闻道读书会 第21期
沉睡三千年，一醒惊天下
—— 三星堆青铜铸件的奥秘
主讲人：夏云
CasTech 材料技术专家
从事金相、冶金与铸造分析多年，长期研究青铜器冶金结构及古代冶炼技术。其研究以海外独立学者视角，结合化学成分、矿源分布及国际比较，揭示三星堆文明背后的科学与文明之谜。
时间：2025年11月8日（周六）晚上 7:00–9:00
地点：2077 Gold St, Alviso, CA 95002
内容简介：
沉睡三千年的三星堆，一醒惊天下。
本讲将带您穿越时空，探索青铜时代的奇迹：
三星堆青铜器的铸造技术与冶金奥秘
中原与西亚青铜文明的异同
铅同位素分析揭示的矿源之谜
“范块法”与“失蜡法”的技术差异
从埃及到蜀地：文明交流的可能路线
这不仅是一场关于考古的讲述，更是一场关于人类文明的再思考。
主办：闻道读书会（Wendao Reading Club）
在阅读中探索世界的真相，在思辨中找寻心灵的方向。
https://www.eventbrite.com/e/1910826626879?aff=oddtdtcreator
活动收集：胡丽莉
作者：谢晶芳
编辑：邢文娟 责任编辑：刘芳 校对：程筱筱 翻译：刘芳
我以一名中国民主党党员的身份，回顾自己多年来在海外推动中国民主、人权事业的真实经历。我用一次次集会、呼吁与日常行动，见证了自由信念的力量，并呼吁更多人以勇气和行动点燃希望之光。
我叫谢晶芳，是中国民主党党员。过去的几年，我始终关注中国大陆的民主与人权事业，并参与其中。对我来说，自由、平等与尊严并不是抽象的口号，而是一个人最基本的权利。然而在现实的中国，这些权利被剥夺、被压制，成为特权者的装饰，而不是公民的保障。正因为如此，我决定不再沉默，用行动去表达信念。
在洛杉矶，我多次参加由中国民主党组织的抗议与声援活动。每一次站在中国驻洛杉矶总领馆门前，我都能感受到那种复杂的心情——愤怒、悲伤，也有坚定。烈日之下或寒风之中，我和同伴们举着标语，高喊口号，呼吁释放被关押的良心犯，关注那些被噤声的公民。每一次举牌，都是在告诉世界：真相还在，良知未死。
除了走上街头，我也尽自己所能，把民主的理念带进生活。社区的聚会、朋友的对话，都是我传播真相的机会。我告诉他们，中国的“稳定繁荣”是建立在恐惧与压迫之上的幻象；我讲述那些被捕、被失踪、被迫害的普通人，让更多人知道：他们不是新闻的数字，而是有血有泪的生命。
行动并不仅限于抗议。我通过《在野党》杂志为良心犯家属捐款，在大纪元等多个媒体发表宣传民主自由的文章，在生活中积极向身边的人传播民主思想，与志同道合的同胞交流分享我走在民运这条路上的所感所思，向外界讲述真实的中国。我知道自己力量微薄，但正如一位前辈所说：“哪怕只是举起一盏微光，也足以照亮黑夜的一角。”每一次参与，都让我更坚信：改变不是来自宏大的口号，而是无数细小行动的汇聚。
这些年来，我们的呼声让更多国际社会关注中国人权现状，也让一些被长期关押的异议人士获得外界援助。虽然步履艰难、成果有限，但每一点努力，都是打破沉默的开始。
我常这样提醒自己。追求自由虽有风险，却最有意义。对抗不公是良知，坚持真相为人性。每一次站立、每一次呐喊，都是通往自由的步伐。
只要不放弃、不沉默，微小的声音也能汇成洪流。自由不会自己降临，它需要勇气与牺牲。
我愿继续前行，为仍在黑暗中的人发声，为真正属于人民的自由中国努力。
Author: Xie Jingfang
Editor: Xing Wenjuan Executive Editor: Liu Fang Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang
Abstract: As a member of the China Democracy Party, I look back on my years of genuine experience in promoting democracy and human rights for China while living overseas. Through rallies, appeals, and daily actions, I have witnessed the power of faith in freedom and call on more people to ignite the light of hope with courage and action.
My name is Xie Jingfang, and I am a member of the China Democracy Party. Over the past few years, I have continuously paid attention to and participated in the cause of democracy and human rights in mainland China. For me, freedom, equality, and dignity are not abstract slogans but the most fundamental rights of every person. Yet in today’s China, these rights are stripped away and suppressed—turned into ornaments of the privileged rather than the protection of citizens. For that reason, I decided to remain silent no longer, but to express my beliefs through action.
In Los Angeles, I have taken part in many protests and solidarity events organized by the China Democracy Party. Each time I stand before the Chinese Consulate in Los Angeles, I feel a mix of emotions—anger, sorrow, and determination. Under the scorching sun or in the biting wind, my fellow members and I hold up banners and shout our slogans, calling for the release of prisoners of conscience and attention to silenced citizens. Every time we raise our signs, we are telling the world: the truth still exists, and conscience is not dead.
Beyond street demonstrations, I also try to bring the ideals of democracy into everyday life. Community gatherings and conversations with friends become opportunities to share the truth. I tell them that China’s so-called “stability and prosperity” is an illusion built upon fear and repression. I speak about those who have been arrested, disappeared, or persecuted, so that more people may understand—they are not mere numbers in the news, but living, breathing human beings with blood and tears.
Action is not limited to protest. Through The Opposition Party magazine, I have donated to the families of prisoners of conscience and published articles in The Epoch Times and other media promoting democracy and freedom. In daily life, I actively share democratic ideas with those around me and exchange thoughts with like-minded compatriots about my experiences on the path of the democracy movement, telling the world about the real China. I know my strength is limited, yet as one predecessor said: “Even a faint light is enough to illuminate a corner of the night.” Every act of participation strengthens my belief that change does not come from grand slogans but from the accumulation of countless small deeds.
Over the years, our voices have drawn greater international attention to China’s human rights situation and brought external support to some long-detained dissidents. Though progress is slow and results are modest, every effort marks the beginning of breaking the silence.
I often remind myself: the pursuit of freedom carries risks, but it holds the deepest meaning. To resist injustice is conscience; to uphold truth is humanity. Every act of standing up, every shout we make, is a step toward freedom.
As long as we neither give up nor remain silent, even the smallest voices can merge into a powerful current. Freedom will not arrive on its own—it requires courage and sacrifice.
I will keep moving forward, speaking for those still struggling in the dark, and striving for a free China that truly belongs to its people.
圣何塞声援锡安教会
活动主题:
1:反邪教共产党,声援锡安教会
2:支援牛腾宇家属,让良心犯不再孤单，呼应纽约，集会现场捐款1美金活动。
声援信仰自由，关怀良心勇士
在这个世界上，任何政权都不应垄断思想与信仰。真正的信仰，是让人向善、追求真理与光明的力量。然而，当权力以“唯一真理”的名义封锁宗教、禁锢灵魂，自由就被撕裂。锡安教会的遭遇，不只是一个宗教的悲剧——它是信仰自由再度被践踏的警讯。让我们以声音与行动，表达支持：每个
人都应有选择信仰的权利；每个心灵都应有通向光明的自由。与此同时，我们也不能忘记那些为真理与自由而受难的人。年轻的牛腾宇，仅仅因为表达了良知与勇气，就被判处十四年重刑。他的家庭承受着巨大的痛苦与孤立——而他不该孤单。让我们以善意与援手，去温暖那些被压迫者的家属；让世界知道：真理之声不会被囚禁，良知之火不会被熄灭。声援信仰自由，
声援锡安教会；关怀良心勇士，传递人性的光与爱。
活动组织:中国人权联盟旧金分部
活动策划:李海风 张勇
活动联系:张勇 6265816991
时间:2025年10月26日(周日) 下午两点至四点地址:圣何塞市政厅
200 East Santa Clara St ,San Jose ,CA, 95113
活动收集：胡丽莉
公告：第761次茉莉花行动
时间：2025年-10月25日（周六）下午4点
地点：中共洛杉矶领事馆
声援中国被中共迫害的良心犯、政治犯和异议人士
-反对中共独裁统治和对人权的迫害，要求中共立即结束独裁统治
这期主要声援刑望力和张盼成
邢望力：自2002年起，开始踏上维权之路。由个人维权逐步走向长期帮助他人维权。20余年间，累计被羁押达10年零8个月。他还多次遭遇行政拘留、非法拘禁及非法监视居住等迫害手段。
2016年，在羁押期间遭殴打致头颅骨粉碎性骨折。
2019年，中共公安曾跨国抓捕邢鉴。
2024年6月，中共总理李强访问新西兰，邢鉴前往其酒店前抗议中共暴政，呼吁其下台，现场遭中共势力的围殴。此事被新西兰主流媒体 Stuff 报道后不久，中共方面展开报复：有人向邢鉴住处泼洒粪便，并投放疑似冰毒晶体。
2025年8月，邢望力被再次毫无依据的以“寻衅滋事罪”无辜判处三年有期徒刑。
张盼成：因坚持表达公民意愿、追求言论自由，数次遭受刑事拘留和监禁。他不畏强权，敢于发声，曾公开表达对社会不公的批评，声援被失踪和受迫害的公民。
张盼成因言获罪，先后被以“寻衅滋事罪”判刑，刑满释放后仍遭到持续骚扰和监控，甚至被强迫认定为“精神病”，身份证和户口本被没收，出行自由被剥夺。2024年7月，他再次被刑事拘留，至今失联，音信全无。
但他不是孤单的，我们都要要站在他的身后，言论自由是宪法赋予公民的基本权利。张盼成的遭遇不是个人的不幸，是中共对社会公正与法治的践踏
我们呼吁：
联合国人权事务高级专员办事处、国际特赦组织、人权观察、国际媒体、关注邢望力和张盼成等中国良心犯的案件，敦促中共立即终止针对异议人士及其家属的打压行为。
我们要求：
1. 中共立即公开张盼成和刑望力等良心犯的现状，保障其人身安全与合法权益；
关注所有因言获罪的公民，推动社会公正与法治进步。
让我们共同发声，守护正义与良知，为自由与尊严而努力！
主办：中国民主党洛杉矶委员会
中国民主人权联盟
《在野党》杂志社
活动发起人：何愚、曾群兰、安樸、彭小梅
活动负责人：倪世成+16263109606、杨皓
活动策划人：何愚、彭小梅
活动主持人：何愚、张晓丽
义工负责人：程筱筱
组织：柴松
1.摄影：卓皓然 毛一炜 陀先润
2.义工：郑洲 王乐 王府
3.媒体宣传：张娜
3.设计：刘敖
4.新闻稿：张致君
活动收集：胡丽莉
《全球覺醒》第四十四期
自由之鐘 時刻敲響 全球覺醒 民主聯盟 消滅獨裁 推翻暴政
【活動主題】譴責中共鎮壓錫安教會與法輪功等信仰群體
10月16日，美國國際宗教自由委員會舉行聽證會，主題為「中共國家控制宗教」。多位美國政要與專家揭露：在中國大陸，根本不存在宗教自由。中共推行所謂「宗教中國化」，強迫教堂掛上習近平像，要求信徒宣誓忠於黨而非上帝，重寫聖經與聖歌，把信仰變成政治工具。這不是管理，而是對靈魂的奴役。
日前，中共突襲並逮捕錫安教會三十多位牧師，其中包括任志強牧師。他們的「罪名」，只是在中共控制之外傳講真理。與此同時，法輪功群體仍在承受迫害。今年1月至7月，就有九十位學員被迫害致死，五百多人被非法判刑，只因不肯放棄「真、善、忍」的信仰。
國際社會多年揭露中共活摘法輪功學員及其他良心犯器官的暴行。2025年，美國國會通過《法輪功保護法案》和《制止活摘器官法案》，要求追究反人類罪。中共以國家機器對抗信仰自由，顯露的不是強大，而是恐懼——它懼怕真理與良知的覺醒。
宗教自由是最基本的人權。祈禱、誦經與靜修，都是人類文明的光。中共摧毀教堂、焚書、監禁牧師、迫害法輪功與藏傳佛教徒，它毀掉的不僅是信仰，更是中華民族的良知。
今天，我們在自由的土地上為不能發聲的人吶喊。聲援被囚牧師與修煉者；要求中共停止迫害，釋放所有信仰犯；呼籲美國與國際社會，將宗教自由列為對華交往核心議題。
信仰無罪，歷史的審判終將到來，迫害者逃不過正義的制裁。
真、善、忍永不滅，良知與信仰共存！
拒絕「宗教中國化」！還信仰以自由！
信仰無罪！迫害有罪！
聲援錫安教會！聲援法輪功！時間：2025年10月26日(星期日)4:00PM(下午)
地點：中共駐洛杉磯總領館
地址：443 Shatto Pl, Los Angeles, CA 90020
活動召集人：劉廣賢/盧振華
活動規劃：周蘭英/勞紹海
活動主持：易勇
組織者：
張傳平6268361089/歐陽淵博9098595603
陳斌9093780791/劉炳良6268612558
孫曄6265976922 /邢倫基6265656311
活動義工：于海龍/王彪/卜青松/劉樂園/張維清/黄思博
攝影：Ji Luo/陸敏健/王永/張允密
主辦單位：
中國民主黨全聯總美西黨部
中國民主黨全聯總美南黨部
自由鍾民主基金會
活动收集：胡丽莉
作者：潘榮華
編輯：胡麗莉 責任編輯：羅志飛 校對：程筱筱 翻譯：劉芳
【導語】
2025年的秋風，吹過美國西岸的沙漠。
在加州耶莫（Yermo）那片沉默的荒原上，一群來自自由世界與流亡中國的靈魂，舉起旗幟，迎接一場橫貫東西、震撼人心的藝術行動——
「追責中共病毒雕塑巡遊」凱旋歸來。
這不僅是一場展覽的結束，而是一場歷史的證言；
不只是抵達終點，而是人類記憶與良知的重新出發。
一、在自由的邊疆：一座以信念鑄成的公園
沿著美國15號州際公路，駛入莫哈維沙漠深處，會在荒涼與烈陽之間，看見一塊鐵鏽色的牌子——
圖1：Liberty Sculpture Park，自由雕塑公園。
這裡由雕塑家陳維明於2017年購地創建，佔地36英畝。
園中有「六四」紀念碑、「坦克人」雕塑、「香港自由女神」、「中共病毒」系列等作品，題材直指極權暴政與人類自由的碰撞。
這片土地，是中國自由運動在海外的精神家園，也是記錄受難者的紀念地。
在這裡，藝術不是為了美，而是為了證明：
真相不能被掩埋，記憶不應被焚毀。
二、病毒頭與骷髏臉：鐵之詩與火之吶喊
那尊象徵「中共病毒」的巨型雕塑——
以金屬、玻璃纖維、鋼筋構成，頭部結合人像與病毒刺突。
鋼鐵與火圖2 焰構成的象徵：藝術家以雕塑揭示制度的黑暗與疫情的代價。
它不是虛構的象徵，而是一首由痛苦與控訴鑄成的詩。
藝術家以強烈的視覺語言揭露了疫情背後的權力黑幕：
隱瞞、封鎖、壓制、推卸。
病毒蔓延世界，數以百萬計的生命逝去，而真相至今仍被塵封。
這雕塑曾在2021年被縱火摧毀，翌年又在志願者手中重生。
「燒不死的藝術」—-這正是自由的寓言：
真理或可被焚，卻永不被毀。
三、流動的雕塑：當藝術駛向公路
今年的雕塑巡遊，是一次思想的長征。
圖3 巡遊車隊穿越美國東西海岸，將雕塑化為行動的真相見證。
車隊從美國東岸出發，跨越十餘州，途經首都華盛頓，最終回歸加州。
雕塑被固定於卡車之上，成為行進的圖騰。
沿途的公路與城市，變成臨時的展館；
觀眾不是觀展人，而是所有路過的靈魂。
車隊每停一站，人們圍聚、拍照、歌唱、談論——
那是一場行動藝術的實驗，也是一場民主精神的朝聖。
藝術不再是牆內的擺設，而是公共的良心。
它提醒人們：當真理被囚禁，藝術便成為它的逃亡者。
四、凱旋儀式：火焰中的榮耀
圖4：陳維明，雕塑家、自由雕塑公園創辦人。以藝術記錄自由的火焰。
10月7日，洛杉磯的陽光下，凱旋歸來的車隊抵達自由雕塑公園。
旗幟獵獵，雕塑在風中閃耀著金屬光。
人群高唱、舉旗、合影，笑容裡有淚光。
這場儀式，不是勝利的炫耀，而是痛苦的致敬。
那些在疫情中失去親人的人們、在牢獄中堅守信念的異議者、在流亡中依然創作的藝術家——
他們都在這一刻，得到了片刻的安息。
凱旋者不是征服者，而是見證者。
他們帶回的，不是榮耀，而是證詞。
五、真相的遠征：雕塑之外的啟示
這場巡遊與雕塑的核心，並不僅是對某一事件的抗議，
而是一場關於人性與責任的全球對話。
它問：
當權力遮蔽真相，我們是否仍敢追問？
當制度壓迫良知，我們是否仍能創作？
當病毒奪走生命，我們是否還記得那些被掩埋的聲音？
自由雕塑公園以金屬與火焰塑造的形象，是全人類的鏡子。
它不僅屬於中國流亡者，也屬於每一個相信真理的人。
六、歷史將記住這一天
在夜幕下的公園，火光映照雕塑的輪廓。
有人說那像是一座墳，也像是一座燈塔。
它既為受難者哀悼，也為未來指路。
歷史終將記住這一刻——
記住那些駕著自由之車，載著雕塑、旗幟與信念穿越美洲的人；
圖5 中共病毒雕塑車巡游活動參與者合影
記住他們用藝術對抗遺忘，用勇氣證明真相。
因為自由不是贈與，而是代價。
真相不是口號，而是血與火中淬煉的信念。
Author: Pan Ronghua
Editor: HU Lili Executive Editor: Luo Zhifei Proofreader: Cheng Xiaoxiao Translator: Liu Fang
Abstract: The “Accountability for the CCP Virus Sculpture Tour” triumphantly returned after traversing the United States from the East Coast, concluding at Liberty Sculpture Park in California. Through sculpture, the artists denounced totalitarianism and the concealment of the pandemic, transforming pain into testimony and affirming a belief that freedom and truth can never be burned away.
[Prologue] The autumn wind of 2025 swept across the deserts of America’s West Coast. In the silent wasteland of Yermo, California, a group of souls from the free world and exiled China raised their flags to welcome an artistic movement that had crossed the continent— The “Accountability for the CCP Virus Sculpture Tour” had returned in triumph. It was not merely the end of an exhibition, but the testimony of history; Not just an arrival, but a new departure for human memory and conscience.
I. On the Frontier of Freedom: A Park Forged by Faith
Driving along Interstate 15 into the heart of the Mojave Desert, one finds a rust-colored sign that reads—
Fig1. Liberty Sculpture Park.
Founded by sculptor Chen Weiming in 2017, the park spans 36 acres. It houses monuments such as the “June Fourth Memorial,” “Tank Man,” “Hong Kong Goddess of Freedom,” and the “CCP Virus” series—works that confront tyranny and celebrate the human struggle for liberty. This land stands as the spiritual home of the Chinese democracy movement abroad and a memorial to the persecuted. Here, art does not exist for beauty’s sake—it exists to declare: Truth cannot be buried, and memory must not be burned.
II. Virus Head and Skull Face: The Iron Poem and the Cry of Fire
The monumental sculpture representing the “CCP Virus” is built from metal, fiberglass, and rebar—its head fusing the human form with viral spikes.
Fig 2. Forged in steel and flame, it stands as a symbol of how art exposes systemic darkness and the human cost of the pandemic.
It is not a metaphor but a poem cast in pain and accusation. Through a striking visual language, the artist unveils the political obscurity behind the outbreak: concealment, censorship, suppression, and denial. The virus spread across the world, claiming millions of lives, while truth remains sealed in silence. The sculpture was burned down by arson in 2021 and resurrected the following year by volunteers. “Art that cannot be burned”—this is the allegory of freedom: truth may be set aflame, but it will never be destroyed.
III. Moving Sculpture: When Art Takes to the Road
This year’s sculpture tour was a long march of ideas.
Fig 3. Crossing the American continent from east to west, it transformed art into a living witness of truth.
Departing from the East Coast, the convoy traversed more than ten states, passed through Washington, D.C., and finally returned to California. The sculptures, mounted on trucks, became mobile totems. The highways and cities turned into temporary galleries; the spectators were not visitors, but every passerby who saw them. At every stop, people gathered, photographed, sang, and spoke— it was both a performance of action art and a pilgrimage of democratic spirit. Art was no longer decoration within walls, but the conscience of the public. It reminds the world: when truth is imprisoned, art becomes its fugitive.
IV. The Triumph Ceremony: Glory in the Flames
Fig 4. Chen Weiming—sculptor, founder of Liberty Sculpture Park—has long used art to record the flame of freedom.
On October 7, under the Los Angeles sun, the returning convoy arrived at Liberty Sculpture Park. Flags fluttered, sculptures gleamed in the wind. People sang, raised flags, took photos; smiles shone through tears. This ceremony was not a display of victory, but an homage to pain. To those who lost loved ones in the pandemic, to dissidents who kept faith in prison, to exiled artists who never ceased to create— in that moment, they found a measure of peace. The triumphant were not conquerors, but witnesses. What they brought back was not glory, but testimony.
V. The Expedition of Truth: Lessons Beyond the Sculpture
The essence of this tour and its sculptures lies not only in protest, but in a global dialogue about humanity and responsibility. It asks: When power hides the truth, do we still dare to seek it? When systems suppress conscience, can we still create? When the virus takes lives, do we remember the silenced voices? The images cast in metal and flame at Liberty Sculpture Park are a mirror for all humankind. They belong not only to exiled Chinese, but to everyone who believes in truth.
VI. History Will Remember This Day
Under the night sky, the firelight cast the sculptures’ shadows across the park. Some said it looked like a grave; others, a lighthouse. It mourns the fallen and points the way forward. History will remember this moment—
Figure 5. Group photo of participants in the “CCP Virus Sculpture Tour” event.
those who drove the vehicles of freedom, carrying sculptures, flags, and conviction across America; those who fought oblivion with art and proved truth with courage. For freedom is not a gift, but a price. Truth is not a slogan, but a faith forged in blood and fire.
作者：张兴贵
编辑：周志刚 责任编辑：罗志飞 翻译：刘芳
极权体制以其高度集中、全面控制和压迫性治理为特征，历史上曾多次深刻影响人类社会。然而，纵观历史，极权体制的崩溃并非源于人民的直接“推倒”，而是体制内部矛盾积累、自我崩溃的自然终结。这种现象是必然的，是由极权体制的内在逻辑和运行机制所决定的。
一、极权体制的内在矛盾
极权体制是一种高度集中的政治体系，强调对社会、经济、文化乃至个人思想的全面控制。它通常依赖强有力的意识形态、严密的组织结构和暴力机器来维持统治。
1.权力过度集中的结构性缺陷
极权体制的核心是权力的绝对集中，通常由单一领袖或小集团掌控所有关键决策。这种结构在短期内能够高效推动政策实施，但在长期运行中暴露出严重缺陷。权力集中导致决策缺乏多元化视角，容易产生战略失误；缺乏有效的制衡机制使得错误无法被及时纠正，下级为了迎合上意往往放大问题，最终形成恶性循环。
2.意识形态僵化与合法性危机
极权体制通常依赖宏大的意识形态来维系其合法性，如共产主义、纳粹主义或民族主义。然而，意识形态的僵化限制了体制的适应性，使其难以应对外部环境的变化，如全球化和技术进步的冲击。
3.信息封闭与反馈机制缺失
极权体制倾向于控制信息流动，压制异议声音，以维护统治稳定。然而，这种信息封闭导致体制无法及时感知外部变化或内部问题，决策者往往生活在虚假的信息泡沫中；信息封闭还导致政策制定缺乏科学依据，长期积累的错误最终动摇体制根基。
4.经济资源分配的低效性
极权体制通常通过中央计划或资源垄断控制经济，但这种模式往往导致资源分配低效、浪费严重；长期的经济困境侵蚀了体制的物质基础，削弱了其对民众的吸引力。
5.社会控制成本的递增
极权体制通过暴力、监控和宣传维持社会控制，但这种控制的成本随着时间推移不断上升。为了压制异议，体制需要投入越来越多的资源用于秘密警察、宣传机器等，最终导致财政不堪重负。社会控制成本的上升不仅耗尽了财政资源，还进一步疏远了民众，使体制的合法性进一步受损。当控制成本超过体制的承受能力时，崩溃成为必然。
二、极权体制自我腐烂的机制
极权体制的崩溃并非突发事件，而是内部矛盾长期累积、腐烂过程逐渐显现的结果。
1.官僚体系的腐化与低效
极权体制依赖庞大的官僚体系执行政策，但官僚体系的扩张往往伴随着腐败和低效。由于缺乏外部监督和竞争，官僚机构倾向于自我保护、推卸责任，导致政策执行力下降。
2.精英阶层的分裂与背叛
极权体制的稳定性高度依赖统治精英的忠诚，但当内部矛盾加剧时，精英阶层往往出现分裂。部分精英可能因利益受损、意识形态幻灭或对体制前景的悲观而选择背叛。这种分裂往往在关键时刻（如经济危机或外部压力）暴露出来，成为崩溃的催化剂。
3.民众的被动抵抗与信任危机
虽然极权体制的崩溃很少是人民直接“推倒”的结果，但民众的被动抵抗在体制腐烂中起到了重要作用。被动抵抗包括怠工、低效劳动、逃避管制等行为，这些行为虽然不直接对抗体制，却显著削弱了其运行效率。同时，民众的信任危机进一步加剧了体制的困境：当民众不再相信体制的承诺，体制的动员能力大幅下降，最终导致其无法有效应对危机。
这些机制相互作用，形成了一个恶性循环：官僚腐败导致经济低效，经济困境引发社会不满，社会不满加剧控制成本，控制成本的上升进一步削弱经济基础，最终导致精英分裂和体制崩溃。
三、极权体制崩溃的启示
极权体制的自我崩溃机制为现代社会提供了深刻启示：
1.权力制衡的重要性
极权体制的过度集中导致其缺乏自我纠错能力，权力制衡的缺失是其腐烂的根源。相比之下，民主体制通过分权和监督机制，能够在一定程度上缓解内部矛盾，延长体制的寿命。
2.经济效率与社会信任
经济效率是体制合法性的重要基础。极权体制的经济低效往往引发社会不满，最终导致崩溃。现代社会需要通过市场化改革和公平的资源分配，满足民众的物质需求，巩固体制的合法性。
3.信息开放与反馈机制
信息封闭是极权体制的典型特征，但这也使其无法适应快速变化的外部环境。开放的信息流动和有效的反馈机制能够帮助体制及时调整政策。全球化时代，封闭的体制难以抵御外部影响。现代社会需要通过开放合作和国际交流，主动适应外部环境的变化，避免因封闭而导致的崩溃。
极权体制的崩溃为现代社会提供了宝贵启示：权力的傲慢与封闭是体制最大的敌人，而开放、包容与自我纠错才是长治久安的基石。任何政治体系要想长久维系，必须建立有效的权力制衡机制、保持经济活力、开放信息流动并赢得社会信任。
Author: Zhang Xinggui
Editor: Zhou Zhigang Managing Editor: Luo Zhifei Translator: Liu Fang
This article analyzes the inevitable collapse of centralized regimes. The inefficiency of resource allocation leads to a heavy socioeconomic burden; bureaucratic self-preservation results in long-term evasion of responsibility; and declining executive capacity and public distrust further accelerate decay. Characterized by extreme concentration of power, pervasive control, and repressive governance, totalitarian systems have profoundly influenced human history. Yet, their downfall rarely comes from direct popular overthrow but rather from internal contradictions that accumulate until the system collapses under its own weight. This outcome is inevitable—determined by the system’s intrinsic logic and operational mechanism.
I. The Internal Contradictions of Totalitarianism
Totalitarianism is a highly centralized political system that seeks complete control over society, the economy, culture, and even individual thought. It relies on a powerful ideology, a rigid organizational structure, and a machinery of violence to sustain its rule.
1. Structural Defects of Excessive Power Concentration At its core, totalitarianism rests on absolute concentration of power, often in the hands of a single leader or a small clique. While this can produce short-term efficiency, it eventually reveals fatal flaws. Concentrated power excludes diverse perspectives, increasing the risk of strategic mistakes. Without effective checks and balances, errors go uncorrected, while subordinates exaggerate or distort information to please superiors—creating a vicious cycle.
2. Ideological Rigidity and the Crisis of Legitimacy Such regimes depend on grand ideological narratives—communism, Nazism, nationalism—to justify their legitimacy. Yet rigid ideology undermines adaptability, leaving the regime ill-equipped to respond to global or technological changes.
3. Information Control and Lack of Feedback Totalitarian governments suppress dissent and tightly control information to maintain stability. This information blockade blinds decision-makers to reality, trapping them in echo chambers of false data. As errors accumulate without correction, the system’s foundations weaken.
4. Inefficiency in Resource Allocation Centrally planned or monopolized economies often suffer from inefficiency and waste. Over time, chronic economic stagnation erodes the material base of the regime and diminishes its appeal to the public.
5. Escalating Costs of Social Control Maintaining control through surveillance, propaganda, and coercion becomes increasingly expensive. The resources required for secret police and state media grow unsustainable, draining the treasury and alienating citizens. When the costs of control exceed what the regime can bear, collapse becomes inevitable.
II. The Mechanisms of Internal Decay
Totalitarian collapse is rarely sudden; it is the cumulative result of long-term internal decay.
1. Bureaucratic Corruption and Inefficiency The bureaucratic apparatus expands alongside corruption. Lacking external oversight, officials prioritize self-preservation and avoid accountability, undermining policy enforcement and administrative effectiveness.
2. Elite Division and Betrayal Regime stability depends heavily on elite cohesion. But when internal conflicts intensify, divisions emerge. Disillusioned elites—disadvantaged by policy shifts or disenchanted by ideology—may defect. These fractures often surface in crises such as economic downturns or foreign pressure, acting as catalysts for collapse.
3. Passive Resistance and Public Distrust While citizens seldom directly overthrow totalitarian regimes, their passive resistance—through inefficiency, apathy, or quiet noncompliance—gradually erodes state capacity. As trust in the regime vanishes, its mobilization power diminishes, leaving it incapable of crisis response.
These forces reinforce each other: bureaucratic corruption leads to economic stagnation; economic hardship breeds public discontent; discontent inflates the costs of repression; repression drains economic resources; and resource depletion sparks elite fragmentation—culminating in systemic collapse.
III. Lessons from Totalitarian Collapse
The self-destruction of totalitarianism offers enduring lessons for modern governance:
1. The Necessity of Checks and Balances Excessive concentration of power destroys a system’s self-correcting capacity. Balanced institutions, competition, and accountability mechanisms are essential for resilience.
2. Economic Efficiency and Social Trust Economic performance underpins legitimacy. Sustained inefficiency fosters social unrest. A just, market-oriented economy that meets citizens’ needs strengthens stability.
3. Transparency and Feedback Information openness enables timely policy adjustment. In a globalized world, isolation invites failure. Openness, cooperation, and international engagement are antidotes to systemic stagnation.
Conclusion The collapse of totalitarian regimes teaches that arrogance and isolation are the greatest enemies of power. Enduring stability rests not on repression but on openness, inclusiveness, and self-correction. For any political system to survive, it must institutionalize balance, sustain economic vitality, embrace transparency, and earn the trust of its people.
作者：谢文飞
编辑：gloria wang 责任编辑：罗志飞 校对：李杰 翻译：刘芳
世界人权日说说我们人权捍卫者的亲身经历吧！
2020年4月29日上午，我发表“祭林昭”，当晚抓捕我的是两个穿黑衣的彪形大汉（目测体重在90公斤左右），躲在黑暗的角落里等着我，当我想要绕过去的时候，两条壮汉二话不说，直接就把我按倒在地上，并且持续按了很久。到了办案中心，我才发现，他们的圆领T恤胸前印着“烙铁头”三个字。
有什么人权可言？
2022年5月28日，我和资兴看守所的146个人一起转移到郴州看守所。在“401”号监室里，由于我不愿蹲下，一个人渣趁我不备，抬手就是一巴掌打在我脸上。我毫不犹豫的一脚把他踹开，然后就是几个人渣对我群起殴之，我被迫奋起反抗。
没想到，一个被称为“李所”的人进来了以后，又是趁我不备一巴掌打在我脸上（我之前进过几个看守所，坐牢六年多了，没被警察打过）。在他走后，受到暗示和鼓励的一群（至少有七八个）人渣一拥而上，我再也没有了反抗的余地，直接被打倒。被打得头昏眼花，头痛欲裂，头上起了好几个包，只觉得天旋地转，摇摇欲坠。
李某辉副所长把我带到谈话室以后，我要求去治疗和检查一下伤势，被泠酷地拒绝。接着就要把我丢回“401”监室去。我说那就让他们打死算了。他说在我这里打死个人就和打死条狗一样。埋都不用埋，直接拉去焚尸炉烧掉就是了，我们这里离火化厂很近（我第一次知道我离焚尸炉这么近）。我只觉得头痛到了极点，好像马上就要炸裂一样，就和孙悟空被唐僧念紧箍咒，在地上疯狂打滚之后的情形一样。再加上急怒攻心，顿时栽倒在地。
李副所长叫人把我拖到了单间“6011”。我醒来发现被丢在水泥地板上，地上有一滩水，头挨着厕所坑，一双袜子被磨烂了。旁边有一张由水泥固定的木板单人床。
我的头连续几天头痛欲裂，头上的包很多天不见消肿。连续四天按报警，要求去医院检查身体被拒绝。绝食抗议了三天毫无成效。并且没有人承认我被打了。
有什么人权可言？！
2023年5月30日，我从资兴看守所“下队”到郴州监狱。到监狱的第一时间，就叫我们从资兴看守所送去的14个人，脱光衣服集体蹲在地上蛙跳。我不愿意，结果，在我被送达监狱的一个小时之内，我就被关进了收押中心二楼0.18平方米的铁笼子。那天室内温度35摄氏度，8个多小时，我只喝了一小汤匙水，没有吃任何东西，身上的衣服被汗浸湿透了好几次。
当晚又被关进了五楼的“高度戒备监区”，在0.7平方米的铁笼子里两个星期，每天待在铁笼子里15个小时以上。连续六天不准我洗澡；连续几天不准我喝水、上厕所。我绝食抗议了几天也无效。
姓梁的监区长当着十几个（被关铁笼子的有8人，加“绿马甲”好几个）人的面说：
“这个人（指我）给我关死一点，不要给他喝水，不要给他放水（指上厕所）。只要不让他死在这里就行了。”
于是，我愤而提出要求上“老虎凳”。不到两个小时，我的“愿望”就被满足了。上了老虎凳不到十分钟，我双手就肿起来了，头上的汗珠滚滚而下，很快就汇成了汗水的洪流。衣服也很快就湿透了。——由于老虎凳是为比我高十公分的人设计的，我是被拼命往前拉，费了很大的劲才把手铐上去的。我的状况，在围观的人看来很不妙。
几个小时后从老虎凳下来之后，连续五天，我的右手虎口麻木，大拇指不能正常活动。两个月后，大拇指还有被低电压电流连接的麻木感。
有什么人权可言？！
2023年6月8日，在一份监狱要求我填写的档案资料上，我写道：
“自从我5月30日来到郴州监狱之后，我没有被当作一个真正的人来对待。无论我作为一个自然人，还是一个被关押的犯人，或是一个政治犯，哪怕是一个罪大恶极的犯人，我都享有一个人最基本的人权。个体人格尊严是全人类整体人格尊严的一部份，人类的整体人格尊严是由每一个个体的人格尊严集合而成。监狱即使要达到某种“改造”人的目的，也不能以践踏和牺牲人类的人格尊严为代价。”
2023年6月25日，我被送往湖南省长沙监狱。我的两箱书不准带进去，就连只拿一本《唐诗三百首》和一本《四书章句集注》也被拒绝。美其名曰“零带入”——这是雷建华监狱长亲自改革的监管措施，是雷监狱长的权威的极致体现之一。和我同一天送到长沙监狱收押中心的一个42岁来自广西柳州的犯人，7月初就死了。我没有看到任何人承担相应的责任。在收押中心将近两个月，我们不准读书写字，我三次提出借阅书柜里的《史记》也遭拒绝。
2023年8月21日，我下队到了四监区以后，连续五天因为我不愿无缘无故的被命令蹲下，而被按在走廊上。为的是“杀鸡给猴看”。2023年8月27日，我因为拒绝被强制要求唱红歌，被犯人和警察先后殴打。监区最高大的谢某军警官一脚把我踢飞后说：“涉及到政治原因，打了也白打。不服你就去纪委告去检察院告，去监狱长那里去告，你去哪里告我都不怕！”
有什么人权可言？！
2023年8月29日，我由于不准上厕所，憋尿憋得太久，等到集体“放水”的时候，我一泡尿断断续续撒了20分钟才撒完。撒出来的尿像被切断成一截一截的。就在当天，我被警官口头作出惩罚：
每天上午、下午打开水的时候，只准给我打别人的1/3至1/2的份量；每天只准我上午、下午分别上一次厕所。庆幸的是，我遇到了稍有良知的“吴妈妈”，这个处罚没有被严格执行。一个星期后，让我恢复到完全按“规定”的规格打开水和放水。但每天只准打两次开水的规矩，直到我2024年10月29日回家也没有打破。我几乎每天上午和下午，都要在焦渴中等上两到三个小时才能喝上开水。哪怕前列腺炎有多严重，也得不到有效治疗。且在2023年8月21日至2023年12月30日期间，我和其他人“打报告”上厕所，总共只有8次，有5次被硬生生地挡了回来。
有什么人权可言？
简直是连动物都不如！
在长沙监狱服刑一年四个月，我只读了五本书，还没有在河源监狱一个月读的书多。因为我在长沙监狱要么是被禁止读书，要么就是根本没有时间和精力读书。我持续练了六年的书法之路被硬生生斩断，毛笔都没摸过。
正如我在写给雷监狱长的那封永远得不到回应的信里所写的，自从我的两箱书被挡在长沙监狱门外的那一刻起，我在长沙监狱里的服刑生涯就注意是一场恶梦！因为对于持续读了十几年书的我来说，如果有书可以读的话，哪怕身处地狱我也能够忍受；反之，即使是在天堂，如果禁止我读书的话，我也觉得是身在地狱之中。感谢长沙监狱教狱科，在2024年3月3日我被警察打了，投诉无门之后，3月8日给我转了一本弗朗西斯.福山先生的《政治秩序与政治衰败》，使我渐渐地活过来了。
在2024年8月份严格执行“9511”之前的一年一个月里，我们平均每周工作时间超过60个小时。
在2024年3月23日搬到长沙监狱新址以后，有一个多月，我们甚至被强制要求加中班（我本人加过一次，在170多个人的中队里，每天至少有几十个人被强制要求加中班）。一直以来，完不成任务的人，被各种各样的惩罚伺候。
在新址，为了追求所谓的“就餐秩序”，每天上午和下午收工之前，就让人把我们吃的用不锈钢盘子装的饭菜摆在不锈钢桌上，等我们吃饭的时候，饭菜基本上都是冰凉的。即使是在3月份，很多人因为身体不好，还穿着棉衣的情况下也是这样。我反映了多次，毫无改善。我记得，我们家十几年前养猪的时候，我家的猪都要吃热的猪潲，泠的根本不吃。
我做为一个人权捍卫者，却落到了连猪都不如的境地。
2020年谢文飞第二次坐牢前来杭州看望朱虞夫
有什么人权可言？
很多人会说，我们的监狱法第七条不是堂而皇之地规定了，要保障服刑人员的权利以及我们的人格尊严受到保护的吗？我相信，真正清醒的人都清楚，我们离法治社会还有（在短期内如果不是越来越远的话）很遥远的距离。
况且，我们的雷监狱长在大会上公开讲话时说，我们的身份是罪犯，是通常所说的“坏人”（关于这点我要严正抗议，并且在时机成熟之后要求雷监狱长公开承认错误）就是要接受惩罚的；而且长沙监狱已经太好了，好到了中国第一流、湖南第一的地步。再好的话，就会导致那些生活不如意的人，在狄更斯的指引下，来投奔长沙监狱了。雷监狱长在大会上还要求我们罪犯，要时时刻刻记住那墙上的“灵魂三问”——那是与“康德三问”完全悖反的东西。
因此，在雷监狱长的英明领导之下，在他的雷厉风行的淫威下，鲜有人敢去投诉的。即使投诉，就像我在被打之后，写给驻监检察官的信暨要求会见我的律师张磊律师要求申诉的信，遭到被当着我的面撕毁的下场。
在中国的监狱里，尤其是在我们长沙监狱里，不要再跟我提什么人权！
这就是长沙监狱掷地有声的宣言！
法国思想家伊佐说：
考察一国之文明程度，视其监狱管理制度可决也。
诚哉斯言！
——人权捍卫者谢文飞冒死书于2024年世界人权日
Writer: Xie, Wenfei
Editor: Wang, Gloria Chief Editor: Luo, Zhifei Proofreader: Li, Jie Translator: Liu, Fang
On World Human Rights Day, let me share the personal experiences of us, the defenders of human rights.
On the morning of April 29, 2020, I published “In Memory of LIN Zhao.” That night, two burly men in black, each weighing about 90 kilograms, ambushed me from a dark corner. When I tried to walk past, they tackled me to the ground without a word and held me down for a long time. When I was finally brought to the interrogation center, I saw that their T-shirts bore the words “Iron Head.”
On May 28, 2022, I was transferred with 146 others from Zixing Detention Center to Chenzhou Detention Center. In cell 401, because I refused to squat, one thug suddenly slapped me across the face. Without hesitation, I kicked him back, but then several others ganged up and beat me. I had no choice but to fight back.
Then a man known as “Director Li” entered and, taking advantage of my defenselessness, slapped me again (though I had spent over six years in prison before, no officer had ever struck me). After he left, a group of at least seven or eight inmates, emboldened by his signal, swarmed over me. I was knocked down, beaten until dizzy, with my head throbbing in pain and swelling in several places, the world spinning before my eyes.
Deputy Director Li Mouhui took me to the interrogation room. I requested medical treatment and examination for my injuries, but he coldly refused. He then ordered me back to cell 401. I said, “Then just let them beat me to death.” He replied, “Killing a person here is no different from killing a dog. We wouldn’t even need to bury you — we’d just throw you into the crematory nearby.” That was the first time I realized how close I was to the cremation furnace.
Deputy Director Li ordered men to drag me to isolation cell 6011. When I woke up, I was lying on the concrete floor next to a puddle of water, my head against a toilet pit, my socks torn. Beside me was a small wooden bed fixed into the cement.
For days my head throbbed with unbearable pain, the swellings showing no sign of subsiding. For four consecutive days, I pressed the emergency button requesting a hospital visit, but was denied each time. I went on a three-day hunger strike in protest, to no avail. No one acknowledged that I had been beaten.
What human rights can there be?!
On May 30, 2023, I was transferred from Zixing Detention Center to Chenzhou Prison. Upon arrival, the fourteen of us from Zixing were ordered to strip naked and squat-jump together. I refused. Within an hour of arriving, I was locked in a 0.18-square-meter iron cage on the second floor of the intake center. It was 35°C indoors. For over eight hours, I had only a spoonful of water and no food. My clothes were drenched in sweat several times.
That night, I was placed in the “high-security zone” on the fifth floor — inside a 0.7-square-meter cage for two weeks, confined there more than 15 hours a day. For six consecutive days I was denied showers; for several days, water and toilet access were also forbidden. My hunger strike changed nothing.
In front of a dozen people, Section Chief Liang said, “Lock this man (pointing at me) tighter. Don’t give him water, don’t let him use the toilet. Just make sure he doesn’t die here.”
Furious, I demanded to be put on the “tiger bench.” Within two hours, my “wish” was granted. After less than ten minutes on it, my hands were swollen, and sweat poured from my head like rain.
When I was finally released from the bench hours later, my right hand remained numb for five days; my thumb could not move normally. Even two months later, it still tingled as if connected to a weak electric current.
What human rights can there be?!
On June 8, 2023, on a form the prison required me to fill out, I wrote:
“Since arriving at Chenzhou Prison on May 30, I have not been treated as a human being. Whether as a natural person, a prisoner, or even a political prisoner—no matter how grave the alleged crime—I still possess the most basic human rights. The dignity of each individual is part of the dignity of all humankind. Humanity’s collective dignity is the sum of each person’s dignity. Even if the prison aims to ‘reform’ people, it cannot do so at the cost of trampling upon or sacrificing human dignity.”
On June 25, 2023, I was transferred to Changsha Prison in Hunan Province. I was not allowed to bring in my two boxes of books—not even a single copy of Three Hundred Tang Poems or The Four Books with Zhu Xi’s Commentary. They called it a “zero-carry-in” policy—one of Warden Lei Jianhua’s so-called “innovative reforms,” an extreme display of his authoritarian control.
A 42-year-old prisoner from Liuzhou, Guangxi, who arrived at the Changsha Prison intake center the same day I did, died in early July. No one took responsibility. For nearly two months in the intake center, we were forbidden to read or write. I requested three times to borrow a copy of Records of the Grand Historian from the bookshelf, and each time I was refused.
After being transferred to the Fourth Prison Division on August 21, 2023, I was forced to the floor in the corridor for five consecutive days because I refused to squat without cause—“to set an example for others,” as they put it. On August 27, 2023, I was beaten by both inmates and police officers after refusing to sing a propaganda “red song.” Officer Xie, the tallest in the division, kicked me hard and said: “Since this is political, hitting you doesn’t count for anything. If you’re unhappy, go report it—to the disciplinary committee, the prosecutor, or even the warden. I don’t care where you complain!”
What human rights can there be?!
On August 29, 2023, I was denied access to the toilet for so long that when the collective “release” time came, it took me 20 minutes to urinate in broken intervals, like something was being forcibly pinched off.
That same day, a police officer verbally punished me: I was to receive only one-third to one-half the amount of hot water others got during the morning and afternoon supply times, and I was allowed to use the toilet only once in the morning and once in the afternoon. Fortunately, a somewhat compassionate supervisor known as “Mother Wu” did not strictly enforce it. A week later, my water supply was restored to “standard levels,” but the rule of allowing only two servings of hot water per day remained unchanged until my release on October 29, 2024. Nearly every morning and afternoon, I had to wait in painful thirst for two or three hours before I could drink. Even though my prostatitis worsened, I received no medical treatment. Between August 21 and December 30, 2023, I formally requested permission to use the toilet eight times; five of those were flatly denied.
What human rights can there be? We were treated worse than animals!
In fourteen months at Changsha Prison, I read only five books—fewer than what I had read in a single month at Heyuan Prison. Either I was forbidden to read, or I was too exhausted and overworked to do so. My six years of calligraphy practice were completely severed—I didn’t even touch a brush once.
As I wrote in a letter to Warden Lei—a letter that never received a reply—the moment my two boxes of books were stopped at the prison gate, my entire sentence in Changsha Prison was doomed to be a nightmare. For someone who had been reading for over a decade, if I could have books, I could endure even in hell; but if reading were forbidden, even paradise would feel like hell. I thank the prison’s education office: after being beaten by the police on March 3, 2024, and finding no place to complain, they handed me Francis Fukuyama’s Political Order and Political Decay on March 8. That book gradually brought me back to life.
In the thirteen months before the strict enforcement of the “9511” work regulation in August 2024, we averaged more than 60 hours of labor per week.
After the prison relocated to its new site on March 23, 2024, for more than a month we were forced to work extra shifts—I did once myself. In a team of over 170 people, dozens were compelled to do so daily. Those who failed to meet quotas were punished in various ways.
At the new site, in the name of maintaining “dining order,” meals were placed on stainless steel trays long before we were allowed to eat. By the time we sat down, the food was always cold. Even in March, when many sick inmates still wore winter coats, this practice continued. I complained multiple times—to no effect.
I remember when my family raised pigs years ago—even the pigs refused to eat cold swill; they were always fed warm food. And yet, as a human rights defender, I was reduced to a condition worse than that of pigs.
In 2020, before his second imprisonment, Xie Wenfei came to Hangzhou to visit Zhu Yufu
What human rights can there be?
Many people might say, “Doesn’t Article 7 of our Prison Law clearly stipulate that the rights of prisoners and their human dignity must be protected?” But I believe that anyone truly awake knows how far we still are from a rule-of-law society—if we are not, in fact, drifting farther away from it. Moreover, our warden, Lei, once declared publicly at a general meeting that we were “criminals,” the so-called “bad people” (on this point I solemnly protest, and I will demand that Warden Lei publicly admit his mistake when the time comes). He said we are here to be punished—and that Changsha Prison is already “too good,” the best in China and the finest in Hunan.He even joked that if the prison got any “better,” the less fortunate in society would, under Dickens’s inspiration, voluntarily come seek refuge in Changsha Prison. At that same meeting, Warden Lei instructed us, the prisoners, to always remember the “Three Questions of the Soul” written on the wall—questions that are the complete opposite of Kant’s three philosophical questions.
Thus, under Warden Lei’s so-called “brilliant leadership” and his ruthless intimidation, few dared to file complaints. Even if one tried, the result would be the same as mine: after being beaten, I wrote a letter to the prison’s resident prosecutor and another to request a meeting with my lawyer, Zhang Lei, to file a complaint—both letters were torn up right in front of me.
In China’s prisons—especially in our Changsha Prison—don’t speak to me of human rights!
This is the thunderous declaration of Changsha Prison itself!
As the French thinker Alexis de Tocqueville once said: “The degree of civilization in a society can be judged by entering its prisons.” How true these words are!
— Written by human rights defender XIE, Wenfei, at the risk of his life, on World Human Rights Day, 2024.
© 1998–2026 在野党(Opposition Party).
