whole. As long as there are people in life being enslaved, then besides the enslaved not being free, those who enslave others are also not free!”

…

“Noble goals do not need, and are even less likely to be achieved by, despicable methods. Only despicable goals can complement despicable methods to ‘form a complete set’.”

Lin Zhao’s extraordinariness also lies in the fact that she left a clear record. That Lin Zhao managed to do this in that special era is simply a miracle!

She overcame and broke through all the restrictions imposed on a person, using many methods (including her own blood) to leave behind a large amount of writing by all possible means. This is a very persuasive and remarkable testimony regarding a special era.

She bit her finger and wrote in blood:

Sacrifice of Blood and Freedom

“I inject this drop of blood,

Into the blood of the motherland,

Offering this drop of blood,

As a sacrifice to beloved freedom.”

…

Lin Zhao’s classmate, Ding Yun, who was later imprisoned in the same cell, once advised her: “Why resist so nakedly? Are you not pushing yourself onto a path of no return?”

However, her reply was decisive and bold: “Blood flowing outside the body is always more comfortable than blood congealing at the heart.”

In 1968, when she was tortured to the point of dying and was sent to the hospital for the last time, a sympathetic doctor whispered: “Sigh, why bother?”

Lin Zhao replied softly: “Rather be a shattered jade (than a whole tile).”

“The grave cannot hold you down; you have stood up again.” People today can see the immense growth of a great soul through her words.

In the tide of history, no one can suppress the singing of a free soul. Her song will spread further and further, summoning people every year to stand before her soul, to resonate with her, to express an independent will to the world, and to express a longing for ideals and freedom.

After Lin Zhao was arrested, her father committed suicide. After she was executed, her mother suffered a mental breakdown and died tragically.

The only survivor of this family, Lin Zhao’s sister Peng Lingfan, later moved to the United States.

After Lin Zhao was exonerated, Peng Lingfan was once very angry with those who claimed to be Lin Zhao’s friends. She blamed these friends for not protecting Lin Zhao back then:

“Now everyone claims to be Lin Zhao’s friend, but who helped Lin Zhao back then?”

I understand Peng Lingfan’s anger! Lin Zhao stood up for others, but how many people spoke up for Lin Zhao?

The reason bad people always win is that good people always do nothing.

Lin Zhao was resisting in loneliness and fought to the very end, but behind her, it was empty. People were carefully avoiding the reefs, or they had no choice, or they did not want to resist—those without dignity, without courage, without a bottom line… living ignobly.

In the long report The Trial of History, there is a very profound passage:

“Perhaps in several years, our descendants will find all of this hard to believe, but unfortunately, it is indeed a fact that happened in the lives of our generation. Every one of us who is alive has felt extreme shame for it. Please do not belittle this shame.”

People need to feel shame for their past cowardice; people need to feel shame for the absurdities that occurred. Gong Zizhen said: “If all scholars know shame, then the nation will never be shamed.” The significance of commemorating Lin Zhao lies precisely in this.

Today is April 29, the anniversary of Lin Zhao’s death.

This article is dedicated to the memory of Lin Zhao!

作者：被羁押同工家属

编辑：李晶 校对：毛一炜 翻译：戈冰

北京锡安教会“10·9”教案近况更新

ZCT 4/16/2026

北京锡安教会“10·9”教案中被羁押的18牧者同工，以“涉嫌非法利用信息网络罪”仍被关押于广西北海市第一、第二看守所，至今已进入第188天。

1、至今六个多月来，家属始终未获得对案件的明确答复，知情权得不到保障。今天律师致电银海区检察院案管部门询问，得到的回复是案件再次延期两个月。根据法律规定，重大案件可申请调查取证延期，目前已进入延期阶段的第七个月，但我们至今未收到任何书面正式通知。

三月底，被羁押人员曾从办案人员口中获悉已进入“最后提审”阶段，具体情况并不明了。

目前，被羁押人员中健康状况严重者仍未获得有效治疗保障。天气炎热，营养不良，加之住宿环境恶劣，情况令人担忧。

2、三月下旬，关押在第二看守所的部分姊妹收到圣经。但由于辩护律师持续遭受非法打压，正常会面得不到保障，我们无法获得全面、及时的信息反馈。

3、部分被羁押牧者家中年迈的父母，受到有关部门的上门骚扰与威胁，导致老人受到惊吓，健康及心灵状况堪忧。

4、部分被羁押牧者的妻子及年幼子女，遭遇数名身份不明人员突然闯入家中威胁，要求不允许随便外出，如需外出必须上报属地派出所。

5、为我们亲人提供法律援助的律师团队，继续遭受极其恶劣的打压。每一位律师均不同程度地面临调查、年检抽查、约谈、警告处分，甚至被迫停业、吊销、注销律师执照等威胁。

6、亲朋好友为被羁押牧者同工邮寄的明信片及书籍被陆续退回，羁押人员的通信权利遭到践踏。

我们强烈谴责一切违背宪法和法律的行径，呼吁切实尊重国家宪法和法律赋予公民的权利。

我们也继续为我们无辜的家人被无罪释放迫切祷告。

惟愿公平如大水滔滔，公义如江河滚滚，愿光明与良善在这地上得以彰显。

2026.4.16 北京锡安教会“10·9”教案18位羁押牧者同工家属团

Zion Church Case Postponed Once Again

Author: Family Members of Detained Staff

Editor: Li Jing Proofreader: Mao Yiwei Translator: Ge Bing

Update on the Beijing Zion Church “October 9” Case

ZCT 4/16/2026

The 18 pastors and staff members detained in the Beijing Zion Church “October 9” case remain imprisoned in the First and Second Detention Centers of Beihai City, Guangxi, on charges of “illegal use of information networks.” They have now been detained for 188 days.

1. For more than six months, family members have not received a clear response regarding the case, and their right to information has not been guaranteed. Today, when a lawyer contacted the case management department of the Yinhai District Procuratorate to inquire, the response was that the case has been extended for another two months. According to legal provisions, extensions for investigation and evidence collection may be requested for major cases. The case has now entered its seventh month of extension, yet we have not received any formal written notification to date.

In late March, the detainees were informed by case handlers that the case had entered the “final interrogation” stage, though the specific details remain unclear.

Currently, some of the detainees in serious health condition have still not received effective medical care. With the hot weather, malnutrition, and poor living conditions, their situation is cause for grave concern.

2. In late March, some of the sisters detained at the Second Detention Center received Bibles. However, due to the ongoing illegal suppression of defense attorneys, normal visitation rights are not guaranteed, and we are unable to obtain comprehensive and timely updates.

3. The elderly parents of some detained pastors have been subjected to home visits by relevant authorities, who have harassed and threatened them. This has caused the elderly to be frightened, and their physical and mental health is a cause for concern.

4. The wives and young children of some detained pastors have been subjected to sudden home invasions by several unidentified individuals who threatened them, demanding that they not go out without permission and that they report to the local police station if they need to leave the house.

5. The team of lawyers providing legal assistance to our loved ones continues to face extremely severe suppression. Every lawyer is facing, to varying degrees, investigations, random annual inspections, summonses for questioning, disciplinary warnings, and even threats of forced suspension, revocation, or cancellation of their law licenses.

6. Postcards and books mailed by relatives and friends to the detained pastors and their colleagues have been systematically returned, and the detainees’ right to correspondence has been trampled upon.

We strongly condemn all actions that violate the Constitution and the law, and we call for the genuine respect of the rights granted to citizens by the national Constitution and laws.

We also continue to pray earnestly for the innocent release of our family members.

May justice flow like a mighty flood, and righteousness like a surging river; may light and goodness be revealed on this earth.

April 16, 2026 Family Group of the 18 Detained Pastors and Co-workers from the Beijing Zion Church “October 9” Case

作者：卢超

编辑：李晶

校对：毛一炜

翻译：戈冰

2026年4月25日，我参加了“787次茉莉花行动——声援程方维”，心里想的其实是这是我们民主党人的命运。

程方维的事情，对我们在海外参加民运的人来说，不只是一个新闻，更像是一面镜子。他曾在悉尼求学，在自由的环境里表达对家乡的关心，参加过集会，说过心里话。然而，仅仅因为这些再正常不过的行为，回国后却换来了“分裂国家罪”和六年的刑期。这个代价，沉重得让人透不过气。

坐在台下或站在街头时，我们民主党人可能都闪过同样的念头：如果是我回国，会怎样？这种担忧是真实的。程方维案的意义，就在于它试图给每一个海外发声的人戴上一把无形的枷锁，让我们即便身在万里之外，依然感受到那种如影随形的压抑。

但我参与民主党活动这么久，和大家一起走过这么多次街道，我发现恐惧并没有让我们散去。相反，这件事让我们更清楚自己为什么站在这里。

其实，我们追求的东西很简单。呐喊不是为了出名，也不是为了某种宏大的口号，它仅仅是人的一种本能。就像人需要呼吸一样，当我们看到不公、看到同胞受难，表达异议是理所应当的权利。这种权利不应该因为跨越了一根国境线，就变成了一种罪名。

程方维用他的六年自由，提醒了我们海外抗争的实际处境。如果我们因为这种压力而退缩，那么这种“长臂管辖”就真的成功了。我们继续参加活动，继续声援，不是因为我们不害怕，而是因为我们深知，如果今天我们保持沉默，那么未来每一个留学生、每一个海外民主党人都将失去说话的安全感。

今天的行动，是对程方维的一份支持。我们要在自由的土地上，替他把没说完的话说完。这不仅是为了一个名字，更是为了守住我们做人的底线：呐喊是自由的，而自由是不该被审判的。

前路或许依然艰难，但只要我们民主党人还聚在一起，声音就不会熄灭。程方维，我们不仅记着你的名字，更会带着你的那份坚持走下去。

The Democratic Party Members’ Perspective on and Commitment to the Cheng Fangwei Case

Author: Lu Chao

Editor: Li Jing

Proofreader: Mao Yiwei

Translator: Ge Bing

On April 25, 2026, I participated in the “787th Jasmine Action—In Solidarity with Cheng Fangwei,” thinking to myself that this is, in fact, the fate of us members of the Democratic Party.

For those of us overseas participating in the pro-democracy movement, Cheng Fangwei’s case is not merely a news story; it is more like a mirror. He once studied in Sydney, where he expressed his concern for his homeland in a free environment, attended rallies, and spoke his mind. Yet, simply for these perfectly normal actions, upon returning to China, he was charged with “separatism” and sentenced to six years in prison. The price he paid is so heavy it takes one’s breath away.

Whether sitting in the audience or standing on the street, we Democrats have likely all had the same thought: What if it were me returning home? This concern is very real. The significance of the Cheng Fangwei case lies in its attempt to place an invisible shackle on every person speaking out from overseas, making us feel that ever-present oppression even when we are thousands of miles away.

But having participated in Democratic Party activities for so long and marched in the streets with you all so many times, I’ve found that fear hasn’t driven us apart. On the contrary, this incident has made us even clearer about why we stand here.

In truth, what we seek is simple. We do not raise our voices for fame, nor for some grand slogan; it is simply a human instinct. Just as we need to breathe, when we witness injustice or see our compatriots suffering, voicing dissent is a right we are entitled to. This right should not become a crime simply because we have crossed a national border.

Cheng Fangwei, with the six years of his freedom, has reminded us of the harsh reality of resistance abroad. If we retreat in the face of this pressure, then this “long-arm jurisdiction” will truly have succeeded. We continue to participate in activities and offer our support not because we are unafraid, but because we know full well that if we remain silent today, every international student and every overseas democrat will lose the security to speak out in the future.

Today’s action is a show of support for Cheng Fangwei. On this land of freedom, we will speak the words he was unable to finish. This is not merely for the sake of a single name, but to uphold the fundamental principles of our humanity: the right to speak out is a freedom, and freedom should never be put on trial.

The road ahead may still be arduous, but as long as we Democrats remain united, our voices will not be silenced. Cheng Fangwei, we not only remember your name, but we will carry forward the perseverance you embodied.

作者：劉棟玲

編輯：馮仍 校對：馮仍 翻译：戈冰

前言

在山西太原，曾有一名普通的國企職工，過著白天在鋼鐵廠檢測鋼材、晚上經營日料店的忙碌生活。然而，2008年的一次偶然結識，以及隨後學會的“翻牆”技術，徹底打碎了他原本平穩的人生軌跡。

從“太鋼職工”到“政治犯”，再到跨越歐亞大陸的流亡者，顏曉辰的故事，是無數試圖衝破中國“信息繭房”者的縮影。

顏曉辰出生於1982年。進入太原鋼鐵（集團）有限公司熱連軋廠後，他成為一名從事超聲波無損檢測的技術人員。在外界看來，這是一份體面的“鐵飯碗”。

與此同時，他與妻子在市中心經營著一家日本料理店，生活優渥而充實。

然而，2008年成了他命運的轉折點。

在QQ聊天室裡，他結識了一位台灣朋友。正是這次跨越海峽的交流，讓他對自幼接受的歷史教育產生了強烈動搖。

“最讓我震驚的是，共產黨根本不是抗日戰爭的中流砥柱。”顏曉辰回憶道。

關於南泥灣種植鴉片、國共抗日真相等資訊，如同巨石投水，在他心中激起千層浪。他開始頻繁出入圖書館，尋找民國人物傳記，但很快發現，牆內的圖書館無法提供他真正渴望的歷史真相。

2009年前後，顏曉辰掌握了“翻牆”技術。透過“自由門”等工具，當他第一次穿透防火長城（GFW），看到國際互聯網時，那種衝擊感如同超聲波探測到了鋼件核心的致命裂紋。

“我第一次知道了‘六四’事件的真相，看到了坦克與學生對峙的畫面；‘八九六四’的血腥現場、辛灝年的《誰是新中國》、三民主義的真實內涵，如潮水般湧入我的視野。我也第一次意識到，所謂‘抗日戰爭中流砥柱’，並非我過去所理解的那樣，國民黨軍隊才是抗戰主力。特別是在閱讀辛灝年先生的《誰是新中國》後，我才明白歷史是如何被肢解與重構的。那種感覺，就像突然踏入了一個全新的世界。”

之後，他申請了Google、Twitter與Facebook賬號，也逐漸意識到：中國互聯網本質上更像一個巨大的局域網。

然而，覺醒之後的痛苦也隨之而來。

在工廠裡，他嘗試與同事分享真相，卻遭遇冷眼。更讓他感到失望的是，他教一些同事翻牆，而對方卻只是用來觀看色情影片。

“那一刻，我深刻體會到：成年人的世界沒有改變，只有篩選。”

顏曉辰對理念的堅持近乎執拗。

2015年赴台灣觀光後，他徹底認同了民主憲政。回國後，他在網上購買了一面“青天白日滿地紅”旗幟，掛在太鋼辦公室裡，並穿著工作服與旗幟合影，發布到工作群中，甚至因此遭到同事舉報。

廠黨委書記親自來到車間批評他：“吃共產黨的飯，砸共產黨的鍋。”

“這是一種對自由邊界的試探，也是對真實歷史的尊重。”他說。

隨著網絡環境日益收緊，他目睹越來越多因發表言論而被捕的人。但他並未退縮。武漢疫情爆發後，他轉發陳秋實在武漢拍攝的視頻，利用碎片化時間傳播真相。

他知道這樣做需要付出代價，但他更不忍看到身邊的人繼續生活在信息繭房中。

2020年8月，命運的鐵錘終於落下。

當時，顏曉辰的女兒正在醫院接受手術。警方通過手機定位，在晚上7點將他從家中帶走。

隨之而來的是漫長的羈押：看守所、檢察院公訴。2020年10月19日，他被山西省太原市杏花嶺區法院以“尋釁滋事罪”判處有期徒刑一年六個月。

在獄中，他面對的是無止境的“轉化”教育——每天被強制觀看《新聞聯播》和抗戰題材影視劇。但憑藉多年閱讀《洗腦的歷史》等書籍建立的心理防線，他始終未被動搖。

2022年2月6日刑滿釋放。

然而，最讓他心碎的，是對家人的虧欠。

他入獄後，國企工作被開除，日料店也因疫情關閉。年幼的女兒，更可能因他的政治背景而在未來遭受歧視。

到了2023年，顏曉辰發現自己已無法在故土立足。求職被要求提供“無犯罪記錄”證明，沒有工作、沒有收入，還要面對無處不在的監控。

為了女兒的未來，他下定決心離開中國。

2025年7月，他以暑期旅行的名義，帶著妻子與年幼的女兒，從深圳出發，經貝爾格勒輾轉抵達德國。

直到踏上自由土地的那一刻，他才將真相告訴女兒：

“只要家人在一起，走到哪裡都是家。”

如今，顏曉辰定居德國，享受著這片“被上帝祝福的土地”所帶來的自由。

他依然關注著牆內的動態。看到有人重複自己當年的道路時，他既為對方感到欣慰，也難免擔憂。

對他而言，那段失去自由的經歷不是恥辱，而是一枚“勳章”。

“反共將會是貫穿我一生的終極目標。”顏曉辰堅定地說。

從太原到柏林，他完成了一個普通中國人對自由與真理的追尋與自我救贖。

後記

顏曉辰的案件，曾因林生亮先生主辦的“中共惡人榜”以及國際人權組織的關注而獲得聲援。

這種來自外界的支持，成為他在獄中以及出獄後堅持下去的重要力量。

他的經歷再次證明：在信息全球化的今天，任何試圖阻斷真相的“圍牆”，終將在個體的覺醒與勇氣面前坍塌。

From TISCO Technician to Exiled Dissident: Yan Xiaocheng’s “Awakening” and “Price Paid”

Author: Liu Dongling

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Ge Bing

Foreword

In Taiyuan, Shanxi, there once lived an ordinary state-owned enterprise employee who led a busy life—inspecting steel at the steel mill by day and running a Japanese restaurant by night. However, a chance encounter in 2008—and the subsequent mastery of “circumvention” techniques—completely shattered the steady course of his life.

From “TISCO employee” to “political prisoner,” and finally to an exile traversing the Eurasian continent, Yan Xiaocheng’s story is a microcosm of the countless individuals attempting to break free from China’s “information cocoon.”

Yan Xiaocheng was born in 1982. After joining the Hot Strip Mill of Taiyuan Iron & Steel (Group) Co., Ltd., he became a technician specializing in ultrasonic non-destructive testing. To outsiders, this was a respectable “iron rice bowl” job.

At the same time, he and his wife ran a Japanese restaurant in the city center, leading a comfortable and fulfilling life.

However, 2008 marked a turning point in his life.

In a QQ chat room, he met a friend from Taiwan. It was this cross-strait exchange that caused him to seriously question the history education he had received since childhood.

“What shocked me most was that the Communist Party was not the backbone of the War of Resistance Against Japan,” Yan Xiaocheng recalled.

Information about opium cultivation in Nanniwan and the true nature of the Nationalist-Communist collaboration against Japan struck him like a boulder hitting water, sending ripples of doubt through his mind. He began frequenting libraries in search of biographies of figures from the Republic of China era, but soon discovered that libraries within the Great Firewall could not provide the historical truths he truly sought.

Around 2009, Yan Xiaocheng mastered the art of “scaling the Great Firewall.” Using tools like “Freegate,” when he first breached the Great Firewall (GFW) and accessed the global internet, the impact felt like an ultrasonic probe detecting a fatal crack in the core of a steel structure.

“ For the first time, I learned the truth about the June 4th Incident and saw images of tanks facing off against students; the bloody scenes of June 4, 1989, Xin Haonian’s *Who Is the New China*, and the true essence of the Three Principles of the People flooded into my consciousness like a tidal wave. I also realized for the first time that the so-called ‘mainstay of the War of Resistance Against Japan’ was not what I had previously understood—that the Kuomintang army was the main force in the war. Especially after reading Mr. Xin Haonian’s *Who Is the New China*, I finally understood how history had been dismembered and reconstructed. It felt as if I had suddenly stepped into a whole new world.”

Afterward, he created accounts on Google, Twitter, and Facebook, and gradually came to realize that the Chinese internet was, in essence, more like a massive intranet.

However, the pain of awakening soon followed.

At the factory, he tried to share the truth with his colleagues but was met with cold stares. What disappointed him even more was that when he taught some colleagues how to bypass the Great Firewall, they used it only to watch pornography.

“At that moment, I deeply realized: the adult world hasn’t changed—it’s just about filtering.”

Yan Xiaocheng’s adherence to his ideals bordered on stubbornness.

After visiting Taiwan as a tourist in 2015, he became a staunch believer in democratic constitutionalism. Upon returning home, he purchased a “Blue Sky, White Sun, and Red Earth” flag online, hung it in his office at Taiyuan Iron and Steel, and took a photo of himself in his work uniform standing next to the flag, which he posted in the work group chat—an act that even led to him being reported by colleagues.

The Party Secretary of the plant personally came to the workshop to reprimand him: “You eat the Communist Party’s food, yet you smash the Communist Party’s pot.”

“This is a test of the boundaries of freedom, and also a sign of respect for true history,” he said.

As the online environment grew increasingly restrictive, he witnessed more and more people being arrested for expressing their views. But he did not back down. After the outbreak of the Wuhan pandemic, he reposted videos filmed by Chen Qiushi in Wuhan, using every spare moment to spread the truth.

He knew there would be a price to pay, but he could not bear to see those around him continue to live in an information bubble.

In August 2020, the hammer of fate finally fell.

At the time, Yan Xiaocheng’s daughter was undergoing surgery at the hospital. Using his phone’s location data, the police took him from his home at 7 p.m.

What followed was a long period of detention: the detention center, then prosecution by the procuratorate. On October 19, 2020, he was sentenced to one year and six months in prison by the Xinghualing District Court of Taiyuan City, Shanxi Province, on charges of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”

In prison, he was subjected to endless “re-education”—forced to watch *Xinwen Lianbo* and World War II-themed TV shows and movies every day. But thanks to the mental defenses he had built up over years of reading books like *The History of Brainwashing*, he never wavered.

He was released on February 6, 2022, after serving his full sentence.

However, what broke his heart the most was the sense of failure he felt toward his family.

After his imprisonment, he was fired from his job at a state-owned enterprise, and the Japanese restaurant where he worked closed due to the pandemic. His young daughter might even face discrimination in the future because of his political background.

By 2023, Yan Xiaocheng realized he could no longer make a life for himself in his homeland. Job applications required a “certificate of no criminal record”; without a job or income, he also had to contend with ubiquitous surveillance.

For the sake of his daughter’s future, he resolved to leave China.

In July 2025, under the guise of a summer vacation, he set out from Shenzhen with his wife and young daughter, traveling via Belgrade before finally arriving in Germany.

It wasn’t until the moment he set foot on free soil that he revealed the truth to his daughter:

“As long as our family is together, wherever we go is home.”

Today, Yan Xiaocheng has settled in Germany, enjoying the freedom offered by this “land blessed by God.”

He continues to follow developments behind the Great Firewall. When he sees others retracing the path he once took, he feels both comforted for them and inevitably concerned.

For him, that experience of losing his freedom is not a disgrace, but a “medal of honor.”

“Opposing the Communist Party will be the ultimate goal of my life,” Yan Xiaocheng says with conviction.

From Taiyuan to Berlin, he has completed an ordinary Chinese person’s quest for freedom and truth—and his own self-redemption.

Afterword

Yan Xiaocheng’s case garnered support thanks to the “List of Chinese Communist Villains” organized by Mr. Lin Shengliang and the attention of international human rights organizations.

This external support became a vital source of strength that sustained him both during his imprisonment and after his release.

His experience proves once again that in today’s era of global information flow, any “wall” erected to block the truth will ultimately crumble in the face of individual awakening and courage.

原创 江智爱 东方新文化 （今天 中国香港）校对：周敏 翻译：周敏

连财产都不敢公开的一群家伙，你还指望他们全心全意的为你服务，满嘴跑火车，其每一个毛孔都是谎言和欺骗……

几乎所有的发达国家，都实行官员财产公开，所以他们基本实现了官员零贪腐，这种公开、透明的反腐制度，抵得上一万次“苍蝇老虎一起打”的假反腐叫嚣！

中国“官员财产公开”的提案已经30年，却从未获得通过，所以中国一直采用传统同封建皇权一样的反腐模式，这种反腐其实谈不上任何功绩和智慧，因为它本身不是制度，任何人上台都可以干，简单粗暴，只要一手遮天的权力就行：想查谁就查谁、想抓谁就抓谁，你有没有贪污，权力说了算，你贪了多少？同样是权力说了算。有没有贪污，只不过是选择题，而贪污金额，亦不过是填空题。

其实，没有官员财产公开制度，凭中国目前这种金字塔模式的权力结构，大官大贪，小官小贪，无官不贪，有油水捞，又不需要公开怎么捞来的，所以权力变现无处不在，国内国际各大银行，堆满了贪官们的巨额财富。

广大官员们，有的人也许本来不想贪。那些在犹豫中的官员，一想到不用公开财产，胆子立刻肥了起来，从人本性上看，这叫腐败诱导公式，目的是什么？当然是诱导腐败。

很多顶级大官人，不屑于直接从老百姓口袋里挖民脂民膏，而是利用政策制定来获得制度不公带来的收入。次一级的官员，灰色收入来自其下级官员的上供。下级通过各种手段攫取的财富，自然要孝敬自己一部分。不然，等待他的很可能就是从此被冷落，或者权利被剥夺。于是，每一层级的官员都通过自己手中的权力来尽可能地占有灰色收入或者黑色收入，既是为了个人对利益的追求，更是为了保住自己的权力。通过这种权力腐败的链条，各层级的大大小小的“和珅”都养肥了。

事实是最好的证明：2026年第一季度，基层2.3万村支书、村主任被立案，县处级干部1万人被立案，被立案的厅局级干部则有1267人……总立案24.5万件。看来基层猪们已经养肥了，该宰了！

具体养多肥开宰？要有一个标准：2026年5月1日以前，官员财产来源不明是30万入刑；5月1日后，修改成了300万且刑期短，几乎成了“免死金牌”，获得全票通过！的确可以理解，哪有自己反自己的，难怪同拥有“监督权”的人民一声招呼都不打，直接全票通过！再过一阵子，干脆小于3000万、3亿也不入刑，脸反正已经不要了，不如一步到位！

翻看大多数发达国家，比如美国、欧盟、新加坡等等，都没有巨额财产来源不明罪，只要是公职人员的资产超过其合法收入，又没有合法性证据，即可判刑，可以说是0元门槛，零容忍。日本则是1万元以内判3年，大于2.5万元判30年……

如果按照这些标准，红色江山的官员们可都要牢底坐穿了，虽然口号上高喊不拿群众一针一线，实际上是因为嫌太少，如今5月1日以后，明目张胆地要拿就拿300万保底了！

或许是因为以前30万的入刑标准，官官都达到了，上面既抓不过来、也忙不过来；也或许是查别人的纪委大佬们，前些天数了数自己正好捞了299万？！所以用300W入刑来保平安吧，其实肥肥们都心知肚明：大家屁股都不干净，所以入刑标准提高十倍，来相互擦擦屁股吧！

基层村级的小肥肥们也终于安心了：咬着牙终于挨到了5月1号，有了准贪证的救命稻草来保驾护航，心里就有底了；另外，未贪满300万的微肥，赶紧抽空从医保社保里再搂一点凑个整数吧！

只是苦了被抽干抹净的老百姓，当底层人民奄奄一息、活不下去的时候，两会、三会、四会又开了，顶级虎狼会给”奄奄一息们”投喂每个月增加10块养老金，赌愚民们会感恩戴德，加之CCAV来一波”全心全意为人民服务的会议精神秀”，搞得愚民们瞬间晕头转向，甚至感激涕零！

最后，虽说以后都只宰300万以上的巨肥，其实宰多大的肥肥，又同屁民们有什么关系呢？！每年反腐的数万亿财富，除了满足红色江山徒子徒孙们，享用不尽的荣华富贵，巨额财富到底到哪里去了？

智爱反正是没见过1分钱的福利，哪怕是疫情三年危难之际，世界各国政府大发福利，帮助本国人民度过难关，我们这儿也没见过一分一毫的福利补助，这也算是特色版“大国定力”！

在某些人眼里，贱民本就不应该拥有，但是无产阶级接班人之红色杨兰兰们可以无限拥有，任意挥霍，还怕花不完吗？你放心：

在巴拿马的千亿美元投资打了水漂；

在委内瑞拉的千亿美元投资打了水漂；

在伊朗的无数投资，眼看也要打水漂；

还怕花不完？

非洲、南美、东南亚等几十个国家的校车‘营养午餐咱们全包了！

这也叫绝活版“大国定力”，这钱来得容易，撒得也快也不心疼，反正是民脂民膏，又不是自己赚来的！

也许人们会问，凭什么让他们这样控制、忽悠、拿捏我们？！

答：就凭人民被骗了，就凭你被代表了。

凭你不是杨兰兰、不是红二代三代红四代，

凭你手里没选票，

凭你“含赵量”、“含编制量”低⋯

但即使如此，智爱仍然相信：

人间正道是沧桑，

黎明前的夜最黑，

多行不义必自毙，

站得越高，跌得越惨，

1-2年内，某些人必被算总帐！

-殚精竭虑，只因爱这片土地爱得太深沉；

-江智爱（普世新文化）

Crazy Gluttonous Feast: The “Permit to Corrupt”

Original: Jiang Zhiai, Oriental New Culture (Today, Hong Kong, China)

Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

For a group of fellows who do not even dare to disclose their assets, yet you still expect them to serve you heart and soul? They talk big, yet every single one of their pores is filled with lies and deception.

Almost all developed countries implement the public disclosure of officials’ assets, so they have basically achieved zero corruption among officials. This open and transparent anti-corruption system is worth ten thousand times more than the fake anti-corruption clamor of “hitting flies and tigers together”!

The proposal for “public disclosure of officials’ assets” in China has been around for 30 years, yet it has never been passed. Therefore, China has always adopted an anti-corruption model identical to that of traditional feudal imperial power. This kind of anti-corruption actually cannot be credited with any merit or wisdom, because it is not a system itself; anyone who comes to power can do it. It is simple and crude, requiring only the power to “cover the sky with one hand”: investigating whomever they want, arresting whomever they want. Whether you have embezzled is up to Power to decide; how much have you embezzled? That is also up to Power to decide. Whether there is corruption is merely a multiple-choice question, and the amount of corruption is merely a fill-in-the-blank question.

In fact, without a system for public disclosure of officials’ assets, given China’s current pyramid-style power structure, big officials commit big corruption, small officials commit small corruption, and no official is not corrupt. There is “oil and water” (profit) to be scooped up, and there is no need to disclose how it was scooped; thus, the monetization of power is everywhere. Domestic and international major banks are filled with the enormous wealth of corrupt officials.

Among the vast number of officials, some might not have wanted to be corrupt originally. But those officials in hesitation, once they think about not having to disclose their assets, their courage immediately grows fat. From the perspective of human nature, this is called a “corruption induction formula.” What is the purpose? Naturally, it is to induce corruption.

Many top “Big Officials” do not deign to directly dig for the “grease and cream of the people” (people’s wealth) from the pockets of ordinary folk; instead, they use policy-making to obtain income brought about by systemic injustice. Lower-level officials derive their “grey income” from the tributes of their subordinates. The wealth seized by subordinates through various means must naturally include a portion to honor their superiors. Otherwise, what likely awaits him is being left out in the cold from then on, or having his power stripped away. Thus, officials at every level use the power in their hands to possess as much grey or black income as possible, both for the personal pursuit of interests and, more importantly, to keep their power. Through this chain of power corruption, “He-Shens” (notorious corrupt officials) of all sizes at every level have grown fat.

Facts are the best proof: In the first quarter of 2026, 23,000 grassroots village Party secretaries and village chiefs had cases filed against them; 10,000 county-level cadres had cases filed; and 1,267 department/bureau-level cadres had cases filed… total cases filed reached 245,000. It seems the grassroots pigs have been fattened up; it’s time to slaughter!

Exactly how fat should they be before being slaughtered? There must be a standard: Before May 1, 2026, unidentified sources of an official’s assets exceeding 300,000 yuan was a criminal offense; after May 1, this was modified to 3 million yuan with shorter prison terms—it has almost become a “death-exempt gold plaque,” and it was passed unanimously! It is indeed understandable—how can one oppose oneself? No wonder they didn’t even say hello to the people who possess the “right of supervision” and just passed it unanimously! In a while, they might as well make it so that amounts less than 30 million or 300 million are not criminalized. Since they’ve already thrown away their “face” (shame), they might as well get it done in one step!

Looking at most developed countries, such as the United States, the EU, Singapore, etc., they do not have the crime of “possession of a huge amount of property from unidentified sources.” As long as a public official’s assets exceed their legal income and there is no evidence of legality, they can be sentenced. It can be said to be a 0-yuan threshold, zero tolerance. Japan sentences 3 years for amounts within 10,000 yuan, and 30 years for amounts greater than 25,000 yuan…

If judged by these standards, the officials of the “Red Territory” would all have to rot in jail. Although they shout slogans about “not taking a single needle or thread from the masses,” in reality, it is because they think that is too little. Now, after May 1, they blatantly take 3 million as a baseline!

Perhaps it is because, under the previous 300,000 yuan criminal standard, every single official reached it, and the higher-ups could neither catch them all nor handle the workload; or perhaps the “Big Bosses” of the Discipline Inspection Commission, who investigate others, counted their own take a few days ago and found they had scooped exactly 2.99 million?! So they use the 3 million mark to ensure their own safety. In fact, the “fat ones” all know it well: everyone’s backside is dirty, so let’s raise the criminal standard tenfold to wipe each other’s backsides!

The small “fat ones” at the grassroots village level can finally feel at ease too: they grit their teeth and finally made it to May 1. With the “permit to corrupt” as a life-saving straw to escort them, they have peace of mind. Additionally, those “micro-fat ones” who haven’t yet stolen a full 3 million, hurry up and find time to scoop a bit more from medical insurance and social security to make it a round number!

It is only the common people, who have been drained dry, who suffer. When the people at the bottom are dying and cannot survive, the Two Sessions, Three Sessions, and Four Sessions open again. The top “Tigers and Wolves” will feed the “dying ones” an extra 10 yuan of pension per month, gambling that the “ignorant masses” will be deeply grateful. Combined with a wave of “Conference Spirit Shows on Serving the People Heart and Soul” from CCAV, the ignorant masses are instantly left light-headed, and even moved to tears!

Finally, although they say that in the future only the “huge fat ones” over 3 million will be slaughtered, in fact, how big a “fat one” is slaughtered—what does that have to do with the “fart people” (commoners)? The trillions in wealth from anti-corruption every year, besides satisfying the endless glory and wealth of the descendants of the Red Territory, where has the huge wealth actually gone?

Zhiai, at least, has never seen a single cent of welfare. Even during the three years of the pandemic crisis, when governments around the world issued massive welfare to help their people through hardships, we didn’t see a single bit of welfare subsidy here. This can be considered a “characteristic” version of “Great Power Concentration”!

In the eyes of some, the “pariahs” (lowly people) are not supposed to possess anything. But the “Red Yang Lanlans,” the successors of the proletariat, can possess infinitely and squander arbitrarily. Are they afraid they can’t finish spending it? Rest assured:

The hundred-billion-dollar investment in Panama went down the drain;

The hundred-billion-dollar investment in Venezuela went down the drain;

Countless investments in Iran are also about to go down the drain;

Still afraid they can’t finish spending? The school buses and “nutritional lunches” for dozens of countries in Africa, South America, and Southeast Asia—we’ve covered them all!

This is also called a “special skill” version of “Great Power Concentration.” This money comes easily, and it is scattered quickly and without heartache. After all, it is the “grease and cream of the people,” not earned by themselves!

Perhaps people will ask, on what grounds do they control, flicker (deceive), and manipulate us like this?!

Answer: On the grounds that the people were deceived; on the grounds that you were “represented.” On the grounds that you are not Yang Lanlan, not a Red Second, Third, or Fourth generation. On the grounds that you have no vote in your hand. On the grounds that your “Zhao-content” (connection to the ruling elite) and “Establishment-content” are low…

But even so, Zhiai still believes: The right path for humanity is full of vicissitudes, The night before dawn is the darkest, Many unrighteous deeds will lead to self-destruction, The higher you stand, the harder you fall, Within 1 to 2 years, certain people will surely have their final accounts settled!

—Exhausting heart and soul, only because I love this land too deeply; —Jiang Zhiai (Universal New Culture)

作者：曾群兰  

编辑：胡景  校对：周敏 翻译：周敏

        今天，我们在洛杉矶中国领事馆前声援乔鑫鑫（本名杨泽伟）。

        乔鑫鑫，曾经的媒体人，也是“拆墙运动”的参与者与推动者。2023年，乔鑫鑫与他人一起发起了拆墙行动，传播拆墙技术以及信息自由的理念，帮助更多的人突破封锁、了解外部世界。正是由于这些努力，他于同年5月在老挝遭到跨国抓捕，随后被以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”的罪名起诉，2024年，他被判处有期徒刑五年。

        这不仅是对一个人的打压，更是对言论自由与信息自由的打压。

        在这个本该信息畅通的时代，中共却建起了防火墙，使14亿人中的大多数被困在无形的“高墙”之中。防火墙的建立，使得信息被过滤，声音被压制，真实被掩盖。而乔鑫鑫所做的，就是在这堵墙上凿出一道道缝隙，让人们从这一道道细缝里，看到外面真实的世界。

        他所传播的，不只是技术，更是一种理念，一种对真实与自由的坚持。他所做的是帮助人们翻越信息屏蔽的高墙。我们更希望如任志强先生所说：我们要一起努力，把眼前的这堵墙推倒。——拆掉这堵墙。

        历史告诉我们：高墙可以存在一时，但不可能存在一世。它可以遮住光，但无法永远封锁光。每一个试图突破信息封锁的人，都是在为后来者开路。

        他的遭遇也提醒我们——        如果选择沉默，不公只会继续；        如果有人发声，改变才有可能发生。

        让更多人知道乔鑫鑫的名字，就是在打破封锁；        让信息继续流动，就是在延续自由，延续光。

        我们呼吁：停止对翻墙技术人员的打压与迫害，保障基本的言论自由与信息获取权利。释放一切政治犯！

        信息自由无罪，言论自由无罪。        高墙也许仍在，但光终会穿透。

Solidarity with Qiao Xinxin, Who Was Suppressed for Participating in the BanGGFW Movement

Author: Zeng Qunlan

Editor: Hu Jing Proofreader: Zhou Min Translator: Zhou Min

Today, we stand before the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles to show solidarity with Qiao Xinxin (real name Yang Zewei).

Qiao Xinxin, a former media professional, was also a participant and promoter of the “BanGGFW Movement” (Great Firewall Removal Movement). In 2023, Qiao Xinxin, together with others, initiated the wall-dismantling action, spreading wall-breaking technologies and the concept of freedom of information to help more people break through the blockade and understand the outside world. It was precisely because of these efforts that he was subjected to a transnational arrest in Laos in May of the same year, and was subsequently prosecuted on charges of “inciting subversion of state power.” In 2024, he was sentenced to five years in prison.

This is not only the suppression of one person, but also the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of information.

In this era where information should be unobstructed, the CCP has built a firewall, leaving the majority of the 1.4 billion people trapped within an invisible “high wall.” The establishment of the firewall causes information to be filtered, voices to be suppressed, and truth to be concealed. What Qiao Xinxin did was to chisel out cracks in this wall, allowing people to see the real world outside through these narrow slits.

What he disseminated was not just technology, but a concept—a persistence in truth and freedom. What he did was help people leap over the high walls of information blocking. We even more so hope, as Mr. Ren Zhiqiang said: We must work together to push down this wall before our eyes. — Tear down this wall.

History tells us: high walls can exist for a time, but they cannot exist for a lifetime. They can block the light, but they cannot blockade the light forever. Every person who attempts to break through the information blockade is paving the way for those who come after.

His ordeal also reminds us— If we choose silence, injustice will only continue; If someone speaks out, change only then becomes possible. Letting more people know the name of Qiao Xinxin is in itself breaking the blockade; Letting information continue to flow is in itself continuing freedom and continuing the light.

We call for: an end to the suppression and persecution of wall-breaking technical personnel, and the protection of basic freedom of speech and the right to access information. Release all political prisoners!

Freedom of information is not a crime; freedom of speech is not a crime. The high wall may still be there, but the light will ultimately penetrate.

作者：陈伟  

编辑：冯仍 校对：冯仍 翻译：周敏

我叫陈伟，江苏连云港人，现在生活在美国洛杉矶。

如果放在几年前，我根本想不到自己有一天会站在中国驻洛杉矶领事馆门口，举着“打倒CCP，打倒共产党”的牌子抗议中共。

我出生在普通家庭，从小接受的教育和大多数中国人一样。学校里学的是共产党如何伟大，新闻里看到的是国家越来越强大，课本里几乎没有什么真实历史。小时候也听说过六四，但只知道是“政治风波”，具体发生了什么，没有人敢讲，学校更不会教。

后来自己学会翻墙，接触到Google和海外媒体，看到很多以前完全不知道的内容，包括六四真相、文革、大跃进，还有这些年香港、新疆、疫情封控期间发生的事情。那种感觉很难形容。就像你一直被关在一个房间里，别人告诉你外面世界是什么样的，你也信了很多年。突然有一天窗户被打开了，你看到的东西跟以前相信的完全不是一回事。

我开始越来越反感中共。不是因为别人告诉我应该反共，而是我自己一点一点去了解之后，得出的结论就是：这个政权建立在谎言、恐惧和控制之上。它最擅长的不是治理国家，而是洗脑和维稳。

来到美国之后，我第一次真正感受到什么叫表达自由。在中国，很多话你只能憋在心里，说出来有代价。但在美国，我可以公开站出来，说出自己的想法，不需要担心有人上门找麻烦。所以后来只要洛杉矶这边有相关活动，我基本都会去。纪念六四、声援香港、抗议中共打压人权，我都参加过。有时候也会一个人去中领馆门口举牌。

说实话，一个人站在那里，刚开始还是有点压力的。毕竟从中国出来的人，骨子里多少都带着一点对政治的恐惧，这是长期环境造成的。但站久了以后，你会发现，其实真正可怕的不是站出来，而是明知道真相却一直沉默。

很多人问过我，这样做有什么意义？我知道我一个人改变不了什么，也推不倒共产党。

但至少我要让别人知道，不是所有中国人都支持中共。共产党不等于中国，更不代表中国人民。

我出来抗议，不是为了出名，也不是为了作秀。只是觉得既然已经来到自由社会，如果还继续装聋作哑，那和过去被洗脑的时候又有什么区别。至少我做了我认为该做的事。哪怕只是站在那里举一块牌子，我也觉得值得。

Why I Persist in Protesting the CCP at the Chinese Consulate

Author: Chen Wei

Editor: Feng Reng Proofreader: Feng Reng Translator: Zhou Min

My name is Chen Wei. I am from Lianyungang, Jiangsu, and I currently live in Los Angeles, USA.

If it were a few years ago, I could never have imagined that one day I would be standing in front of the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, holding a sign that reads “Down with the CCP, Down with the Communist Party” to protest against the CCP.

I was born into an ordinary family and received the same education as most Chinese people since childhood. What was learned in school was how great the Communist Party is; what was seen in the news was the country becoming stronger and stronger; there was almost no real history in the textbooks. When I was young, I had heard of “June 4th,” but only knew it as a “political turmoil.” As for what specifically happened, no one dared to speak of it, and schools certainly did not teach it.

Later, I learned how to “scale the wall” (bypass the Great Firewall) and accessed Google and overseas media. I saw a lot of content I completely didn’t know before, including the truth about June 4th, the Cultural Revolution, the Great Leap Forward, and what has happened in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and during the pandemic lockdowns in recent years. That feeling is hard to describe. It is like you have been locked in a room all along, and others tell you what the outside world is like, and you believe it for many years. Suddenly, one day the window is opened, and what you see is not the same thing at all as what you previously believed.

I began to feel more and more disgusted with the CCP. It wasn’t because someone else told me I should be anti-communist, but because after I went to understand things bit by bit, the conclusion I reached was: this regime is built upon lies, fear, and control. What it is best at is not governing the country, but brainwashing and “stability maintenance” (Weiwen).

After arriving in the United States, I truly felt for the first time what freedom of expression means. In China, many things can only be held back in your heart; speaking them out comes with a price. But in the United States, I can publicly stand up and say what I think without needing to worry about someone coming to my door to cause trouble. Therefore, later on, as long as there were relevant activities here in Los Angeles, I would basically go. Commemorating June 4th, supporting Hong Kong, protesting the CCP’s suppression of human rights—I have participated in all of them. Sometimes I also go to the front of the Chinese Consulate alone to hold a sign.

To tell the truth, standing there alone, there was still a bit of pressure at the beginning. After all, people who come out of China have, more or less, a bit of fear of politics in their bones; this is caused by the long-term environment. But after standing for a long time, you will find that what is truly scary is not standing up, but knowing the truth yet remaining silent all along.

Many people have asked me, what is the meaning of doing this? I know that I alone cannot change anything, nor can I topple the Communist Party. But at the very least, I want to let others know that not all Chinese people support the CCP. The Communist Party does not equal China, and furthermore, it does not represent the Chinese people.

I come out to protest not for fame, and not for show. I just feel that since I have already come to a free society, if I continue to play deaf and dumb, then what is the difference between that and when I was brainwashed in the past. At least I have done what I think should be done. Even if it is just standing there holding a sign, I still feel it is worth it.